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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 29 Mar 2017

Vol. 944 No. 3

Northern Ireland: Statements

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire, an tAire Stáit agus na Teachtaí go léir. I call the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charles Flanagan, to make a statement under Standing Order 45. The Minister has 15 minutes.

I am pleased to have the opportunity to update the House on the Irish Government's engagement in Belfast with the Northern Irish parties and the British Government over the past number of weeks and to give consideration as to how all participants in the process can move on from here and ensure that a devolved power-sharing Government is reinstated and restarted at the earliest opportunity. The imperative, under the Good Friday Agreement, is an obligation on everybody to ensure that the devolved power-sharing institutions are established, running and operating for the benefit of the people of Northern Ireland. The re-establishment of the institutions and the restoration of power sharing is in the interest of all the people in Northern Ireland.

I want to acknowledge in the House the sad passing of Martin McGuinness last week. I wish to extend my sympathies once again to his wife, Bernie, and to his family at this time of sadness. As I have said elsewhere, Martin McGuinness and I come from very different political traditions but in his embrace of the politics of peace and reconciliation, he made an immense personal contribution to that process, founded on the Good Friday Agreement. Ar dheis Dé go raibh a ainm.

As co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, both Governments have an important role to play in supporting the effective operation of the devolved institutions and in upholding both the letter and the spirit of the Agreement as a whole in the interest of all in Northern Ireland. Following the Assembly elections on 2 March, I spoke with party leaders in Northern Ireland and with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, James Brokenshire, MP. The Taoiseach also spoke to the Prime Minister, Theresa May, MP. Both Governments agreed that an intensive effort would be required by all, in accordance with their roles and responsibilities, in order to re-establish the power-sharing Executive.

To that end, on 6 March talks commenced in Stormont Castle, the headquarters of the Executive office. Two areas for immediate discussion were focused on, addressing outstanding issues including the implementation of past agreements and addressing the legacy of the past, and the formation of a new power-sharing Executive. Both parts of the discussions were understood and accepted by all involved as essential and interdependent. I spent much of the last three weeks participating in the talks in Stormont Castle on behalf of the Government. Officials from my Department were there for the entire duration, as well as their colleagues from the Department of the Taoiseach and senior officials from the Department of Justice and Equality.

In the discussions all political parties showed a willingness to engage on the key issues. All five parties made a meaningful contribution and showed a serious intent in their engagement and the tone of the interaction was cordial and at all times respectful. In addition to the relevant routine governance issues relating to the establishment of the Executive, the talks also addressed more challenging matters arising from unimplemented commitments of previous agreements. They included such issues as the Irish language and a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland. In spite of three weeks of intensive engagement in Belfast, it did not prove possible before Monday's deadline for the political parties in Northern Ireland to reach agreement on these issues nor on the establishment of a power-sharing Executive. This absence of agreement on the establishment of an Executive is extremely disappointing, most importantly for those across Northern Ireland who look to the Assembly and the Executive not only for representation but also for good governance. In this challenging context, it is important to reaffirm that the Good Friday Agreement remains the agreed template for the political process in Northern Ireland and the Government remains fully committed to ensuring its principles and provisions are fully respected. In this regard, we will be consulting closely with the British Government in the days and weeks ahead.

I acknowledge the positive engagement and courteous co-operation of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, James Brokenshire, who worked constructively with me during the course of the talks in recent weeks. While there may be areas where our perspectives differ, the two Governments are united in the objective of seeing effective devolved power-sharing government up and running in Northern Ireland that is consistent with the electoral mandates and in accordance with the Good Friday Agreement. While it was disagreement on a number of key issues that precluded an overall agreement between the parties on forming a new Executive, I am confident that all parties are committed to the integrity of the devolved power-sharing institutions. These are a vital part of the interlocking institutions established by the Good Friday Agreement which also accommodate the wider North-South and east-west relationships. Effective operation of the North-South and east-west institutions is particularly crucial in the context of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union. The absence of agreement on establishing an Executive is deeply concerning in that it creates a vacuum in devolved government in Northern Ireland in the very week when the Article 50 notification is presented by the British Government to leave the European Union. This has profound consequences for the island of Ireland, to which as a Government we are facing up, as are individuals, businesses, groups and communities throughout Ireland, North and South. The Government’s all-island civic dialogue is also a central strand of our approach to preparing for and managing the impact of Brexit and further such consultative dialogue is planned in the days and weeks ahead.

The Government will continue to advocate very strongly for Northern Ireland's interests to be protected as we continue our preparations and get ready to commence our participation in EU-UK negotiations as a committed EU member state. However, there is and can be no substitute for an Executive speaking with one voice on these critical issues of crucial importance not only to Northern Ireland but also throughout the island of Ireland. In this context, I acknowledge that during the course of the recent talks there was a wide measure of agreement between the parties on the need for the Northern Ireland Executive to articulate a strong common position on Brexit. The North-South Ministerial Council has had a strong Brexit focus in the past year, working to identify impacts, risks, opportunities and contingencies for the island arising from the United Kingdom's departure. Last November it agreed a detailed set of common principles to guide future work between the Government and the Northern Ireland Executive. I want this collaborative work to continue, but it can only do so following the formation of an Executive in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland's needs must also be articulated in London, as its negotiators prepare Brexit compromises. I also believe it will have a powerful impact on other EU leaders for them to hear directly from the leaders of Northern Ireland. This is best done by a cohesive and inclusive power-sharing Executive.

During the course of the last three weeks some encouraging progress was made in a number of areas. They include the preparation of a proposed budget for the Executive in Northern Ireland and a draft programme for government, but I specifically mention the work done in dealing with the painful legacy of the past. I am conscious that victims and survivors are long overdue some evidence of delivery on these matters and determined efforts were made during the past three weeks by the two Governments and the parties to further develop and agree the detail of how the Stormont House legacy bodies might be implemented. The Government remains committed to positive and proactive engagement with the British Government and the parties in Northern Ireland on the delivery of the Stormont House institutions and the reform proposals of the Lord Chief Justice on legacy inquests.

When it was clear that an agreement to form an Executive would not be reached, I held a further discussion on Monday morning in Belfast with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. We agreed on the imperative of continued devolved power-sharing government in Northern Ireland, which is at the core of the political institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. I welcome the Secretary of State’s confirmation in the House of Commons yesterday that the British Government did not want to see a return to direct rule. It is important to be clear that there is no statutory provision at Westminster for direct rule, following its removal - supported by the Irish Government - as part of the St. Andrews Agreement more than ten years ago. Following the intensive discussions of recent weeks and despite the failure to meet Monday’s deadline, I remain firmly convinced that all parties in Northern Ireland wish to see the devolved institutions restored. The only route to that goal is through continuing respectful dialogue that recognises the need for honouring previous commitments and honourable compromise now.

