Brendan Howlin
Ceist:1. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if he raised any issues during the exchange with ECB President Mario Draghi at the most recent EU Council. [5691/17]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Taoiseach's Meetings and Engagements
Brendan Howlin
Ceist:2. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if his Department has prepared any position paper regarding Ireland’s concerns on Brexit for presentation to EU leaders at the Malta summit in February 2017. [5692/17]
Gerry Adams
Ceist:3. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the informal meeting of European Union Heads of State or Government held on 3 February 2017. [5891/17]
Darragh O'Brien
Ceist:4. Deputy Darragh O'Brien asked the Taoiseach if he had any bilateral meetings when in Malta on 3 February 2017; and the issues discussed. [6718/17]
Gerry Adams
Ceist:5. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach if he had discussions with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Theresa May, at the most recent informal meeting of European Heads of State or Government in Malta; and if so, the issues raised. [6912/17]
Bríd Smith
Ceist:6. Deputy Bríd Smith asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with EU leaders in Malta. [7019/17]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:7. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the meeting of the European Union Heads of State or Government in Malta on 3 February 2017. [7033/17]
Mick Barry
Ceist:8. Deputy Mick Barry asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the EU Heads of Government Summit meeting he attended in Malta recently. [7045/17]
Micheál Martin
Ceist:9. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the EU meeting in Malta; and if he had any bilaterals at same. [7051/17]
Micheál Martin
Ceist:10. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach if he has spoken to President Hollande recently; and his plans to visit Paris on a trade mission. [7056/17]
Joan Burton
Ceist:11. Deputy Joan Burton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting with EU Heads of Government in Malta. [7132/17]
Seán Haughey
Ceist:12. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Taoiseach the number of European leaders he has met since September 2016 regarding Brexit. [7134/17]
Gerry Adams
Ceist:13. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach the number of meetings he has held with Heads of State or Government on the issue of Brexit in the past six months; and the details of planned meetings in the next six months. [7354/17]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 13, inclusive, together.
I attended the summit of EU Heads of State and Government in Malta on 3 February, where the focus was on the future direction of the Union, in response to the various challenges we face, as well as on the migration situation. Like most member states, Ireland did not present a position paper but we participated fully in discussions at the summit, in the preparatory meetings and in the drafting of the text of the Malta declaration.
The summit included an informal meeting of the European Council in the morning, where we discussed the external aspects of migration and agreed the Malta declaration, and a meeting of the 27 Heads of State and Government, without the UK, in the afternoon, where we considered the renewal and future direction of the EU.
The discussions between the 27 EU Heads of State and Government were wide-ranging and took account of the various challenges we face, globally and in the context of the European Union. We agreed on the importance of our core values, that these are central to future peace and prosperity in Europe and that we need to remain unified. We also agreed on the importance of delivery for citizens and, in that context, the need to press ahead in areas of particular relevance, including jobs, growth and investment, as well as migration and security. As Deputies are aware, Ireland attaches particular priority to moving ahead on both the Single Market and the Digital Single Market and we will continue to push for ambitious approaches in these areas. We also spoke briefly about the follow up to European Council meetings and how better to explain and communicate what we do.
The exchanges at Valletta will feed into preparations for a meeting in Rome to mark the 60th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome on 25 March. The intention is to agree a paper there which will provide guidance for the EU in the period ahead.
We had an exchange on the European economy with ECB President Draghi at the December European Council, in which I participated but did not intervene. President Draghi spoke about the improved economic situation across the Union, but underlined the need to continue reform efforts. His view was that, while the statistics are better, many individuals have yet to feel the effects of recovery, and there is a need for them and for businesses to have confidence for the future.
I had a bilateral meeting with the Maltese Prime Minister, Joseph Muscat, in Valletta on Saturday, 4 February. Malta currently holds the rotating Presidency of the EU and this was my second recent bilateral meeting with the Prime Minister. Our discussions focused mainly on Brexit and the future direction of the European Union. I explained in some detail our particular concerns arising from Brexit and we exchanged views on the negotiations ahead.
