Brendan Howlin
Ceist:1. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach the supports his Department provides to Independent Ministers of Government and Deputies who support the Government. [9877/18]
Ceisteanna - Questions
Departmental Operations
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:2. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the supports provided by his Department to Independent Members of the Government and Independent Deputies supporting the Government. [11222/18]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 and 2 together.
My Department, as outlined in the strategy statement, provides support services for the Taoiseach and the Government, including the Independent members of Government, through the Government secretariat, the parliamentary liaison unit, the programme for Government office and the Cabinet committee structure to ensure Government business is managed to the highest standards. The business of Government is co-ordinated by the Government secretariat and this includes the preparation of the Cabinet agenda, the circulation of papers and the communication of the Government's decisions to the relevant Ministers and Departments.
The parliamentary liaison unit was established to help ensure that Ministers and Departments are properly informed of new responsibilities and procedures in the Thirty-second Dáil. The unit provides support to Ministers and their Departments on Oireachtas matters, with a particular emphasis on assisting Departments with Private Members' business. In performing this function the unit liaises on a regular basis with advisers to the Independent members of Government to ensure they are informed of Oireachtas issues and to assist them in engaging with the new processes arising from Dáil reform. In this regard the parliamentary liaison unit provides detailed information on upcoming matters in the Dáil and Seanad and highlights any new Oireachtas reform issues.
The programme for Government office provides assistance to the Government in delivering on its ambitious programme of work through monitoring the implementation of the commitments contained in the programme for Government across all Departments. The office prepares progress reports and an annual report setting out progress made across all of government in implementing the commitments in the programme.
The Cabinet committee system, which is an important part of the machinery of the Government and a core part of the work of the Department, provides a whole of government co-ordinated approach to issues as necessary. The scope of the Cabinet committee system encompasses the Government's national priorities and the challenges Ireland faces in the coming years. The Government press secretary acts as a spokesperson for the Taoiseach and the Government and is supported by the press office in his role of co-ordinating the media relations of all Departments. The deputy press secretary, who is also based in my Department, is tasked with co-ordinating communications for all the Independents in the Government. My Department continues to adapt and strengthen these supports to ensure they are fully responsive to the requirements arising from Dáil reform and to support effective minority Government arrangements.
The arrangements outlined were put in place by the Taoiseach's predecessor. Has he reviewed them since coming into office? He mentioned adaptation but has he made any changes since becoming Taoiseach? What Independent Deputies are currently being supported by the parliamentary liaison unit? What specifically are the supports being given to those identified Deputies? Were Independent Deputies briefed or did they have input into the Project Ireland 2040 plan before it was finalised? I know an Independent Minister of State, Deputy Moran, was able to have Athlone designated as "capital of the midlands". I wonder were any other commitments made either to Independent Ministers, Ministers of State or supporters of the Government.
I am interested in the response to the question about Project Ireland 2040 and interactions between the Taoiseach and Independent Deputies. The Government is supported by a number of Independent Deputies and there are a number of Independent Ministers and Ministers of State. The Minister of State's job at the Office of Public Works seems to have been divvied up by the toss of a coin between Deputies Moran and Canney when the Government was formed. Will the Taoiseach confirm if they will again switch places-----
Rotate.
-----or rotate later this year? Will the Taoiseach enlighten us with respect to the coalition arrangement with the very independent-minded Fianna Fáil? We are told this has a lifespan ending some time after the next budget. The Fianna Fáil leader, Deputy Micheál Martin, said last month that any review of this deal would only happen after the budget but I recall that before Christmas, the Taoiseach told The Irish Times that he wanted a review of the confidence and supply deal to happen in advance of the budgetary process. They cannot both be right. Will the Taoisach clarify the position for the review of the coalition arrangement with Fianna Fáil?
This is a good point for Deputy Martin to come in.
He could give an answer as well.
One of the clearest lessons from recent events is that the Taoiseach has, at best, a very limited commitment to transparency. He is willing to blame others and play the victim when anybody has the temerity to challenge him.