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland who has statutory responsibility for the next steps has indicated that a short additional window of time may be available to find an agreed basis for the re-establishment of the Executive. In the immediate days ahead I expect to be in touch with him to finalise the details for these additional but finite discussions. In these urgent circumstances and with time in short supply, all concerned must redouble their efforts to achieve the re-establishment of power-sharing government in Northern Ireland which is so plainly in the interests of all citizens, not only those in Northern Ireland but also throughout the island of Ireland, having regard to the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union and other issues of national importance to us. The Government will continue to play its part in meeting its commitments under the Good Friday Agreement, encouraging others to meet theirs and seeking to facilitate a climate of compromise and accommodation that is always required if any negotiation is to be successful.

I am sharing time with Deputy Declan Breathnach.

I extend my sympathy to the Sinn Féin Party and the family of the late Martin McGuinness on his sad passing. Last Thursday I attended his funeral which was a powerful testimony to his contribution to politics, particularly in the past two decades.

In the nearly two decades since the victory of democratic politics on this island we have faced many moments of truth. The process of reaching and implementing an agreed future was never going to be easy. However, many of the barriers to progress which we have faced were not inevitable. They involved key participants stepping away from both the spirit and the detail of different agreements. They have directly frustrated the will of the people of Ireland that their representatives move beyond old fights to focus on the urgent economic, social and cultural issues of today.

One of the most destructive strategies adopted by certain parties has been to always manoeuvre to place blame on others. As they never accept their contribution to reinforcing distrust and undermining progress, we have been constantly caught in a cycle of denial, distrust and crisis. We have now had two Assembly elections in one year. We have had three parties refuse to serve in the Executive because of the behaviour of the DUP and Sinn Féin in systematically excluding them from information and negotiations. We have also had Sinn Féin withdrawing from the Executive because of a refusal to establish an inquiry which has actually been established. No more manoeuvring is possible. The two largest parties either agree to create an Executive or the entire foundation of the agreed institutions could fall.

Fianna Fáil has for a number of years been consistent in pointing to the dangers posed by the behaviour of the two parties in government. For some time this was angrily denied by them and their cheerleaders, but the gross dysfunction of how they have run the Executive meant that reaching a deep impasse was inevitable. They have consistently failed to show respect for the core principles of the agreement and, in particular, the requirement that the Executive operate in an open and inclusive manner.

While this has been happening, deep problems have been allowed to escalate. Northern Ireland has the highest poverty rates on these islands. The crisis in its health service gets worse every year. The numbers of sectarian incidents have increased, as have the numbers of shootings and beatings by paramilitary thugs.

The British Government is moving forward with the historically destructive Brexit process with no political leadership speaking for the people of Northern Ireland. Enough time has been wasted. Years, rather than weeks or months, have been wasted. It is time to stop manoeuvring and start delivering for the people of Northern Ireland.

It is instructive that the cash for ash scandal has been referred to less and less in reports about negotiations. It was never the real cause of the collapse and addressing it now is not difficult. Given how fast the inquiry is likely to be completed and how the Sinn Féin Minister for Finance established it and set its terms of reference, calls for an independent investigation have obviously been met. If some extra guarantees are required to demonstrate that the DUP leader cannot interfere with the inquiry these should be relatively easy to put in place. What is needed is not just an agreement for the next few weeks, but for the next four years. A series of specific issues must be addressed if the past cycle of inaction and crisis is to be broken. First, there must be a clear commitment by all involved to fully implement past agreements. These are not optional extras; they are formal and binding agreements. Equality legislation, an Irish language Act and other measures are core parts of the architecture of the settlement. It is true that Deputy Adams caused considerable trouble when he referred to the equality agenda as “the Trojan Horse of the entire republican strategy”, and because he is only ever dismissive of criticism he has refused to withdraw this comment. However, the equality agenda is not a party or sectarian agenda, rather it is about protections which will be in place irrespective of who forms the majority in the years ahead.

In fully implementing the agreements the DUP and Sinn Féin must also address those areas where they have jointly agreed to ignore commitments. The Civic Forum was shut down by them and must be restored, especially to provide outreach to politically marginalised communities. The requirement to share information and have inclusive discussions must be honoured. Respecting the mandates of others is not an option. The duopoly they have operated ignores nearly half of the population and must end.

The next element of a lasting agreement is for a new programme for government which shows a commitment to ambitious action on Northern Ireland's deep social and economic problems. The financial reality is that there are limits to what can be implemented, but there are no limits on undertaking proper planning and showing what can be done with the right support.

There will be no stable Executive unless the two Governments understand that their decision in 2011 to take a hands-off approach to the North has been disastrous. The basic analysis that the parties in Northern Ireland had to be left alone was and remains flawed. The two Governments play an essential role in creating the environment for constructive dialogue. They were never intended to be external observers, rather they are supposed to be full participants in shaping a positive future for Northern Ireland with the Good Friday Agreement being a starting point not a conclusion. On a related point, any new agreement which can last must address the continued failure to engage properly in the North-South dimension of the Agreement. There has been no progress at all in the review and expansion of formal North-South bodies. This is partly because of our Government’s stepping back and failing to demand progress, Crucially, the Executive has adopted an approach of doing as little as possible. This co-operation threatens no one and simply offers communities on both sides of the Border access to improved services and economic development. The final element of a new agreement which can last is that it must address the critical issue of Brexit. Irrespective of the DUP’s position in the referendum, Northern Ireland is facing a large and permanent economic threat. The hard Brexit for all policy from London is the worst possible scenario for Northern Ireland. The absence of the Executive in recent months has seen Northern Ireland nearly disappear from the Brexit agenda in London. The White Paper explicitly insists on a one-size-fits-all approach being imposed on the devolved administration. The London Government has not even been willing to commit to retaining the place of the European Convention on Human Rights in Northern Ireland’s courts, which is surely one of the easiest commitments it could give.

In fact, the interests of Northern Ireland have been so marginalised that it did not even merit a direct mention in the detailed Brexit policy outlined by the UK Labour Party last week. Northern Ireland and the whole of this island needs the Northern parties to agree a Brexit agenda which seeks special status where possible and achieves recognition in London and Brussels for the fact that every permanent resident of Northern Ireland will retain the right to full EU citizenship after Brexit is complete.

The Assembly election did not fundamentally change the structure of Northern Irish politics. No party changed its support by more than 3.9%, while an undeniably bad result for the DUP saw it lose only 1.1%. Just as the core support levels are largely intact, the problems which caused the early election are also largely intact. This is not about one party or one individual; it is about a wider series of problems which must be addressed if the potential for real economic and social progress in Northern Ireland is to begin to be realised.

We need full implementation of agreements, a respect for the mandates of all parts of the community and not just two parties, a programme for government which addresses poverty, a health system in crisis and other entrenched issues, the Governments to once again become partners in Northern Ireland’s development, a new commitment to North-South co-operation, and an urgent commitment to a united approach to reducing the damage which will be caused by Brexit. Enough time has been wasted. There has been enough political manoeuvring. Now is the time for the Governments and for the parties to get on with working on behalf of the people.