Since September 2016, I have held bilateral meetings with the leaders of Spain, Poland and Cyprus, in addition to Malta and the UK. I also held bilateral meetings in Dublin with the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, and with Michel Barnier of the Commission's Brexit task force. My last bilateral meeting with President Hollande was in Dublin on 21 July 2016. There are no specific plans for a trade mission to France in the immediate future. At the informal summit in Malta, as at all meetings of the European Council, I met and engaged with my EU counterparts during the course of the summit and in the margins of the meetings.
We have nine questioners present. Members can be very brief or we could decide to take two blocks of 15 minutes.
Yes, two blocks. There are 13 questions.
Is that agreed? Agreed.
There is a variety of different questions. My first question relates to the ECB President Draghi. As the Taoiseach informed us, President Tusk invited Mario Draghi to deliver a brief intervention at the Council to get his views on economic recovery and the outlook for the European Union. We understand his view is that while there was a pick up in 2016 he warned that 2017 was fraught with the risks posed by both Brexit and the outcome of the US presidential election. Is the Taoiseach concerned at the recent remarks by the head of the US National Trade Council, Peter Navarro, specifically on Germany and his attack on Germany and the euro? He said the euro was gaining unfair trade advantage from being grossly undervalued. What is the Taoiseach's attitude to that statement and has he discussed it with any of his colleagues? Will he discuss it with his American colleagues, in particular with President Trump, because it is very undermining of our currency for that sort of remark to be made by such a senior member of the Administration in the United States?
In relation to the discussions in Malta, the Taoiseach has indicated that he did not circulate a position paper on Ireland's concerns on Brexit to the EU leaders summit in Malta in February. Why was that? What mechanism is the Government using to communicate our deep concerns about the impact of Brexit on this State to other European leaders? Has a common position paper for Ireland been circulated to make sure that everybody understands the detail of our concerns? What strategy has the Taoiseach employed to deal with the issue?
In relation to the potential outcome of the debate, the decision on the terms negotiated will ultimately be determined by the Council, by qualified majority voting. Ireland could be outvoted and we could be in a situation where we would have vehement opposition and yet have no blocking mechanism. Has the Taoiseach raised that potential with his colleagues and has any thought been put in here to ensure that, since no country is going to be affected in the way Ireland will be, at least the deal negotiated will be acceptable to us?
Mr. Draghi did point out the trends for the future as he saw them. Mr. Navarro raised the question about the status and strength of the euro with particular reference to Germany where the point was made about its exceptional trade balance and surplus. I am sure this has been the discussion point at some of the Ecofin meetings of the finance Ministers. From that perspective, the focus at the meeting following Mr. Draghi's intervention was to continue to do what Europe can do to improve output, productivity, growth and jobs.
The discussion of the 27 heads of state in Valletta concerned the future of Europe. It was not so much based upon Brexit since Article 50 has not yet been moved but what the agenda for Europe is at the moment. It is the Single Market, the digital single market, the capital markets union and how we deal with the question of migration. I made the point previously that not a single Libyan was among the 181,000 migrants who crossed the central Mediterranean passage from Libya, so Libya is a country of transit for people coming from the Horn of Africa and north Africa in general. These were all economic migrants who had paid for their passage to Europe and were being smuggled.
We have spoken to all the Heads of Government. Every Minister is dealing with their counterpart at Council level. They are all aware of the Border, the peace process, the common travel area-----
Has a particular dossier been given to them?
I will make a speech this afternoon setting out the vast majority of this. Hopefully, we will embellish after Friday when the all-island forum takes place in Dublin Castle.
I asked the Taoiseach this question earlier. I apologise for asking it again as I did not hear his answer. I asked him whether he has planned a White Paper. He knows that the British Government will trigger Article 50 in a few short weeks and that Prime Minister May's White Paper gives us some sense of the degree of impact her decision will have on all the people of this island. I welcome Friday's civic dialogue plenary session. The process has been very good, although I am disappointed by the cancellation of meetings in Northern Ireland. In particular, the sectoral meetings have been very helpful. Last week, the Taoiseach indicated in the context of the Assembly elections that he was concerned that holding sectoral meetings in Northern Ireland might leave the Government open to the accusation of interfering in the electoral process, but people in Northern Ireland read and listen to reports of what is happening in this State. Nonetheless the election will be over so is it the Taoiseach's intention to hold sectoral meetings following the election? I also want to ask the Taoiseach about a report in the media that the Government is looking at possible sites for customs posts along the Border. Can the Taoiseach confirm or deny that?