The people have seen a Government that has become obsessed with managing image. What is particularly striking is that members of the Government have felt the need to speak up. Last week, two Independent members of Cabinet made it known that they were deeply unhappy with the branding and marketing work commissioned under the Taoiseach's authority. While the Taoiseach has not attacked them in the same way as he has attacked journalists and Opposition Deputies who have had the cheek to question him, it is at best surprising that he was out of touch with their feelings. Can the Taoiseach tell us why two Independent members of Government felt the need to publicly criticise the workings of the strategic communications unit established by him? Obviously, the Minister, Deputy Ross, and Minister of State, Deputy Moran, were happy with the coverage delivered for them, with Minister of State, Deputy Moran, particularly pleased with State funding delivering a large article in his local newspaper calling him "king of the midlands". Can the Taoiseach also tell us why it is that Independent Ministers believe they are being treated differently in this regard?
On the first question, I have not reviewed any of these arrangements that exist in the Department. They seem to be working well and I have had no specific complaints from Independents as to how they operate. Independent Deputies will from time to time contact the unit about issues they may have, almost always relating to their constituencies. It is in many ways a path finding service such that they know who is the right person to speak to in the line Minister's office in terms of getting answers. That is generally how it works or, at least, to the best of my knowledge that is how it works.
In regard to Project Ireland 2040, the Minister of State, Deputy Canney, was consulted and engaged with on the plan. He is a member of the Independent Alliance and he is also assistant Whip for the Government and so it makes sense that he would be consulted on the plan. I am not aware of any Independent other than those who are Ministers being involved in drawing up the plan but it is possible that they engaged directly with the Minister for Finance, Deputy Donohoe, and the Minister for Housing, Planning and Local Government, Deputy Murphy, as would be the normal course of events as they as Ministers, and their Departments, were the main authors of the plan. Also, the Minister for Communications, Climate Action and Environment, Deputy Naughten, has a particular role in keeping in touch with the rural Independents, which he does periodically, and so it is quite possible that there is engagement through those routes but not through me.
For clarity, I should point out that Project Ireland 2040 does not designate any new capitals or monarchs in our country but it does designate a regional centre for growth in the midlands, which is Athlone, and another in Sligo for the north west and also recognises the M1 growth corridor, involving Dundalk, Drogheda and development of the Newry-Dublin Airport and Swords corridor. I do not believe or accept that I attacked anyone. I will stand up to anyone who makes allegations that are not based on fact or evidence. I will always do that. It is the right thing to do.
In regard to the different perspectives of the Independents and how they think, it is not possible for me to speak for them. I am sure they can speak for themselves.
Does the Taoiseach have a list of the Independents that are being supported by the liaison unit?
I do not.
The Taoiseach can come back to me on it.
There is no list. Those involved are the Independents who take the Government Whip, and Deputy Harty.
Does that mean the rural Independents take the Whip?
No, and nor does Deputy Harty.
The Taoiseach might send us the list.
There is no list.
The Taoiseach did not respond to my question on the Government's confidence and supply arrangement with Fianna Fáil.
I missed the question.
The Taoiseach did not miss it.
I did. It is hard to write down questions and listen at the same time. Perhaps the Deputy would repeat it.
There are a few minutes remaining in respect of this question so the Deputy make ask a brief supplementary.
Excellent.
Would Deputy Howlin like to ask a supplementary question?
I will allow Deputy McDonald to go first.
I thank the prince of Wexford for his graciousness.
I would not have thought that Deputy McDonald is a monarchist.
I am absolutely not. The Ceann Comhairle will note that I am not ascribing any monarchical title to myself.
I put it to the Taoiseach earlier that there has been a difference of opinion between himself and Deputy Micheál Martin with regard to the review of the confidence and supply agreement. If I understood him correctly, Deputy Martin said that could only happen after the next budget but the Taoiseach said that it should happen prior to the next budget. I have made the point that the Taoiseach and Deputy Martin cannot both be right. Perhaps the Taoiseach would enlighten me as to when that review is to happen, what it might consist of and if there has been a meeting of minds between Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil on this matter.
As I am sure Deputy Martin will confirm, we have not yet discussed the matter, but we will do so at some point. When we do, the Deputy will be the first to know.
There is a very clear provision in the confidence and supply agreement which covers the issue.
Deputy Martin might send a copy of it to Deputies Howlin and McDonald.
I am sure they already have a copy of it and that it is being perused every day.