I dtús báire, déanaim comhbhrón le muintir Martin McGuinness agus le Sinn Féin agus leis an Teachta Gerry Adams faoi bhás a chara.

I thank the House for the opportunity to speak as spokesperson on North-South bodies and cross-Border co-operation and Vice Chairman of the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. I have spent my political career in local government and, now, in this House endeavouring to encourage people on all sides to work in peace and harmony in the interests of future generations who will not thank us for not finding solutions to the crisis.

The rudderless leadership in Northern Ireland is most disturbing. We all know that where a vacuum exists, volatility, and even violence or unrest, is never too far away, especially for those who would prefer uncertainty and disturbance. The situation is especially acute given the continued uncertainty around passing a budget. The Civil Service is now running the North's finances. Mr. David Sterling has taken control of finances in Stormont due to the failure to pass a budget. He has written to each of the Departments to set out their spending limits and is now controlling the equivalent of 75% of the entire year's budget. If no budget is in place by the end of July, he can spend up to 95% of the budget. In effect, this would mean a 5% reduction in spending across Northern Ireland's public services. Brexit compounds and further exacerbates these problems. Northern Ireland is the most exposed part of these islands, with no leadership to protect its interests.

As a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, the Irish and British Governments must add greater impetus to reaching a solution to reactivate the Assembly before the deadline set by Mr. James Brokenshire, MP, of 17 April. While not wishing to lecture others, it is the responsibility of Sinn Féin and the DUP to recognise their responsibilities, step up to the plate, put aside their differences and govern in the common good. A fresh election will create further scepticism and cynicism on the part of those who want good governance. The cash for ash scandal is only part of a deeper malaise and adds to the perennial crisis in which Northern Ireland finds itself.

The process of any democracy is, as the Minister said, about respecting the other view of the world and working in peace and harmony to serve the people of their constituency. It is past time that this mutual respect transcended party differences. The parties need to get on with delivering for the all-Ireland economy. The momentum generated by the Fresh Start agreement has been allowed to dissipate into more bickering. The Irish Government has an important role to play in driving forward re-engagement, holding the British to their pledges and working towards justice for the victims of the Troubles.

Today will be described as "May day" in the context of Britain's exit from the EU. It will give rise to serious and common problems to be overcome on this entire island. I call on the Unionist population to engage in the dialogue needed to create common solutions on an all-Ireland basis in the interests of future generations that will look back and see real leadership in building an all-Ireland economy, providing stability, growth and job opportunities.

Michelle Barnier, in a speech on 22 March, said, "Unity does not mean uniformity. Unity is the first condition for reaching an agreement in any negotiations."

Ar dtús báire, ba mhaith liom cúpla focal a rá faoi Martin McGuinnness. This month’s negotiations are the first major negotiation that Martin McGuinness was not part of. From 1972, through the back channels to the British Government in 1981, again in 1989, through our efforts in the 1990s to build a peace process and an alternative to armed actions, to the IRA cessations, and until a few short months ago, Martin was always there. His was a steady hand on the tiller of the negotiations. He was Sinn Féin’s chief negotiator for almost three decades. At the start of this year he was forced to step aside due to ill-health and as we know he died last week. His wife Bernie and the McGuinness family are very grateful for all the messages of support they received. I thank the Ceann Comhairle especially for directing that the national flag be flown at half-mast. Thanks also to all Teachtaí who spoke in positive tones about Martin. I should also tell the House what a woman asked me in Derry during Martin’s funeral. “Why”, she asked, “did they wait until he died before saying nice things about Martin in the Dáil?” In January, Martin resigned as Deputy First Minister because of the RHI scandal. This involves the loss, without proper explanation so far, of £500 million of taxpayers' money. This misgovernance and the possibility of fraud or corruption, as alleged by a former DUP Minister, had to be challenged. The level of disrespect and contempt from the DUP within the institutions, and its refusal to honour commitments made in previous negotiations, also played its part. Martin set the tone of the negotiations when he said that there can be no return to the status quo.

Over the past three weeks I met many times with the DUP. Bhí ár gcruinnithe cordial go leor. However, it also became clear very early on in the talks that the DUP was not up for implementing the accords that it had previously agreed with us and the two Governments. It was equally clear that it was not prepared to move on other issues that it has consistently blocked. For example, the DUP has blocked an Irish language strategy and an Acht na Gaeilge from even being discussed by the Executive for years now. This was highlighted two months ago when the High Court in Belfast ruled that the Executive was at fault for not having an Irish language strategy. Instead we have had to put up with "curry my yogurt" insults from senior DUP leaders along with cuts to Irish language projects, including in the Department of Education. The DUP has also actively blocked a bill of rights, and while the main responsibility for legacy issues lies with the British, the DUP and the British Government have refused to implement the agreements that were made with them in the Stormont House and Fresh Start talks to deal with the past. Our negotiating team also engaged with the DUP and the other parties - we continue to do that even as I speak - on the need for a more open and progressive approach on marriage equality; on the budget for an Executive; for the return of parties to the Executive; on a programme for government; and on greater transparency in governance, on civic forums and on other issues. Regrettably, the DUP’s approach throughout the talks was to engage in a minimalist way on all of these key issues. There was no substantive progress on any matter. Ní raibh aon fhorbairt ar roinnt rudaí.

A DUP proposal to introduce a so-called Culture Act is a case in point. This was to encompass the Irish language; Ulster Scots and a British armed forces covenant. What on earth has the Irish language got to do with the British armed forces? What on earth has a British armed forces covenant got to do with any legislation about language rights? It was entirely inappropriate. While Sinn Féin has no difficulty with supporting Ulster Scots – it is a very essential part of our culture and has been for 400 years - what is required is a stand-alone Irish language Act. What was on offer was meaningless, had no legislative authority, no strategy, no power, no funding, no teeth. This is unacceptable. During the talks the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Flanagan, assured our team that he supported the need for a free-standing Acht na Gaeilge. He has also made the case privately and publicly at a lecture for Pat Finucane, the murdered human rights lawyer, that the British Government needs to fulfil its outstanding obligations on the funding of legacy inquests.

The DUP was reinforced in it stance by the British Government’s approach to the issues. For example, we now know that, in the context of Brexit, the British approach will subvert the human rights elements that are at the core of the Good Friday Agreement. On legacy issues, I am presuming that our Minister tackled and negotiated and made the case on behalf of the Government and everyone else. However, the British Secretary of State, James Brokenshire, refuses to provide the funding as requested by the Lord Chief Justice to allow for the outstanding legacy inquests to be held. He is sticking rigidly to Britain’s intention to use the so-called national security veto to block the provision of information to bereaved victim’s families seeking truth.