I want to raise briefly the case of Ibrahim Halawa. Yesterday, his trial was delayed once again. He has now been in prison for over three years. Can the Taoiseach give us an update?
A total of 400 migrant deaths have been recorded in the Mediterranean since January 2017. That is a huge amount of human beings. Over 5,000 people died in the Mediterranean last year. The Malta summit saw agreement on long-term co-operation measures with Libya and neighbouring countries but thousands of refugees are being held in Libya. Has the Taoiseach raised concerns about this humanitarian crisis with our European partners?
We made the point to them about the very frequent visits of our diplomatic service and a group led by the Ceann Comhairle and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to various locations to talk to ambassadors and the President of Egypt with whom I have had two or three conversations about Ibrahim Halawa. Deputy Adams is well aware of the background to this. Ibrahim Halawa is the only Irish national in prison and we want him to be released. A statement was issued following his meeting with an all-party group. I hope it can be brought to a conclusion fairly quickly. Hopefully, the President will use his pardon. I wish the court case would be held so that a decision could be made and Ibrahim Halawa could then be released home to his family and country.
The sectoral meetings have been a big advantage and a big help. Everything from transport to logistics to social welfare to pensions to hospitality was covered. I have no objection to having sectoral meetings in Northern Ireland after 2 March. The people of Northern Ireland will have made their choice then and I hope an Assembly and a working Executive can be put together. It is important that people, irrespective of their political differences, would focus on the future. Brexit will be a hell of a campaign in terms of negotiations.
Deputy Howlin raised the point about qualified majority voting, which is an issue. There are a number of small countries that are also affected, including the Netherlands and Denmark. They are concerned that qualified majority voting could be an issue if the case is not made well. This is why we are talking to all the leaders individually and that is why the Ministers are doing their business. It is so that everybody is aware of the impact on a country like Ireland. It has been pointed out by most of the economic reports that we will be the most adversely affected of any country.
I hope nobody is looking for sites along the Border. I have seen reports drafted by customs officials but I have an agreement with the British Government that there will be no return to the Border of the past and that means no customs posts along the Border. This is a British policy. It is not a technological issue. This is a political challenge. We do not want to see that happen because Deputy Adams knows the implications of that very well. We will not stand for any return to the Border of the past. We will make that case very strongly and clearly. Nobody I have met North or South wants to a return to that.
On 3 February 2017, the Taoiseach attended the EU meeting in Malta. What bilateral meetings did he hold, how many meetings did he hold over the course of that day and which heads of Government did he meet with? I am trying to get a sense of the progress the Taoiseach believes we are making within Europe on putting forward the unique position of Ireland post-Brexit, particularly in light of the fact that the British Government seems to have rejected out of hand the argument that Northern Ireland should be granted any special status. My party leader and I met yesterday with the UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, James Brokenshire, and very clearly told him that Fianna Fáil is most disappointed and gravely concerned with that turn of events. I am trying to get a picture as to how our EU colleagues are or are not supporting our position in advance of the negotiations. They have not yet started but this is the positioning. While we will be one of 27 member states, I want to make sure that we will not be left behind or part of the collateral damage that may occur post-Brexit. Fianna Fáil and I have stated that we remain firmly committed to the EU. We understand that there are unique issues between the UK and us such as a unique trading relationship and a special relationship in the context of the Good Friday Agreement.
I know the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade also mentioned the concerns regarding the unpicking of the Good Friday Agreement, particularly the human rights agenda. The Minister mentioned that last week and then seemed to change tack and take the British line on it, which is that there is no consensus in Northern Ireland for a bill of rights. I put it to the Taoiseach that we should be telling the British Government and our European partners that we will not accept any dilution of the Good Friday Agreement.
I agree with the Deputy. We will not accept anything less than full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and its successor agreements. As the Deputy is aware, it is an internationally and legally binding Agreement lodged in the United Nations.
I read out in my reply the number of bilateral meetings that I have had formally with different leaders. Obviously, at a European Council meeting of 27 or 28 member states, one meets most people but does not sit down for an informal or formal bilateral meeting with all of them. That is the same as at any other place I meet and talk to EU leaders.