Freedom of Information Data
Brendan Howlin
Ceist:3. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach the number of freedom of information, FOI, requests received by his Department in 2017; the number of staff working in this section; the number of requests that have been refused and the number appealed. [9878/18]
In 2017, my Department received 344 freedom of information, FOI, requests. Forty two requests were refused and no records were held in relation to 63 requests. There were 12 requests for internal review and two appeals to the Information Commissioner.
There has been a significant increase in the number of FOI requests received in my Department since the new Freedom of Information Act came into operation in 2014. I acknowledge the Deputy’s central role in the expansion of the scope of the FOI Act in 2014, which I was proud to support while in government with the Deputy. This much needed reform reversed the negative impact of the restrictions introduced by the previous Fianna Fail-led Government.
In 2013, my Department received 92 requests. This figure rose to 290 in 2015 and 344 in 2017, which represents an increase of 374%. The majority of requests submitted to my Department are generally non-personal requests from members of the media.
All requests received in my Department are processed by designated officials in accordance with the FOI Acts. If a requester has difficulty with an FOI decision, he or she can seek an internal review, followed by appeal to the Information Commissioner. The FOI statutory framework keeps the decision-making process at arm's length from the political head of the Department and his or her political advisers and I have no role in the decision making process for requests received in my Department. At most, one is asked for observations but I have not been so asked since I became Taoiseach.
There are two members of staff working in the Department’s FOI Unit, both of whom perform other duties. Staff from across the Department are also involved in processing requests in addition to routine duties such as searching and retrieving records and making decisions on requests received.
Section 8 of the Freedom of Information Act 2014 requires each FOI body to prepare and publish a publication scheme. My Department's scheme is published on its website and it sets out a range of information about the type of records it holds. My Department also publishes a range of information on its website on a quarterly basis, including details of foreign travel expenses, details of invoices paid in excess of €20,000, minutes of the Department’s management advisory committee meetings and a log of non-personal freedom of information requests.
I thank the Taoiseach for his response. He will be aware that the Government is a member of the Open Government Partnership, which is another initiative that I was privileged to propose in government. The programme for Government commits to transparent oversight building on the freedom of information reforms which the Taoiseach kindly acknowledged were proposed by me in government.
There are significant concerns around the experience of FOI requests and the delay in the Taoiseach's Department in processing them. The Taoiseach has already set out the number of FOI applications made. How many appeals were made to the Information Commissioner last year and the previous year and, if the Taoiseach has the information to hand, what was the outcome of those appeals? I am sure the Taoiseach has seen the articles in The Sunday Business Post about the delays in releasing documents. It took six months, two appeals and an independent adjudicator before the documents referenced last week were released. Most of us would readily acknowledge that this information should be in the public domain and readily accessible by any citizen. It is very difficult to understand why it would take so long for this information to be released. The Taoiseach will probably respond to the effect that these are matters for the information officer in his Department but it might be worthwhile reviewing procedure in this regard to ensure that the general attitude in terms of freedom of information requests is, as I believe it should be, that information should be made available.
I had hoped the Government would be working towards a situation where the Freedom of Information Act would be unnecessary because the default position would be that all data in a Department would be accessible in a readable form. I am interested in hearing the Taoiseach's views on these matters.
During yesterday's venting, the Taoiseach's fake outrage focused on comments that I made on the handling of freedom of information requests. In particular, the Taoiseach claimed that I had failed to understand basic procedures or the difference between the Government and the Civil Service. That is quite an incredible statement given the fact the Government is spending millions of euro claiming it is responsible for every positive thing done by every civil and public servant. During his time in office the Taoiseach's predecessor, Deputy Enda Kenny, accepted that he had personal responsibility for ensuring that freedom of information laws and principles were respected in his Department. He saw no conflict between discussing the performance of the Department and the independent decision making structures.