Despite these very obvious gaps in our respective positions it is still my strong view that all of these issues can be sorted out. That is Sinn Féin’s commitment. We are wedded to the Good Friday Agreement and to the political institutions, and we will work to put them in place as soon as possible. However - and I wish the Fianna Fáil leader would listen to me on this point - it is my strong view that the Executive is not sustainable unless it is built on a strong foundation based on the modest human rights and equality measures required. The Unionist leadership does not accept this or, as someone put it more bluntly, those involved do not get it. This is not 1920 or 1960 or 1970. The orange state is gone. The Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements, and the recent Assembly elections, have changed the political landscape for ever. Nationalists and republicans are not prepared to tolerate a society in which unionism dictates what rights we and others may or may not enjoy. There can be no return to second-class status for anyone.

It is a mistake to think that the talks failed over an Irish Language Act. That was part of it, but the main fault lies within the DUP's refusal to embrace an equality or a rights-based future. At the weekend, after three weeks of talking, of exchanging papers, of efforts to persuade the DUP to embrace a new dispensation, it became obvious that the process had run its course and that the Monday deadline was not going to be met. On Sunday, the full Sinn Féin negotiating team was at Castle Buildings to continue with one last effort. The two Governments, including the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Flanagan, were present. The DUP did not turn up. Arlene Foster and Nigel Dodds had told us they had family business that day, but not one member of their party turned up. A soft and inaccurate media line said that this was because it was Sunday and that they do not do business on a Sunday. That is not true. While some DUP members will not work on Sunday for religious reasons, Sinn Féin have met senior party leaders many times on Sundays. Some also do television programmes and radio programmes - and I am sure that people here have shared studios with them - and they watch sporting events. When they were contacted by the British Government on Sunday at our request, the latter indicated that it was informed that he DUP would not be turning up unless there were new proposals from Sinn Féin. Sinn Féin is still in problem-solving mode but we cannot do it alone. Tá sé inár n-intinn na hinstitiúidí polaitúla a fhorbairt.

On Tuesday, the British Secretary of State, whose contribution has been less than helpful, told the British Parliament that the British Government will consider all options after Easter, including direct rule.

This is not acceptable. Mr. Brokenshire has only one option and that is to call an election. There is no legal basis for any other course of action. While parties may or may not want an election, if the British Secretary of State brings in new legislation to restore direct rule that will be an act of enormous bad faith and a clear breach of an agreement between the Irish and British Governments in 2006, led respectively by the then Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, and the then Prime Minister, Mr. Blair. Sinn Féin has no objection to the British Secretary of State leaving some time for further discussions to take place and our team, led by Michelle O'Neill, is engaging with the other parties as we speak. However, we are totally opposed to, and we would look to the Irish Government to oppose, any new legislation to bring back direct rule. The new dispensation for the relationship between these islands is set out in the Good Friday Agreement. This governs the disputed territory and it has to be upheld.

We are also very mindful that the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, is today triggering Article 50 of the Lisbon treaty. The social, economic and political implications of this for the island of Ireland and for the relationship between our two islands are enormous. While it would be better if the North was speaking through the Executive with one voice in opposition to Brexit, the reality is that the DUP and UUP support the pro-Brexit position of the British Tory Party and of UKIP. Nonetheless, Sinn Féin is working with all the other party leaders to agree as united a position as possible and we are seeking a joint platform with all of the parties on Brexit, including the DUP, based generally on the letter released by Arlene Foster and Martin McGuinness. This is especially important given that the British Prime Minister has been dismissive of any meaningful involvement by the devolved administrations in the Brexit issue.

Finally, too often we hear the narrative, rehearsed in this Chamber from the Taoiseach and especially from the Fianna Fáil leader, that there are two problem parties in the North. That is not the case but we heard more of it today. For our part, Sinn Féin wants to see the institutions up and working for everyone. We are not looking for any special favours or privileges for anyone. The terms for the re-establishment of the institutions are clear. They threaten no one. In a situation in which the British Government acts as a drag on the negotiations the onus on the Irish Government, as a co-equal guarantor to defend the integrity of the Good Friday Agreement, is even greater than ever. People across this island, including many people from the Unionist section of our community, need to see the Taoiseach standing up for these agreements.

There is agreement among all of us that the issue at stake is the implementation of agreements previously signed. The position taken by Sinn Féin, to insist that matters agreed are delivered, is not a form of grandstanding, nor is it a case of Sinn Féin bickering or presenting a Sinn Féin wish list. It is Sinn Féin insisting on something that is the very basis of good government and the foundation of the credibility of the institutions, namely, the Executive and the Assembly. When Governments sign agreements, lodge them and solemnly pledge them, they have to be honoured. This is not to keep Sinn Féin happy or satisfy politicians - it is expected by the people. It is not a green against orange debate nor a point-scoring exercise but it is about delivering on matters that have long since been solemnly agreed.

I listened to the Minister very carefully and I am heartened by the fact that the two Governments are united in their determination to ensure that these agreements are implemented. He now needs to make good on that pledge. Arriving at "destination implementation" will mean the Minister exerting some authority and influence on his counterparts. The past is very often used as a political platform and has been so used in this Chamber. We all accept that every person injured, bereaved or otherwise affected by the conflict deserves equal treatment and equal recognition. We arrived at specific mechanisms to deal with legacy issues but none of that has happened. The Minister knows the reason is that the British have a trumped-up concern over what they term "national security". That needs to be addressed head on. Nobody on any side of this House should at any stage again raise hurtful episodes from the past for political purposes while refusing to implement the very processes that have the prospect of bringing comfort and truth to victims and their families. The British are stopping that and it is our job to move the situation forward.

We need to establish two things to satisfy the public mind north of the Border. First, the institutions need to be credible and that is all about delivery and implementation. Second, they should be clean, which means no corruption, no funny business and no skullduggery and there needs to be no apology from us when we stand against the allegations such as those pertaining to the RHI scandal.

Today marks a frustrating day for Northern Ireland. The majority of people there voted against Brexit, and at lunchtime today a letter from Theresa May will be presented to Donald Tusk as the UK activates Article 50 to begin the process of leaving the EU. We face the prospect of a hard Border with at least some, possibly major, changes to trade on our island, and even larger disruption to our all-island links but Northern Ireland has no power sharing Executive to advocate on its own behalf.

A week ago Martin McGuinness was laid to rest and I pass my condolences to the family of Martin. I sat across the table from him when I accompanied the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charles Flanagan, during the Fresh Start negotiations and I developed a great respect for him on a personal level. I was always struck by the fact that he was as comfortable travelling the world, marketing Northern Ireland as a place to invest, as he was back home in his native Derry. I offer my personal condolences to the Sinn Féin Party and to Mrs. McGuinness and their family, as well as the people of Derry because he was of Derry and that gave him a humility. He always had a sense of where he came from and whether he was in Washington or elsewhere he always felt the draw of his native Derry. He will be sadly missed by people across this island.

Many of the principal actors from the peace process gathered in Derry - people who put years into securing a lasting legacy of peace for Northern Ireland. It is nearly two decades on since the Good Friday Agreement but, once again, the formation of a power-sharing Executive is holding the future of Northern Ireland back.