I am now engaged in meeting each one of the leaders individually in order that they fully understand our problems in Ireland. That is why I had a formal meeting on the Saturday morning with Prime Minister Muscat, who understands that this is a political challenge in respect of the Border and Northern Ireland. He now understands the common travel area. Everybody in Europe appreciates that there is a peace process here. I visited Spain to talk to Prime Minister Rajoy. Spain also has an issue in Gibraltar, with which the Barnier task force must deal. Gibraltar is an issue between Spain and Great Britain. That is a bilateral between them. Obviously, the Spanish would have great difficulty in asking for special status for Ireland because Catalonia is an issue for Spain.
The point is that we have a particular set of circumstances. We have a special designation in terms of the peace process. There are special funds in respect of INTERREG and PEACE funds. There is so much other support and we want to build on that for the future. In my view, we already have special recognition and a special status that does not apply anywhere else. How can we expand that in the negotiations ahead? For instance, I met fishermen from all over the country last night. It is a very complex situation. We do not want fishing to be siloed or left on its own. It has got to be part of the food chain along with the agri-economy that is so important to us. Yet, the difficulties with the Common Fisheries Policy are extraordinarily complex. We do not want to be left in a situation in which a fishing fleet is removed from the exclusive waters of Britain, for instance, but has to put up with other people coming into the exclusive waters of Ireland. We are glad to have the support of Fianna Fáil. I hope that Deputy Micheál Martin and Deputy Darragh O'Brien will speak to their political colleagues in Europe to help make them aware of our particular circumstances in Ireland.
My question is about the Taoiseach's discussions in Malta with the EU leaders. I ask him to specifically comment on the deal that the European Union proposes to do with Libya for that country to take refugees. We have gone from doing a deal with Turkey to doing a deal with Libya. It gives the Libyan Government €200 million to hold on to refugees and stop them trying to cross the Mediterranean. I would like to know what the Taoiseach said in this discussion. Some time ago, he spoke in very flowery language about the reality and the record of Irish people dealing with refugees. The Taoiseach said:
It is in our history and personality and in our DNA in Ireland, having dealt with coffin ships after the time of the Famine and the Great Hunger. The humanitarian personality of Ireland is extraordinary.
I do not see anything extraordinarily humanitarian about this deal. In fact, both Amnesty International and Médecins sans Frontières are very critical of this regressive deal with Libya, which will force refugees into absolutely horrific anti-humanitarian circumstances in which they are starved, beaten and raped whether they are men, women or children. The record of the Libyan regime is absolutely appalling.
The Libyan regime is in tatters. There is a civil war taking place there at the moment with three rival governments trying to control a very desperate country. Our own record on taking refugees is not as the Taoiseach described. We have been appallingly miserable to refugees in the middle of a humanitarian crisis. We very recently returned €4 million to the EU that was allocated to us to help resettle migrants. We have 8,000 migrants - men, women and children - living in direct provision, which is a horrendously cruel system that needs to be challenged. I want the Taoiseach to comment on this latest deal. I do not know how to describe how EU leaders could even think of putting refugees into the hands of the Libyan state, given that it is in the middle of a civil war and given the reports coming back from our own Naval Service, which has helped to rescue people from the Mediterranean, of rape, brutality and total inhumanitarian treatment of those refugees in Libya itself. Mr. Donald Trump finds ways of keeping out refugees by building walls. We are keeping them out by sticking them into the hands of an absolutely terrorist regime.
It seems to be the Deputy's theory that one can move into a country and do what one wishes. There is no national government in Libya. As the Deputy pointed out, there are three entities vying for authority there. One of those entities is making valiant efforts to provide the basis of good government. I mentioned earlier that of the 181,000 people who came across the central Mediterranean passage from Libya, none of them were Libyan people. These are not refugees. They are all economic migrants. They are being smuggled across in boats to be picked up-----
Hang on. The Taoiseach cannot redefine people coming from a humanitarian crisis as economic migrants.
Excuse me. The official statistics show that these are all economic migrants. They have moved up through the horn of Africa to Libya to cross the Mediterranean. That is why we sent down our naval forces for the last couple of years. That is why they were able to rescue 15,600 men, women and children.
I think that is a disgraceful way of describing them.