The bottom line is that it took six months for the journalist Mr. Hugh O'Connell to get the information that he requested. The strategic communications unit may not have been formally set up until September but its head was hand picked and announced in July of last year. None of my comments has been personal nor are they an attempt to smear anybody. It is my responsibility to hold the Government to account. The Taoiseach said himself that mistakes were made. Basically, it is a simple hard fact that since he took up office, his Department has fought repeatedly to withhold documents relating to a major point of public controversy. The Taoiseach himself has refused to give many details in the House to Deputies and journalists have had no alternative but to use freedom of information laws. Now that the Information Commissioner's work is complete, the Taoiseach is free to comment on the incredible fact that the kind of information that was refused included email chains between the Taoiseach's chief of staff and Mr. Concannon. They were never confidential Cabinet memos and it defies any logic to suggest that they were. Likewise, an email pertaining to the Taoiseach suggesting that an announcement on the new child care subsidy should be a Government announcement as opposed to one from the Department of Children and Youth Affairs incredibly became a Cabinet memo for the purposes of refusing its release. As the Taoiseach said himself, the normal procedure is that a deciding officer seeks documents from individuals and allows them to state a view on the appropriateness of releasing them. I have gone through the relevant documents and one in particular states that the Taoiseach has decided to "establish a small unit" in the Department of An Taoiseach, which illustrates his deep connection to this unit.
The Deputy's time is up.
This calls for a review, especially given that the Department lost the case. The Taoiseach should organise a review of the processes to make sure that such information is not withheld in such a manner again.
I echo many of the concerns raised in the Sunday Business Post by Hugh O'Connell last weekend which demonstrate, despite his protestations to the contrary, the Taoiseach's deep involvement with the strategic communications unit. In fact he is giving direction, as I would interpret it, in terms of its operation. Deputy Micheál Martin has mentioned the publicity for the child care subsidy scheme and the fact it was to be seen as an initiative of the Government or the Taoiseach rather than of the Department. An instruction was given that the publicity campaign would be run throughout the month of August which suggests a very deep involvement and not an arms' length or hands off approach at all. We discussed this yesterday and it is very clear to me that the strategic communications unit needs to go. I do not accept that what the Taoiseach has set up is an independent or credible review process. I say that while acknowledging the very many talents and capabilities of the Secretary General of the Taoiseach's Department. I have never made an issue of that but I think that the Taoiseach has put him in a terribly difficult position.
On another note, I found a supplement that came with the Irish Independent today of interest. It features no less than 12 photographs of Senator Mark Daly of Fianna Fáil. The supplement was produced by the Thomas F. Meagher Foundation. Mr. Meagher was a good Tipperary man. It says that it was produced "in association" with the Office of the Ceann Comhairle. I do not wish to draw the Ceann Comhairle into controversy but I would like to know if public moneys have been invested in the production of this supplement. The Ceann Comhairle himself features in it-----
I assure the Deputy that there was no money from my office invested in it.
His visage is in this publication also. I want to know if public moneys were used for this. It is an extraordinary publication. It is very lengthy and in part, informative. The fact that there are so many pictures of Senator Mark Daly in a single publication is an astonishing achievement of political communication and propaganda. In that sense, the Taoiseach is not on his own. It seems that these strategies are widely deployed and are much beloved of Fianna Fáil. The serious point I am making is that all of these types of approaches and initiatives are inherently problematic. On the face of it, this supplement is about the national flag, Thomas Meagher and so forth, all of which is good. However, it becomes difficult when it can be interpreted as politically partisan. I am not accusing the Ceann Comhairle, before he gets excited, of being politically partisan although he is pictured in it. Senator Mark Daly looms large in this publication.
I have not seen it yet but I presume there are others-----
I want to know about the involvement of Dublin City Council but most importantly for our purposes, I want to know what "in association" with the office of the Ceann Comhairle actually means by way of financing this magnum opus.
There was absolutely no financing by my office. I can assure the Deputy that there was absolutely none.
Can the Ceann Comhairle confirm that in writing?
Most definitely and without a bother.
I have enough respect for the Ceann Comhairle and his office such that if he says something to me verbally, I will not ask him to send it to me in writing. That was an unnecessary demand by Deputy McDonald.
We will not get excited about it.
None of us should get exited about it.
It was not intended to be disrespectful. It is just a matter of good process. The Taoiseach should try it.