There is no desire for another election nor do we want to see direct rule imposed. A London Administration distracted by Brexit is not in a position to secure fully the future of Northern Ireland. Some of the same issues that arose during the previous negotiations on the Fresh Start agreement and at Stormont are still on the table now. I refer to the Irish language Act, fiscal matters, the bill of rights and legacy issues including equality generally and marriage equality in particular. New elections will not achieve anything. There is now a window up to Easter to reach agreement and I hope that opportunity can be seized.

On Brexit and the North-South relationship, the Labour Party supports the call for a bespoke deal for Northern Ireland to address the following issues post-Brexit: the strengthening of existing all-island institutions, continued cross-Border co-operation, guarantees of funding for Northern Ireland beyond 2020, recognition of the rights of the 200,000 persons resident on the island who are neither Irish nor British citizens and the need for parity of esteem in human rights protections across the island.

This week we published a comprehensive paper on Brexit with 20 key actions we call on the Government to take. Four of those actions relate directly to Northern Ireland and another three relate to the common travel area. There is no simple solution to resolving the problems the island will face when the UK exits the European Union and the potentially devastating impact it will have on Northern Ireland and the peace process.

We support the call for special status for Northern Ireland within the European Union. However, with no settled position among the Northern Ireland parties and the absence of a power-sharing Executive, combined with the stated intention of Prime Minister May for the UK to exit the Single Market, a possible path forward has been outlined but with no leaders from the region in a position to advocate within the European Union for it. We believe there should be a separate strand to the Article 50 negotiations to deal specifically with Ireland-UK issues and Northern Ireland. Failing that, European Union consent should be granted for a bilateral agreement to be negotiated between the two jurisdictions to address Border issues. That must be addressed when Donald Tusk and the European Council provide their negotiating priorities to the European Commission.

It is our belief that a new Irish protocol to the European Union treaties must be included following Brexit. Such a protocol would acknowledge and recognise the special circumstances that apply on the island of Ireland. We support special status for Northern Ireland. However, no united position has emerged in Northern Ireland or in the UK that could or would negotiate for such an arrangement. An Irish protocol must also provide for any future united Ireland or other transitional status. I welcome the clarity on this issue secured by the SDLP yesterday that Northern Ireland, if united with Ireland, would not be obliged to reapply to join the European Union.

The Labour Party has also called on the Government to ensure that the integrity of the Good Friday Agreement is maintained in future negotiations, upholding the principle of parity of esteem in human rights protections across the island, as guaranteed under the Good Friday Agreement. Of particular concern to us is how the rights of more than 30,000 cross-Border workers will be accommodated and protected in the future. Employment rights should be protected, either in the final EU-UK exit agreement, in a new Irish protocol to the European Union treaties or in a separate bilateral agreement between Ireland and the UK. Again, that overlaps with the common travel area and the rights provided through it.

There has been too little discussion about the future of the North-South cross-Border implementation bodies. Clarification is needed on how the six bodies will continue to operate and how they will be funded into the future. There will be specific European Union frontier border issues that will affect the operations of Waterways Ireland and the Loughs Agency. New cross-Border bodies could resolve Brexit issues in energy and the agriculture sector. There are a number of policy areas in which all island co-operation has intensified and strengthened in recent years through the North-South Ministerial Council. Co-operation has been focused in six areas, namely, agriculture, education, environment, health, tourism and transport. Integration has also been strong in many specific sectors and areas, for example in animal welfare, cross-Border trade in livestock and agricultural products such as milk, the energy sector, promotion of the island of Ireland and accident and emergency service planning for hospital catchment areas.

There is also now the potential for the creation of new North-South bodies to address the problems that Brexit and a hard Border could create. The SDLP has proposed a number of new structures which we believe deserve strong consideration. We also believe a new body to oversee the all-island energy market is required. The creation of those would require extensive consultation and detailed technical work. At a minimum, the North-South bodies should be specifically recognised in the proposed Irish protocol to the European Union treaties along with provision for the creation of new bodies.

The Labour Party also believes that future funding should be guaranteed by the UK Government beyond 2020 for a new PEACE V programme, and that a European Union contribution could be channelled to the Special European Union Programmes Body, SEUPB, through the Irish Government. Our view is that the UK exiting the EU is harmful to future UK and Irish joint co-operation regarding Northern Ireland and the peace process. We believe we must now redirect our efforts to ensure that the advances for Northern Ireland, as secured through and within European Union structures, are maintained and to ensure that the Good Friday Agreement is not undermined by the UK exiting the European Union. British representatives must take the unique circumstances of Northern Ireland and the Good Friday Agreement into account in their negotiations with European Union officials. The Labour Party considers the return of a land border between Ireland and Northern Ireland to be unacceptable.

I will conclude by referring to the RHI scandal, which I had not intended mentioning. It has cost the British Exchequer approximately £500 million at this juncture. It speaks to the need to ensure the budgetary control elements that were stitched into A Fresh Start, The Stormont Agreement and Implementation Plan. I refer specifically to 4.1 under the budget controls heading.

The UK Government welcomes the Executive's plans to establish an Independent Fiscal Council for Northern Ireland. The Council will: prepare an annual assessment of the Executive's revenue streams and spending proposals and how these allow the Executive to balance their budget.

The RHI scandal speaks volumes to the culture of governance within the Executive. In my short time there I observed that oversight of spending was perhaps lacking due to it being a political system where people operate within very distinct and bespoke political silos in terms of running Departments. Far be it from me to comment on the internal affairs there, except to say that £500 million could have bought a lot of new infrastructure. I think in particular of the A5 road from Derry to Dublin, in respect of which the Irish Government has already committed moneys.

If we are to move forward to a better Executive, which is something I am hopeful will transpire, we must have greater tyre-kicking on the way moneys are expended, particularly from a fiscal point of view. There is a piece within the Stormont House Agreement and the Fresh Start programme on the creation of a fiscal council. I am not sure what progress has been made on a council, but if it were established, all parties in a new Executive could buy into it in relation to budgetary oversight. It would help to ensure that whatever political silos operate from a ministerial point of view and which party is running what, matters were not left to special advisers and Ministers. As such, the civil service framework would ensure that there was proper tyre-kicking and we would not have these scandals emerging such that those who live within the Six Counties might not take the present cynical view, as I perceive it from my conversations on the ground, of how the Executive operates at times.

I start by quoting the great Irish revolutionary, James Connolly. There are many things one could quote from him, but this particular quote really describes what partition has done to this country. He described partition as "the greatest asset in the hands of reaction in Ireland and a never failing decoy to lure workers into the bogs of religious hatred and social stagnation". The partition of Ireland was used as a counter-revolutionary measure to ensure that sectarianism was maintained on both sides of the Border and "a carnival of reaction" was created by enshrining the Catholic polity in the South, which continues to haunt us in the form of the Tuam babies scandal and so on, and the Protestant state in the North which ensured the oppression of the Catholic minority for decades. While we now see that beginning to change, there has been a carnival of reaction and a heavy price has been paid for the partition of Ireland.