What the European Union is now doing is working with a number of African countries in what they call compacts, where finance, training and assistance is given to these countries in terms of the coast guard, personnel training, in dealing with questions of the economy and in creating a basis for economic development. It is actually proving very successful. The point is-----
I asked the Taoiseach a question. What did the Taoiseach say about the deal with Libya?
Deputy Smith cannot keep interrupting.
He is not answering my question.
The Deputy cannot keep interrupting.
The Deputy seems to assume that the European Union can move into Libya and tell it to do what Europe likes.
I am asking the Taoiseach what he said about the deal.
There is no national government in Libya. Despite the fact that Europe provides significant moneys for training, this was discussed at the Malta meeting, it commits the EU to doing its utmost to stabilise the position in Libya in order that the Libyan people can have an opportunity to live their lives. It is vital that we assist the authorities in Libya, such as they are, to build their capacity and control their own land and sea borders in order that they can combat transit and smuggling activities. We remain committed as a European Union to political settlement under the framework of the Libyan political agreement, which the Deputy does not seem to want to recognise-----
-----and to supporting the presidency council and the government of the national accord, which is backed by the United Nations. I hope the Deputy supports that. Where possible, EU member states will step up co-operation with and assistance for the regional and local communities of Libya and with international organisations that arrive in the country.
There are two issues on which I have a number of questions. The first issue is the discussion with Mr. Mario Draghi. All recent data suggest that the European economy is showing some strength but faces very early threats. There has been an uptake in growth and the deflationary pressure of the last two years seems to have been overcome. That means that this year is going to be an incredibly important one, particularly when it comes to European Central Bank policy in response to these developments. It is likely to end much of its market intervention activity, thereby pushing up the costs of public borrowing and weakening the balance sheets of major companies. Taking these things together, I believe there is every reason that the Taoiseach should convey Ireland's concerns and position on these matters to Mr. Draghi. While the ECB council is fully independent in setting policy, there are no rules to say the Taoiseach cannot actually convey our views to it. Has the Taoiseach expressed an opinion to Mr. Draghi on European Central Bank policy or has he remained silent? Has Ireland expressed its concern that no sudden actions be taken that might damage this still-fragile recovery across Europe? Given the past policy of our banks, an increase in interest rates is likely to have a major impact on borrowers here. Is the Taoiseach taking any action in anticipation of rising interest rates?
With regard to the informal summit in Malta, the negotiations on Brexit will begin next week. I believe the Taoiseach has held bilateral meetings with about one third of the other leaders of the European Council. I would have thought that he would have held far more, given the gravity of the Brexit issue. I am not talking about conversational chats around the summit meetings. I am talking about formal bilaterals at which we can set out our concerns and priorities as a country. That is important. I put it to the Taoiseach that he needs to accelerate the levels of activity in conveying Ireland's key issues to the other EU Heads of State and Government, given the enormous impact of Brexit.
RTE reported last week that there is a widespread belief in Brussels that Ireland is complaining a lot in its analysis but is not coming up with concrete solutions or proposals. Is the Taoiseach in a position where he can bring forward concrete proposals from the Irish Government regarding the Brexit situation?
I will call Deputy Burton. Otherwise, we will not have enough time. Will Deputy Burton briefly pose a question?
I ask the Taoiseach about the pointed reference towards the end of his answer that there will be a special meeting of EU Heads of Government in Rome shortly which will celebrate the 60th anniversary of the European Union. I am concerned that the Italian Government has made it clear, both through the Prime Minister and its European Minister, that it proposes to reintroduce to the agenda of that meeting the notion of a two-speed Europe. The Taoiseach visited the Polish Prime Minister recently. He did not look very happy. It might have been the cold but it was probably that the Visegrad countries, of which Poland is a member, are extremely upset at the idea, to quote one of the Italian European Ministers, that when Britain has quit the EU it will be an opportunity to go back to the federalist integrationist model which, as the Taoiseach knows, some states see as core but with which states from the eastern side of the European Union in particular do not agree. In the context of Brexit, that means we will be caught like the proverbial meat in the sandwich.
I have spoken to the Taoiseach previously on two issues about which I have also written and spoken publicly in this House. First, we badly need a Minister for Brexit because the delegation of functions with regard to that is not adequate in the context of all the issues the Taoiseach has on his plate.
We are out of time, Deputy.