Just for clarity, I was very involved in the establishment of the strategic communications unit. It was my initiative. However, if Deputies check the Dáil record, it was after the controversies around its setting up that I took a decision to step back. A budget was allocated, a memo was brought to Cabinet, the Cabinet agreed a work programme and the Secretary General of my Department put in place a governance structure. After that, I stepped back from any of the day to day operations, from involvement in decisions on advertisements, what they looked like, where they were placed and so forth. Obviously, however, I had an interest in the core work of the unit, whether it was the single identity, the www.gov.ie website or some of the campaigns that were run. My view is that the Government is the Government, by the way. I do not believe that I am the Government. I am the head of Government but am not the Government. I believe in a whole-of-government approach and do not believe that Government should operate in silos, with every Department operating almost as an independent republic. I believe in joined up Government. That is a philosophy of mine but I understand it is one that some people might not share. It made sense to me, for example, that when we were informing the self-employed about new rights and entitlements that we would not have one campaign being run by the Department of Employment Affairs and Social Protection on their social insurance rights, a separate campaign being run by the Department of Finance about increases in their tax credits and yet another campaign being run by the Department of Business, Enterprise and Innovation on supports for entrepreneurs. Instead, we would put it all together in a single Government information campaign-----
Not in a propaganda unit though; in an information unit rather than a propaganda unit.
That is the philosophy behind what we were trying to do. People want to know what the Government is doing for them; they are not all that bothered about which Department or agency is actually doing it.
In terms of the open government partnership, the challenge of building a more open, transparent and accountable public governance unit in Ireland is being advanced through a range of reform initiatives led by the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform. The open data initiative is a key part of these activities. It is closely aligned with the public service reform plan, the ICT strategy, the Civil Service renewal plan and internationally and it is a core element of the EU-wide approach to the re-use of public sector information directive which has been transposed by Ireland. As a central policy Department, the data held in my Department relates mainly to its administrative functions, including for example, human resources and financial management and no high value datasets suitable for publication on the open data portal were identified. We are considering how best to design a process that creates an action plan that can implement the solutions that matter to the public. We will aim for a more focused plan aimed at supporting our broader reform efforts in addressing the needs of citizens. This all relates to the open government partnership. Better citizen engagement for better outcomes is a key part of the strategy for innovation and reform of our public service up to 2020. The ambition is to promote meaningful citizen engagement in policy making and in turn to increase the legitimacy of decision making, improve the public's knowledge and awareness of complex policy challenges, help decision makers to make better decisions which should lead to better policies and improvements in the quality of service provision.
We will soon launch a portal that will bring together all public consultations in one place. This will be the first step in giving greater visibility to how public consultations are run and whether the principles in the consultation guidelines are followed.
On freedom of information requests, I want to put on record and make it very clear that it has been the long-standing practice in my Department, in the cases of successive Taoisigh, including myself, that the Taoiseach, as political head of the Department, has no role whatsoever in processing such requests. Provision does exist for me to be asked for observations on whether something should be released but I can confirm that I have not been asked for such observations since I became Taoiseach. I had been asked as a Minister in other Departments.
When freedom of information requests are received in my Department, the functions of the general examination and primary decision-making are delegated to assistant principals and some higher executive officers. The function of internal review has been delegated to officials not below principal officer grade and all requests received are monitored by the Department's freedom of information liaison officer. There are often reasons freedom of information requests are refused. This is because the matters under request are confidential, often relating to Cabinet. Sometimes they are commercially sensitive in nature, sometimes they are part of deliberative process, debates ongoing - debates in which lobbyists may have an interest, for example - and sometimes they are just personal. They could be to do with totally personal matters.
These emails were not any of that.
I am concerned at allegations that I - specific reference was made to me - or the Government in any way tried to delay or block the release of this information, because that is just factually incorrect. It is a very strange allegation to make in the context in which I was accused of blurring the lines between the Government and the Civil Service. It seems that I am accused of that on one account, yet am told I should be doing it on another account. I do not think that is a very consistent position.
I am sure the Taoiseach will come back to me on the question regarding appeals to the Information Commissioner.
Yes. I do not have the numbers to hand.
The Taoiseach said he took a step back from the strategic communications unit once there was any controversy. It is my understanding - my deep understanding as a former Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform - that in budgeting, it is a Minister who determines the amount of money to be sought for any agency or unit. Who then proposed that the strategic communications unit should get €5 million and who determined that it should have 15 staff?