We have talked recently about the peace process and the legacy of Martin McGuinness, which is very appropriate, but I think back often to the massive demonstrations across Northern Ireland, called for in the main by the ICTU, to demand peace and an end to the war by both sides. That led to the peace process itself. However, while the peace is great, the process is extremely flawed and has permitted the continued enshrining of sectarianism in the whole structure and political process in Northern Ireland. If one is elected to the Stormont Assembly, one declares oneself as "nationalist", "unionist" or "other". Where else and in what other parliament would one do that, except perhaps one that oversaw apartheid as in South Africa? That situation describes the process we are stuck with in the North which is all about looking after one's own community and side. That sectarianism is maintained by the structures in Stormont itself. We can only challenge that sectarianism and reaction by challenging the structures which maintain them. It is a structure which argues that we need to implement neoliberal measures like reducing the corporation tax rate, getting rid of thousands of public sector jobs and maintaining a low-pay economy to allow the North to compete with the Republic of Ireland. The lure of neoliberalism provides a cover to the idea that partition actually works and it must be resisted.

I was in Derry over a recent weekend to campaign for the election of Eamonn McCann and I was taken aback by the shocking levels of deprivation and poverty in some of the large estates on the outskirts of the city. I had not seen anything like it in a long time. The closest I have seen to it was 20 years ago when I first moved to Ballyfermot and Cherry Orchard, which is still neglected but was even more so at that stage. It looked like something from the wild west. That is what the outskirts of Derry reminded me of a couple of weeks ago. What is happening in the North is a modern version of "Labour must wait" whereby economic and social issues are parked in order to talk about equality and parity of esteem between nationalists and unionists. It is not for me to tell Sinn Féin what to do or to advise anybody in the North, but while there has to be a focus on the issue of corruption and, as is being done, the Irish language and equality, the economic issues cannot be ignored. We should not be rushing to reduce corporation tax, shed public sector jobs and cut education and health services to maintain a competitive level playing field with the South of Ireland.

That throws up for us the challenge of Brexit and it will be interesting to see how we handle it. Not one party in these islands is for a hard border. Not a single party North or South supports a hard border. That gives us a wonderful opportunity to throw it back to the Tories in Britain who would use a hard border for their own racist ends to control what they see as a flood of immigration and the European Union which would use a hard border as a way to punish any state that dares to disagree with its policies and to step outside it. Here, we have an opportunity for both parliamentary bodies, and I say this to the Minister as much as to those who have representation in Stormont, to declare that we will not have anything to do with a hard border and that none of our State agencies will co-operate with its implementation. While that would be a very radical step for the Government, whatever about the Executive in Stormont, there needs to be a declaration by parliamentarians on both sides of the Border that they will not co-operate with the implementation of a hard border and that they are asserting a democratic right on the part of themselves and the people of the country, North and South, who oppose a hard border. We are not going to go along with the agenda of the EU or of Theresa May. That will mean not being passive in the Dáil while allowing the EU to ride roughshod over us because we are a member state. We need to stand up to the EU and to the Tories in the North. That will ultimately mean relying on the people North and South and mobilising them to take action against the implementation of a hard border.

We must also mobilise workers, as is happening outside the Dáil today with bus workers, against cuts to their pay, a low-pay economy, the shedding of jobs and an agenda which favours low corporation tax as a neoliberal mechanism to create a competitive economy. We need to resist all of those attempts to drive us into the dirt. That will undermine the carnival of reaction to which Connolly referred and it will undermine the idea that there are two sectarian states, one run by the Catholic Church in the South and the other by Protestant bigotry in the North. It will undermine the idea that workers are divided and must remain divided. It will bring us together in unity and in action but it requires that parliamentarians do not allow themselves to be dictated to by either the Tories or the European Union.

I welcome the tabling of the debate albeit we should also be discussing the Bus Éireann strike. I send solidarity to the workers who will be here later today. On the impasse in the assembly in the North, I note that the Good Friday Agreement has created a period of relative peace and an important opportunity for working class and ordinary people to build a political alternative to the sectarian establishment parties which are incapable of resolving the divisions in Northern society.

However, the Good Friday Agreement, and all of the other agreements, including St. Andrews, Stormont House and Fresh Start are deeply flawed. They have institutionalised sectarian division and consistently failed to deal with contentious issues. The can has been well and truly kicked down the road, putting off inevitable crises to some time in the future. That time is now. While we have seen a hyper-sectarian election and while the DUP and Sinn Féin engage in sectarian competition, working-class people despair at the impact of their decisions over the last ten years.

They have been unable to come to agreement on legacy issues, minority language rights etc., yet they have had little difficulty in uniting on the implementation of austerity or denying women the right to choose and to have control over their own bodies. Sinn Féin and the DUP are on the same side when it comes to denying women access to abortion. I would like to put it on the record that, in the days before International Women’s Day and following it, the PSNI raided several addresses in Belfast in search of abortion pills. These pills are administered by doctors worldwide and contain drugs listed on the World Health Organization's list of essential medicines. No pills were found but activists’ phones, laptops and bank statements were seized. Northern Ireland has the most draconian criminal penalties for abortion of any region in Europe. A woman having an unlawful abortion may be sentenced to life imprisonment on the basis of legislation dating from 1861. The raids occurred as the latest episode of a targeted effort, on behalf of the establishment, to send a message to activists and women seeking abortions, “You do not decide your reproductive fate. We do.” This intimidation must be condemned and resisted by trade unionists and all who stand for basic human rights. None of the main parties in the North support a woman’s right to choose. There is no sign of any repeal movement by any of the political parties. The establishment is aware of a rising resentment among young women in particular, who are increasingly unwilling to tolerate criminalisation and backward legislation and who are joining a movement to push through progressive abortion reform.

The result of the austerity implemented by Sinn Féin and the DUP and their failure to agree a budget has exacerbated the crisis in public and social services. Communities across the North face losing their local doctor's surgery in the next few years. The problem is severe in the Portadown area but Fermanagh has been identified by the British Medical Association as being the most heavily hit of any part of the UK, with only five of the 18 practices currently operational likely to survive two years. This will mean patients will face extremely long waits and will be obliged to travel many miles to see a doctor. There is a belief among medical professionals that this crisis has been engineered as a way of delivering short-term cost reductions. Primary care services receive only 6% of health expenditure in Northern Ireland compared with more than 10% in England. Ministers with responsibility for health in the Assembly from both the DUP and Sinn Fein have failed to address this situation.

The Education Authority has threatened to impose charges of between £50 and £200 per child for transport to school. The imposition of charges from September 2017 would devastate low-income households. It is another regressive stealth tax on working-class families. Meanwhile, 44 staff members in the Intensive Family Support Service in Belfast were put on protective notice by the publicly-funded charity group Extern as a result of the failure of the DUP and Sinn Féin to agree a budget. Nearly 2,000 children depend on that service.