People are worried about that. Second, we need an all-Ireland, all-island special status. I have suggested to the Taoiseach that there is a model available from the Belfast Agreement and the peace process to do that. While there is a good deal of detailed work being done in different Departments, the Taoiseach does not have a strategic approach.
Where is the Taoiseach's outline of his major speech that he referenced in the reply? Is that speech to be delivered here on the floor of the Dáil or will it be delivered in some other venue? If it will not be delivered to the Dáil, we need to be made aware of that.
I am sorry but the Taoiseach has no time to respond. We will move on to the second group of questions.
I will respond to Deputy Burton later. I will be delivering that today outside the House and the Deputy will get a copy of it.
It is in the next group of questions as well.
Brexit Issues
Micheál Martin
Ceist:14. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach the number of officials in his Department that are working full time on Brexit specific issues; his plans to increase the number of staff that are working on Brexit full time in his Department; and if there will be experts on trade agreements and legal experts employed or outsourced. [5771/17]
Joan Burton
Ceist:15. Deputy Joan Burton asked the Taoiseach the restructuring plans in his Department to deal with Brexit; the way these changes will relate to other Departments, particularly the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade; and the reporting relationships and recruitment plans for same. [5812/17]
Gerry Adams
Ceist:16. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the Brexit stakeholder group in his Department; and if he will provide details of its participant organisations. [6911/17]
Gerry Adams
Ceist:17. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach the number of staff working exclusively on Brexit issues within his Department; and if he will report on departmental restructuring that may be required in view of the Article 50 negotiations. [6913/17]
Seán Haughey
Ceist:18. Deputy Seán Haughey asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the Cabinet Committee on Brexit and the frequency with which it meets. [7135/17]
Michael Moynihan
Ceist:19. Deputy Michael Moynihan asked the Taoiseach the frequency with which the Cabinet Committee on Brexit meets. [7365/17]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 14 to 19, inclusive, together.
Brexit is being treated as a crucial cross-cutting, whole-of-Government issue. In my own Department, I have implemented significant restructuring by creating an amalgamated international, EU and Northern Ireland division under a second Secretary General. This restructuring brings responsibility within my Department for relevant international issues together in a single integrated division. This division supports the Cabinet committee on Brexit and EU Affairs and manages the overall co-ordination of Brexit issues across Government. There are 31 staff working in this division, including a small number of people seconded from outside the Department. The resources of the division are kept under review. While the staff in this division deal with a wide variety of issues, Brexit is an increasingly significant factor across the division.
Work on Brexit is also supported by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Flanagan, and his Department, which now has a greater role in EU matters overall, with a newly created EU division and the existing division dealing with Anglo-Irish affairs both having important roles to play. Across Government, relevant Departments, agencies and overseas missions are being strengthened to deal with Brexit. More generally, each Department continues to have lead responsibility for Brexit issues relating to its departmental remit. There is a broad range of overall co-ordination and consultation structures across Government, including the Cabinet committee and supporting senior officials group, and a wide range of working groups are in place. Arrangements for handling Brexit are in place in each Department and resources have been allocated where needed.
The Brexit stakeholder group, which was set up pre-referendum as an information sharing forum, last met in October 2016. Since then we have broadened our stakeholder consultation and engagement through the all-island civic dialogue process, which began with a plenary session on 2 November. The second plenary session takes place this Friday, 17 February. Between these two plenary meetings, 14 sectoral meetings examining specific policy areas in greater detail will also have taken place. Members of those groups have been involved in these dialogues. This consultation process allows the Government to listen to, and to capture, the views of those most directly affected by the impact of Brexit from across the island in advance of formal negotiations.
The Cabinet committee on Brexit meets on a regular basis to deal with Brexit related issues. The last meeting of the Cabinet committee took place on 26 January.
It seems to me that one of the great difficulties is that each individual Minister is dragged left, right and centre in respect of their own portfolio and that there is a very strong case for a Minister who would be exclusively focused on the Brexit issue and putting together the various strands that are vital to a successful negotiation from Ireland's perspective in terms of Brexit and the engagement with various sectors. For example, serious issues arise in the fishing and maritime sector given that, with regard to quite a number of species of fish, up to 60% to 70% of the catch is in British waters. Post Brexit, that has obvious implications for many of our coastal communities if something is not done about it.