I asked the Taoiseach to review the process. Six months is not healthy. Initially, section 29 of the Freedom of Information Act was cited as the reason for refusing a release of these records. That section refers to matters actually under consideration by Government. The citation was changed in January to section 28(1), which deals with confidential documents, the equivalent of Cabinet memos. Of the emails that were refused, one is an email chain between the director, Mr. Concannon, and the Taoiseach's chief adviser, Brian Murphy. The Information Commissioner is very clear that they were never created as a record and never enjoyed Cabinet confidentiality. Second is the email concerning the Taoiseach and the child care subsidy in terms of the Taoiseach wanting it to become a Government announcement rather than a Department of Children and Youth Affairs announcement. There are very genuine concerns here. It took six months to clarify that point and I think, in terms of the macro policy role the Taoiseach has in the Department, a review of the operation of the process is merited.
I will give consideration as to whether a review is necessary. I would say the best way to approach that is for me to look at the number and percentage of appeals that were granted. If we have a high rate of appeals being granted, perhaps we should be releasing more. If the percentage of appeals being granted is slim, that would indicate that the Department is getting it generally right.
The budget for the unit was allocated as part of budget 2018 and was in the Appropriations Bill.
Was the figure proposed by the Taoiseach?
The figure was originally suggested by the director of the unit - I supported it - but, obviously, the budget is now likely to be curtailed significantly.
Inniúlacht sa Ghaeilge sa Státseirbhís
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:4. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his Department's Irish language policy. [9881/18]
Brendan Howlin
Ceist:5. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his Department's Irish language policy. [10931/18]
A Cheann Comhairle, tá sé i gceist agam Ceisteanna 4 agus 5 a fhreagairt le chéile. Ag teacht le brí agus meon Acht na dTeangacha Oifigiúla, tá Roinn an Taoisigh tugtha do chultúr a chruthú agus a chothú lena spreagtar úsáid na Gaeilge taobh istigh den Roinn féin agus leis an gcustaiméir. Chun na críche sin tá cúrsaí ar fáil go furasta ag fostaithe uile na Roinne tríd an aonad acmhainní daonna. Ba é an phríomh-bhéim maidir le hobair na Roinne díriú ar chaidreamh a dhéanamh le Ranna Rialtais eile agus le Gníomhaireachtaí Rialtais. Ní tharlaíonn, dá thoradh sin, aon éileamh suntasach ar sheirbhís i nGaeilge ó dhaoine den phobal i gcoitinne.
Mura dtarlaíonn é sin féin tuigeann an Roinn go maith an tábhacht atá le roinnt fostaithe a bheith ar fáil atá líofa i nGaeilge agus ábalta seirbhís a chur ar fáil trí Ghaeilge. Tá curtha in iúl ag roinnt fostaithe de chuid na Roinne go bhfuil úsáid na Gaeilge go maith acu agus iad inniúil ina réimsí féin seirbhísí éagsúla a chur ar fáil trí Ghaeilge. Tá roinnt acu níos fearr ná a chéile. Tá beirt de na fostaithe sin a bhfuil ardchumas Gaeilge acu ceaptha chun seirbhís Gaeilge a chur ar fáil do dhaoine den phobal agus is leor beirt freastal a dhéanamh ar an éileamh sin faoi láthair.
Tá úsáid na Gaeilge luaite freisin i gCairt an Chustaiméara ag an Roinn. Deirtear ansin go ndéanfar freastal ar an gcustaiméir ar mhian leis nó léi gnó a dhéanamh trí Ghaeilge.
Tá geallúintí a luaitear faoi Scéim Ghaeilge 2016-2019 de chuid na Roinne faoi Acht na dTeangacha Oifigiúla arb é is cuspóir leo a chinntiú gur féidir le haon chustaiméir ar mhian leis nó léi a ghnó nó a gnó a dhéanamh trí Ghaeilge le Roinn an Taoisigh déanamh amhlaidh. Tá gach fostaí de chuid na Roinne ar an eolas faoin scéim sin atá ina chuid de chlár an chúrsa iondúchtáin freisin ag fostaithe nua. Chomh maith leis sin tá líonra Gaeilge curtha ar bun sa Roinn a thagann le chéile uair sa ráithe agus a choinníonn súil ar an dul chun cinn maidir leis na geallúintí a chomhlíonadh a luaitear i Scéim Teanga na Roinne. Tá brón orm nach raibh mé chomh cúramach nó chomh líofa-----
Bhí sé go han-mhaith a Thaoisigh. Anois an chéad duine eile an Teachta Mary Lou McDonald.