So-called welfare reform is now being implemented in the North. Despite a period of grandstanding by Sinn Féin, it and the DUP handed the power to implement welfare cuts back to the Tory government in Westminster, in effect damning ordinary people to facing harsh attacks. Claims that they had no choice or other attempts to cleanse themselves of responsibility for this measure do not wash. The Stormont politicians are capable of borrowing £700 million to destroy 20,000 jobs in the public sector. They plan to hand a huge tax cut to the super-rich by slashing corporation tax, which will result in a future annual cut of £300 million a year in public expenditure. Yet they plead poverty when it comes to protecting welfare and other vital services on which working-class people rely on. The politicians laud the mitigations they secured to soften to impact of welfare reform but there is no guarantee these will continue beyond 2020. The hated bedroom tax will immediately be applied to all new claimants with a spare room. This year, low-paid families will lose up to £2,000 as a result of benefit changes. These attacks can and should be resisted by communities and the trade union movement.

The peace process did not come about because of the supposed vision of Northern Irish politicians or the intervention of US Presidents, British Prime Ministers or Irish Taoisigh, for that matter. The peace process was created by the ordinary people who took to the streets over many years in their tens of thousands to force the republican and loyalist paramilitaries to stop sectarian killings and to call ceasefires. The peace process is not owned by the sectarian politicians. It is owned by ordinary people. It is time for working-class people to take control back from the failed Stormont parties. The current crisis once again shows there is a compelling need for a genuine anti-sectarian working-class party in Northern Ireland that can unite Protestant and Catholic people in opposition to Stormont’s austerity and that can lead mass campaigns to win a woman’s right to choose and for marriage equality and other social progress. If we are to avoid the mistakes of the past and to prevent another generation being dragged into the despair of open sectarian conflict, then trade unionists, socialists and community activists need to unite so that future elections are not dominated by the sectarian struggle between the DUP and Sinn Féin for the role of First Minister, but instead we can have a different story, one dominated by a genuine coming together of a divided society behind a new political force committed to building a better future for all.

I would like to start off by publicly giving my condolences to the family of Martin McGuinness following his recent passing. I offer my sympathy to them and to Sinn Féin in general.

The collapse of the talks is not really surprising. I do not think anybody in this House or across the country would be too surprised by it. There is an ongoing difficulty within the DUP with regard to its members accepting that they have to compromise and work with nationalists and Catholics across the North to make the institutions established under the Good Friday Agreement and the raft of other agreements work. The flaw, even if they agreed to do that and were up and working, would be implementing the cuts as have been outlined by Deputy Coppinger.

The ultimate problem with the peace process and the way it is at the moment is the abdication of the Irish Government and the British Government of any role or responsibility with regard to actually making things work. The problem is not about getting the Assembly up and running. The problem is dealing with issues the Assembly does not have the power to deal with. I refer to the responsibility and requirement of the British Government to agree to dealing with the legacy of the past and note that dealing with what has happened in the past is not only a republican or Nationalist or an IRA legacy to deal with. It is a legacy for the British Government, which was never a neutral participant in the war in the Six Counties but was an active participant and implemented a war footing with regard to the direction of loyalist paramilitaries and the actions of the British Army itself in the North. That is the ultimate failure. The Irish Government has to bear a large part of the responsibility for that. The Irish Government, particularly under Fine Gael, has abdicated responsibility, and should be more proactive in pushing the British Government to accept its responsibility and role in the conflict in the North as well.

We do not have to go any further than looking at the situation in Maghaberry Prison, where we see the influence of MI5 and the British security apparatus on the operation of the prison.

Other colleagues and I have visited the prison on many occasions to try to work towards ensuring the implementation of the 2010 agreement that was intended to resolve the difficulties there. Everybody says they are in favour of the implementation of the agreement but when it comes to doing so, the prison authorities stall and drag their heels and they have not carried out what they committed to. The independent reviewers have accepted that the prisoners are willing to participate and support the agreement, which could resolve the issues. However, the NIO continues to influence the operation of the prison and I wonder whether the governor whom I meet when I discuss the implementation of the agreement, or the securocrats in the NIO are running it. It seems to be the latter. Who is held in the CSUs in the prison is totally at their discretion. A number of prisoners have been held for five years or more in them, even though the prisoners in Roe House say they would like them to come and serve their time there. The prisoner authorities have washed their hands of this and it is up to the NIO to deal with it. When I try to make progress with the NIO, its staff stonewall and do not respond. That is an example of the influence of the British state on the Six Counties. It is not positive nor is it conducive to resolving outstanding issues.

The recent election worked out for Sinn Féin. It took a calculated risk in calling the election and collapsing the Assembly but that worked well in closing the gap with the DUP, with the DUP ending up with less than 30 seats in the Assembly which, perversely, probably makes it harder for the party to accept that it must reach an agreement to get the Assembly back up and running again. However, as Deputy Coppinger outlined, if the Assembly was up and running, it would implement a programme of austerity imposed by the British Government on the North. It probably suits that the Assembly is not in session because that programme will be rolled out by direct rule Ministers rather than by locally elected representatives.

There are also ongoing issues in the North regarding the treatment of elected representatives. Paudie McShane, a member of what was called Moyle District Council - I cannot recall what the name of it is now - has been suspended by the unionist-controlled council from participating in it for hosting a meeting with the Palestinian representative for an area with which the council was formally twinned. Initially, when complaints were made about the meeting, the council executive said there was no problem with it, but under pressure from unionists, an investigation was held and he was suspended for three months. He is challenging that through a judicial review at the moment but that is symptomatic of the unionist attitude to concessions and working with nationalists and republicans across the Six Counties.

These are the outstanding issues. The key is it is not important as to whether Stormont gets up and running again. While it might be important from a local administration point of view, the austerity agenda that will be implemented in the coming years will be regressive. The onus is on the Irish Government to make sure the British Government plays its part and accepts its role and responsibility in dealing with legacy issues. It will only be by dealing with those and achieving a united Ireland or a fully functioning system in Stormont that exercises full control over taxation and so on that the type of politics Deputy Coppinger described can be realised in the Six Counties with the elected representatives being able to work for the benefit of all citizens in that society rather than implementing the austerity agenda of the Tory Government. The Government has to focus on pushing the British Government to ensure it lives up to its responsibilities rather than focusing on the narrow agenda of getting the Assembly up and running again.

On behalf of my party, I congratulate our two MLAs, Stephen Agnew and Clare Bailey, on their election to a much reduced Assembly. Holding two seats was a hugely significant and important victory for the Green Party on this island and it sends a message of hope that there is a non-sectarian view of the future which is about Ireland going green and all the benefits that would bring for employment, better quality of life and better local environment. I commend my colleagues in the North on their achievement in being elected and I wish them the best of luck in meetings of the Assembly.