Recently, I met with the Irish Thoroughbred Breeders Association and it appears there has been no interaction with what is one of our world class industries which creates a huge amount of employment across rural Ireland in a sustainable way but which exports 80% of horses to the United Kingdom. Up to two weeks ago there had been no interaction with such an important industry in terms of the impact of Brexit on that industry.
There is a lot of activity taking place but some of the meetings are hastily convened. Some people got only a week's notice of the one next Friday. The content, substance and quality of the meeting is more important than just having the meeting and inviting everybody to it. I put it to the Taoiseach that he needs to build up more confidence among people with regard to Brexit and also, in terms of the gravity of it, among the public. I have said previously that I believe a huge opportunity was lost during the recent budget debate to convey that gravity.
Thank you, Deputy. We are running out of time.
That is in contrast to the debate on the British budget which eloquently articulated the impact it will have on Britain.
I hope to set out this afternoon the main points on which we intend to follow up. They are the four main areas we have identified, namely, jobs and the economy, the Northern Ireland peace process, the common travel area and our place in Europe. This morning, we announced a further 500 jobs which have come to Ireland. Those people will be employed over the next couple of years, and there are more jobs to follow.
I take Deputy Martin's point about the fishing industry whose representatives I met last evening. The Deputy has seen the maps, the graphs and the figures in respect of the catch, both by volume and value, for Ireland of approximately 38%, which is significant. They are very worried that because the way the Common Fisheries Policy was drafted many years ago, which is very complicated, and the many layers contained therein, we cannot trade one section for another just like that. We regard that element as being an absolute priority along with the agrifood sector. I am sure the Deputy will agree that we should not separate those sectors.
Clearly, in a hard Brexit where Britain has left the European Union, its exclusive waters would entitle it to substantial quotas. That would put pressure on the industry here because of access in European waters. These issues must be taken in the round with the other areas of the economy. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Flanagan, has met everybody in this regard.
We have had 11 sectoral dialogues on education, agrifood, transport, tourism, children, young people, jobs, enterprise and innovation. There are three further all-island sectoral dialogues being hosted on energy, heritage, culture, rural Ireland, pensions, social welfare rights, social insurance, human rights, the Good Friday Agreement, seafood, agriculture and forestry. Clearly the industries of rural Ireland will be taken into account. I have to say those sectoral discussions have been very worthwhile because most people who have attended have real experience of the area in which they are working and their points are valid and must be taken into account. It is all building up a compendium of voices of Ireland in respect of their sectors and businesses and how we will have to deal with this. Believe me, it will not be a simple challenge. We await the triggering of Article 50 and the letter of clarification to the European Commission from the British Government.
While the Taoiseach and Deputy Micheál Martin were speaking, I had a chance to research what people have said about this enormous development in European policy. The German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, the Taoiseach's friend, has allied herself to the cause. Recently, she stated we have certainly learned from the history of recent years that there will be a European Union with different speeds and not all will participate every time in all steps of integration. The Italian Minister with responsibility for Europe stated they want to have a core shared by everyone and specific policies on which certain countries can move ahead without other countries imposing a veto. In the normal course of events this would be simply the old dispute between the old core European countries and newer countries. The Taoiseach stated that recently he visited Poland. They want less Europe and the older core countries want more Europe, but we are becoming the meat in the sandwich. What is our status with regard to Brexit? The core countries are making it clear that once Britain is gone they will move to have a two-speed European model. Has the Taoiseach even had a discussion in Cabinet on this major European policy development-----
Thank you, Deputy.
-----at a time when Brexit is probably the greatest issue that has arisen for Ireland since the collapse of the banking system in 2008.
Thank you, Deputy.
It is a real challenge. I appreciate many officials and Departments are doing a lot of work, but listening to the profusion this week it does not seem the Taoiseach is properly in charge of it.
Deputy, if we do not give the Taoiseach a chance to answer we will not be able to hear what his thoughts are.
I have dealt with the fishing industry in respect of the question from Deputy Martin.
Germany has always had that view. There has always been a difference of opinion between northern European countries and southern European countries. Everybody knows that. In the justice area we have opt-in and opt-out, with countries in Schengen and not in Schengen. Europe is not homogenous, with everything applying to everybody in the same way. The Deputy knows this. The question of the Single Market has been under discussion for more than 20 years, and it is the same with the digital single market.