Go raibh maith agat a Cheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Taoiseach as ucht a chuid freagra. Tá súil agam go mbainfidh gach duine sonas agus sásamh as Seachtain na Gaeilge nó ó choicís na Gaeilge atá anois ann. A Thaoisigh, is minic a deirtear gur slánaitheoir na Gaeilge an straitéis 20 bliain agus tá a fhios againn a Thaoisigh go bhfuil ag teip uirthi. I mo thuairim baineann an teip seo le Roinn an Taoisigh. Baineann an tuairisc is déanaí maidir leis an dul chun cinn a rinneadh faoin straitéis leis an mbliain 2015. B’shin trí bliana ó shin. Impím ar an Taoiseach é sin a réiteach láithreach. Thug mé faoi deara píosa a bhí an-spéisiúil sa pháipéir straitéise don Ghaeilge óna Roinn féin. Deirtear go bhfuil an Ghaeilge mar chuid den chultúr agus den oidhreacht sa Tuaisceart agus gur tosaíocht de chuid an Rialtais an teanga a chosaint agus a chur chun cinn ó Thuaidh. Ní hamháin sin, deirtear go soiléir go ndéanfaidh Rialtas na hÉireann brú a chur chun Acht na Gaeilge a bhaint amach. Is leis an Taoiseach agus an Roinn na focail sin. Iarraim ort é sin a dhéanamh. Tá Sinn Féin tiomanta don dúshlán a thug an pobal dúinn anuraidh a shárú, is é sin chun Acht na Gaeilge a bhaint amach. Cén fáth? Toisc go bhfuil saol trí Ghaeilge á éileamh ag daoine, is é sin a bhfuil ag teastáil ó phobal na Gaeilge. Ní ceist í an mbeidh ceann againn. Is ceist í maidir le cathain a bheidh Acht againn. Le linn Sheachtain na Gaeilge táim lánsásta a rá gur cheart Acht a bheith ann anois. An féidir leatsa, A Thaoisigh, an rud céanna a rá gur cheart Acht a bheith ann anois?
Tá a fhios ag an gCeann Comhairle go raibh díospóireacht againn sa Teach seo tráthnóna aréir ar an nGaeilge, ar staid na teanga agus ar an nGaeltacht. Dúirt mé sa díospóireacht sin gurb é mo thuairim féin ná gur theip muid mar Stát agus mar chóras oideachais an teanga a chur chun cinn ó bhunú an Stáit. Caithfidh go bhfuil sé sin fíor agus is ait an rud é. Ní dóigh liom go bhfuil tír ar bith eile ar fud an domhain ina bhfuil córas oideachais ann nach bhfuil sé ar chumas na ndaltaí sa chóras sin an teanga a labhairt go líofa tar éis deich mbliana á foghlaim. Ba chóir go mbeadh siad in ann an Ghaeilge a labhairt go líofa agus go flúirseach tar éis an méid sin ama a chaitheamh á foghlaim. Tá fadhb ann agus caithfimid an fhadhb sin a réiteach. Is mar sin atá an scéal againn in Éirinn.
Tá ceist agam ar an Taoiseach agus orainn go léir mar ní dóigh liom gur cheist don Rialtas amháin é. Mar a dúirt mé, téann an teip seo siar go dtí bhunú an Stáit seo agus caithfimid rud réabhlóideach agus nua a dhéanamh chun go mbeadh sé ar chumas mhuintir na tíre i gcoitinne an teanga dúchais a labhairt. Caithfimid, i dtosach báire, an deis sin a thabhairt don aos óg sa tír seo.
Ceann de na polasaithe is tábhachtaí do mhuintir Fhianna Fháil ná an Ghaolainn a fheabhsú agus a chur chun cinn. Dheineamar an-chuid nuair a bhíomar sa Rialtas. Achtaíodh Acht na dTeangacha Oifigiúla 2003. Bunaíodh Oifig an Choimisinéara Teanga agus Foras na Gaeilge agus cuireadh cearta teanga san áireamh i nithe éagsúla. Cuir i gcás Achtanna oideachais agus Achtanna pleanála. Bunaíodh Coimisiún na Gaeltachta agus rinneadh forbairt air agus glacadh leis an straitéis 20 bliain don Ghaeilge. Chomh maith leis sin, bhí mórchuid caiteachais déanta ar bhunstruchtúr Gaeltachta agus Gaeilge.