We are concerned that the formation of the Assembly is not in train and a third election within a year is a possibility. I said at our party convention last weekend that I find it hard to believe that would be the outcome of this process. How could people knock on the door and say, "We are back again"? Who is to say they would not be back two weeks later during a fourth election campaign? Surely we can all manage not to discredit the political system and heed the mandate given by the electorate, and work together to make sure devolved government works through the Assembly. No one wants direct rule, and certainly not from what I have heard in the House.

To make that happen, and I rely on my colleagues in the North to hear about what is happening, one of the difficulties is there has not been engagement for a long time by the Secretary of State and others. No one is pulling everyone together to make talks work. A role could be played by an external interlocutor who could co-ordinate the talks between different parties. Parties are talking to each other and it is not just about Sinn Féin and the DUP. There are other parties in the Assembly. Everyone is engaged in bilateral talks but no one is pulling them together into a co-ordinated process. We believe there is a case for an international figure, similar to Mr. Haass in the past, to help co-ordinate those efforts. This first person who comes to mind is Joschka Fischer, the former German Foreign Affairs Minister, who is a Green Party statesman. If a statesman or woman of such calibre could be found quickly, it might help the process because the absence of someone to pull it together is part of the problem.

There are a number of difficult issues, including legacy issues and the language Act and what that should include. They are issues of substance and are not just symbolic but they have become the battleground for a wider problem, which is a lack of trust and a lack of willingness to co-operate and work together with all sides. We hope the parties involved in the process, including our own, can break the deadlock and avoid direct rule or another election, neither of which is an option that would serve the people in the North or in the South well, given we also have an interest in this.

The Green Party has called for a long time for a long-term measure that makes sense. The Constitutional Convention here has been very successful in involving citizens. The Green Party wonders whether some of the issues in the North might best be handled within a similar forum. Arlene Foster says there will not be a language Act under her watch, but rather than her having ownership of that or having, in a sense, a veto, surely such issues might be considered within a structure similar to the Constitutional Convention where they could be under the citizens' watch.

We should broaden out the ownership rather than it being a political football that ends up having huge significance beyond the immediate issue. It will not be easy but such a convention should also start looking at the wider structural issues as set out in the Good Friday Agreement. It was agreed by referendum, which in a sense belongs to citizens, so it is not purely party political. It is right and valid to suggest that a constitutional convention would look at the broad structures. In the current situation, if there is complete deadlock between Sinn Féin and the DUP, is there is an opportunity for the Green Party, the SDLP, the Alliance Party, the UUP or whatever different combination of parties to come together to form an alternative administration? The answer is "No" because 20 years on from that historic agreement, we have to be locked into a nationalist-unionist divide. Can we not start being a bit more flexible? Are there other options? Does the First Minister have to be from one community and the Deputy First Minister from the other? Is it set in stone for ever? Will we be like that in 50 years' time? It probably will not be because we will all have to reconsider everything as a result of Brexit.

We, as a party, have committed to starting our own process of considering relationships on the island given the reality of Brexit and what it is about to bring in an hour's time. We are looking at all options. The political system in the North should also be looking at options. It should acknowledge that perhaps the citizens have moved on slightly and are not completely fixated on how the structure of divide is maintained within the Northern Assembly. Whatever the case, we will work with all parties. We will work with respect on both sides of that unionist-nationalist divide. We operate on both sides of the divide. I look forward to our two representatives doing whatever they can. At present, there is no one to pull the parties together in an effective way. The first thing we could do is try to pull someone in to fulfil that role. It is something we need to do with some urgency. We cannot wait. It has to be weeks rather than months so we should be quick in whatever we do.

There is no doubt that this island is facing some very serious challenges as a result of the triggering of Article 50. A coherent voice will be missing from the discussions because the institutions are not in place in the North. There is no doubt that the North is the most exposed part of the United Kingdom. The institutions will not be there to fight the corner of people who identify as loyalist-unionist, nationalist-republican, Green Party, or Alliance Party and those who describe themselves as coming from across the spectrum. Those voices will be absent. Northern Ireland already has a small enough voice but it will be tiny if direct rule is imposed. The latter was not ruled out yesterday by James Brokenshire.

I remember the day we joined the European Union. I also remember the Border. I remember the different shops when one crossed the Border and the different laws and standards. I remember the differences between the two communities. I remember travelling through Derry on a bus as a schoolchild on the way to the Gaeltacht in 1969 and seeing the windows broken and the mayhem. I did not learn much Irish as has been demonstrated here on numerous occasions but that is another matter.

We have to remember that 1 January 1973 was preceded by the most awful year in the North. That awful year included direct rule. The Northern Ireland parliament was suspended and direct rule was introduced early in the year. That year, a vacuum was filled by the awfulness of Bloody Sunday, the Europa Hotel bombing, Bloody Friday and the Claudy bombing. It is also when the Shankill Butchers began their reign of terror. Overall, in 1972 479 people were killed, including 130 British soldiers, and 4,876 people were injured. It was the bloodiest year of the Troubles. It preceded our involvement in the European Union where we shared sovereignty. I am quite critical of what the European Union is about. I am not sure what its project is and it lacks social cohesion, vision and solidarity. I could not be more critical of that. It is part of the reason British people voted in their droves to leave the Union. They were fed incorrect information and a whole lot of other things but that is the position. The last thing we want to do is allow a vacuum that can be filled by what we saw in 1972. The only way that can happen is if all sides come to the table in Northern Ireland and show respect for each other.

The issue of the Irish language and its importance is misunderstood. It does not equate to Scots Gaelic. There is dishonesty about how that is presented. It is a small but important issue in the overall scheme of things. There is a concern that there will be a vacuum. There are two concerns for Northern Ireland. The first is how we deal with and negotiate a new relationship in the context of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union because there is no doubt that the latter underpins the Good Friday Agreement. It is the basis for an equality that was provided by virtue of our common membership. It is hard to see how the Good Friday Agreement can remain as it stands in the absence of that arrangement. That matter needs to be considered in detail in its own right. It has to be part of the negotiations on Brexit. The common travel area and the hard Border are big issues.

One of the biggest issues, which we cannot lose sight of, is maintaining the normality of politics with all its failings. A vacuum will be left in the absence of an institution to provide that normality. Under no circumstances can there be a situation where there is a return to direct rule. It leaves the most awful of vacuums at a time when there is already a serious problem for the Brexit negotiations which will no doubt dent confidence and make people feel very exposed in Northern Ireland. If there is a situation where there is a degree of uncertainty, those kinds of uncertainties can be doubly exploited. Apart from urging people to get back to the table to earnestly find ways to avoid the loss of the institutions, I do not know what to suggest but there is no doubt that absolute urgency is required.

Deputies Mattie McGrath and Danny Healy Rae have been delayed at a press launch. With the permission of the House, I will suspend the proceedings for a moment to allow them time to arrive. If they do not arrive, the House will be suspended until 12 noon. Is that agreed?

Deputies

No.

What is the problem with this? I suggest that we give them a minute or two to turn up and if they do not do so, the House will suspend until 12 noon for Leaders' Questions. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Sitting suspended at 11.40 a.m. and resumed at 12 noon.
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