No country has left the EU in 43 years.
Where we have digital borders they are an obstacle to jobs, productivity, growth and output, which is why Europe has failed to measure up against the United States for many years. Has this been discussed at the European Council in the context of Brexit? No, because Article 50 states negotiations cannot be started until it is triggered. Believe me, the point is that it is at that table the political decisions will be made. Has the question come up around the European Council table that we want to have a two-speed Europe? No, it has not.
It will come up in Rome. The Taoiseach has just said it himself.
Of course, and there are comments all over the place about it, but the decision-making in respect of Brexit is made by the European Council and the proposals to come before the European Council will be brought forward through the Barnier task force on which Ireland is represented by the Minister, Deputy Flanagan, the Minister of State, Deputy Eoghan Murphy, and all the others who are working very hard.
Who is the Irish person who has the leading role in representation on that? We never heard.
Mr. Tadhg O'Brien is the gentleman's name. He is a good official and he takes careful note of all the issues that come up, which is very important.
Yesterday, the Minister Foreign Affairs and Trade met the British Secretary of State, James Brokenshire. The same Secretary of State last week voted against protecting the Good Friday Agreement. According to news reports, he told the Minister, Deputy Flanagan, the North will not be given special status after Britain leaves the European Union. What is the Government view of this latest put-down? Perhaps it is not a put-down, given the Government has yet to ask for a special status for the North. I note in the Taoiseach's response to Teachta Burton he stated quite rightly that the EU is not a homogenous unit, which of course is correct. There is space for a tailor-made special designated status for the North in the European Union but only if the Taoiseach asks for it. The big flaw in the Government's case is it has yet to ask for it. It is the only reasonable alternative to the British position.
I warned the Taoiseach three weeks ago the British approach to Brexit will destroy the Good Friday Agreement. The British dismissed it, as did the Taoiseach, who quotes all the soft words he hears, but the fact is the British Government is intent on doing away with the European Convention on Human Rights, the oversight of the European Court of Human Rights and the Human Rights Act. It has blocked the bill of rights. The Government has not brought forward the all-island charter of rights. This is why the Conservatives, the DUP, the UUP and UKIP all voted against any protections for the Good Friday Agreement in the Brexit negotiations. The British Prime Minister is not listening to the Taoiseach. She is ignoring him. What is the Government's response to this huge threat to an agreement of which it is an equal guarantor and which has delivered almost 20 years of peace and improved economic conditions for all of the people of the island?
The Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Flanagan, met the Secretary of State, Mr. Brokenshire, yesterday. The Minister has been absolutely clear in his stance on this. We do not want to see any diminution of the Good Friday Agreement or its successor agreements. We stand as co-guarantor in terms of full implementation of those agreements and the Minister, Deputy Flanagan, has articulated this on many occasions. What Deputy Adams refers to as special status means, I believe, from his perspective, that Northern Ireland remains in the European Union while Northern Ireland as a member of the United Kingdom leaves the European Union. These two things are not compatible.
Why not?
It is because Northern Ireland voted as part of the United Kingdom. While as an entity it voted to stay, how do we expect the United Kingdom, which includes Northern Ireland, to leave the European Union and yet Northern Ireland is to stay as part of the European Union?
It is the same as Denmark and Greenland.
The point has been well recognised by the British Government, as articulated by me and the Minister, Deputy Flanagan, on so many occasions. We have special recognition and special circumstances and we are unique in a European sense. As the Deputy knows, I have pointed out on many occasions the peace process, PEACE funds and INTERREG funds add up to recognition in Europe of Ireland's particular case. Michel Barnier, the head of the Brexit task force, has as one of his four priorities dealing with the Northern Ireland issue, the Border, trade and the implications for the Good Friday Agreement. We will not stand for any diminution of the Good Friday Agreement. The Minister, Deputy Flanagan, articulates this every time he meets his counterparts. The Good Friday Agreement is an internationally legally binding agreement, lodged with the UN, voted for by people North and South and supported overwhelmingly at a time Britain was not contemplating leaving the European Union. This is a political issue we need to address. For our part we will be very strong in defence of the Good Friday Agreement. Why would we not be? Did not the people vote for it?