Maidir leis an méid a dúirt an Teachta Howlin, i rith ár dtréimhse in oifig tháinig méadú ar líon na gcainteoirí Gaeilge taobh istigh agus taobh amuigh den Ghaeltacht. Faraor, le sé bliana anuas, theip ar na Rialtais faoi cheannas Fhine Gael ar an nGaeilge agus ar an nGaeltacht. Caithfidh mé é sin a rá. Thugas óráid ag Ard-fheis Chonradh na Gaeilge coicís ó shin agus dúirt mé nach raibh mé agus nach bhfuil mé sásta leis an méid atá faoi chaibidil ag an Rialtas an babhta seo. Tháinig meath suntasach ar líon na ndaoine a deir go bhfuil Gaeilge acu agus orthu siúd a labhraíonn an Ghaeilge gach lá.
An bhfuil tú cinnte go bhfuil sé sin fíor?
Caithfimid níos mó áiseanna a chur ar fáil maidir leis an teanga agus don Ghaeltacht, go háirithe ó thaobh mhúineadh na Gaeilge de. Cuirim i gcás na mic léinn sna coláistí oiliúna. Faoi láthair ní fhaigheann siad aon deontais chun dul go dtí an Ghaeltacht agus tá sé ró-chostasach ar fad do na daltaí agus na mic léinn sin. Sin rud beag gur féidir leis an Rialtas a dhéanamh. D'fhéadfadh sé na deontais a bhí ann a thabhairt ar ais. Gan amhras tá brú faoi leith ar mhic léinn tríú leibhéal san lá atá inniu ann agus sin brú eile.
Tá an t-am istigh.
Rud amháin eile. Is é TG4 an seod Gaeilge is mó atá againn faoi láthair. Tá an stáisiún ag déanamh an-chuid oibre ar son na Gaeilge
Buíochas leis an Uachtarán Michael D. Higgins.
Agus Máire Geoghegan-Quinn - an bheirt acu. Caithfidh an Teachta Howlin é sin a admháil. Dheineadar an-chuid chun TG4 a chur os ár gcomhair. An bunrud ná easpa taithí. Sin an bunfhadhb. Ní fhaigheann daoine deiseanna nádúrtha chun an Ghaeilge a labhairt.
Gabhaim buíochas leis na Teachtaí as a gceisteanna. Ní aontaím leis na Teachtaí gur theip orainn ach aontaím leis an Teachta Martin faoi TG4. Táim buíoch de Mháire Geoghegan-Quinn, den Uachtarán agus den iarThaoiseach, an tUasal John Bruton, dá initiative agus don obair a rinne siad.
Sárobair.
Tá an Rialtas ag déanamh go leor chun tacú leis an nGaeilge. Mar shampla, tá allúntas breise de €1.2 milliún ar fáil i mbliana chun cabhrú tuilleadh le cur i bhfeidhm an phróisis pleanála teanga, rud a fhágann go bhfuil cistíocht ar fiú €2.65 milliún ina iomlán ar fáil sa bhliain seo lena haghaidh. Anuas ar an airgead breise atá tugtha don Roinn Cultúir, Oidhreachta agus Gaeltachta le caitheamh ar an teanga, tháinig méadú ar bhuiséad Údarás na Gaeltachta agus ar bhuiséad Fhoras na Gaeilge le cúpla bliain anuas. I mí an Mheithimh na bliana seo caite, foilsíodh ceannteidil an Bhille teanga nua mar iarracht chun dul i ngleic le dhá mhórcheist: scéimeanna teanga agus earcaíocht sa tseirbhís phoiblí. Tá céimeanna á dtógáil chun deireadh a chur leis an maolú ar úsáid na Gaeilge san Aontas Eorpach in 2021.
Ag baint úsáide as aon slat tomhais, sílim go léiríonn na samplaí seo dáiríreacht an Rialtais maidir leis an nGaeilge sa bhliain seo - Bliain na Gaeilge.
Written Answers are published on the Oireachtas website.
Sitting suspended at 2.10 p.m. and resumed at 3.10 p.m.