Michael Moynihan
Ceist:1. Deputy Michael Moynihan asked the Taoiseach if he is satisfied that the data protection measures in place in his Department are robust. [17677/18]
Ceisteanna - Questions
General Data Protection Regulation
Brendan Howlin
Ceist:2. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the data protection unit in his Department; and the work under way on the general data protection regulation. [18780/18]
Michael Moynihan
Ceist:3. Deputy Michael Moynihan asked the Taoiseach if his Department is prepared for the introduction of the general data protection regulation on 25 May 2018. [18797/18]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 3, inclusive, together.
I am satisfied that the data protection measures in place in my Department are robust. There are secure policies and procedures in place for paper files and electronic data. All information and communication technology, ICT, systems operated within my Department are securely managed. Access to the systems is controlled through a variety of security measures, including industry-leading technologies which are regularly updated. My Department’s electronic records and files are held on a secure internal network. The network is connected to the Internet through the Government networks service, which is a private, managed, wide-area network connecting public service bodies on a data, voice and video-capable network.
The general data protection regulation, GDPR, comes into force on 25 May. The Department of Justice and Equality is responsible for transposing into Irish law those parts of the regulation for which member states have competence. The enacting legislation in Ireland, the Data Protection Bill, is starting Committee Stage in this House today. It is the Government’s intention to have the Bill enacted ahead of the 25 May deadline and I ask for support from all sides of the Oireachtas to ensure we meet that target.
An important priority for the Government has been to ensure that Irish organisations are ready for the GDPR when it comes into force. In addition to the awareness campaign of the Office of the Data Protection Commissioner, the Minister of State with responsibility for data protection, Deputy Pat Breen, has been involved in a range of activities to promote awareness and regularly meets business groups and representative bodies to ensure everyone is aware of their privacy rights and obligations under GDPR. This work will continue after 25 May.
As regards my Department's preparations for GDPR, a data protection officer, DPO, has been appointed and has been meeting the various divisions in the Department, which are reviewing what personal data they receive, how they manage it and any scope for improvement.
A number of staff, including the DPO, have already attended training sessions on the GDPR and further training will be provided.
Separate from the data protection officer, the data protection unit, DPU, which is within the economic division of my Department supports the Minister of State with responsibility for data protection and contributes to a whole-of-Government approach to the challenges arising from the increasing digitisation of modern life in association with significant increases in the amount of personal data generated. The data protection unit also acts as the secretariat to the interdepartmental committee on data issues which was established in 2015 to bring a whole-of-Government perspective to data issues.
While compliance with the GDPR is a matter for each individual organisation, the committee has helped to raise awareness of the GDPR across the public service and received regular briefings from the Department of Justice and Equality on the legislation.
I call Deputy Micheál Martin instead of Deputy Michael Moynihan.
The GDPR will ensure a harmonised system of data protection rules that will work across the European Union. My understanding is the Bill will be before the committee tomorrow and I hope it will pass all Stages by 25 May. It is unfortunate that we are so late in the day, given the fact that companies and others are preparing for the introduction of the legislation.
We welcome the strengthening of protection for citizens. Such protection of citizens' privacy rights is more important now than ever, particularly given the presence of such global technology giants as Google, Facebook, LinkedIn and many others.
On the information published on Facebook scraping, impacting on more than 50 million members of the public, belatedly, policies are being introduced by companies to seek the user's permission to use his or her data for other companies. The case with Atlantico also involved an appalling abuse of personal data. RTÉ had to issue a statement yesterday on a fake report on Facebook mimicking RTÉ. There are serious issues and the Bill will help to deal with some of them, although I point out that some public representatives are concerned that the impact of the Bill on their unique role in interacting with citizens might render it impossible. The Minister should look at that aspect before the Bill is completed.
I also raise the issue of the digital age of consent. This is more about companies using the data of young people for their own purposes in marketing and so on. There is a very strong case for reviewing it and allowing the digital age of consent move to 16 years if, for nothing else, to create pressure on companies to carry out their duties and responsibilities to children and young people.
The area of privacy and data protection has come to light in the context of the Independent News & Media, INM, story in terms of the breach of data protection that is the subject of an affidavit in the High Court but also an investigation by the data protection officer. I am conscious that the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Murray, produced a significant report on the protection of sources, including journalistic sources. He produced a more broad-based report on the digital age of consent and protecting privacy all round from the State and recommened that such protections apply in the private sector also. It is essential that, as a country, we move fairly quickly on these matters.
I too want to ask about the current position of the Government on the digital age of consent now that Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin support the Labour Party position that the digital age of consent be 16 years and are committed to moving amendments in that regard. Will the Government give further consideration to the appropriate digital age of consent because the protection of young people is more frequently in the minds of all citizens when we see to what young people are being required to sign up? Children younger than 16 years should be protected from this.
The Taoiseach told the Dáil that the Government was considering legislation to protect journalists' sources following the alleged data breach at INM. He may recall that on Tuesday he said it was time for the Government to dust down reports on the issue. Has that dusting down been completed and is there a commitment to legislate in this area? We all agree that the protection of journalistic sources and a free press from interference is an important bulwark of our democracy. It is a concern for all of us that there would be a doubt about who might access journalists' sources and certainly the activities of a free press. Last week I looked at the ranking of Ireland in terms of journalistic freedom and it is reasonably high. We have to make sure we maintain and improve that status by having protections for journalists.
Deputy Micheál Martin mentioned the unique role of Oireachtas Members in serving their constituents. I echo what he said. I know that it is a concern, certainly among members of my parliamentary party and the Cabinet, that we should not bring forward data protection laws that would restrict Deputies and Senators in doing the work they have been doing for years and decades in serving their constituents. When this issue was discussed by the Cabinet, as part of its decision, the Minister for Justice and Equality and the Attorney General were mandated to examine the unique role of the Oireachtas Member to see if any exemption or exception might be appropriate when it came to communications between Oireachtas Members and their constituents or about Oireachtas Members and their constituents. At the same time, however, we need to be mindful of the fact that, as legislators, we probably should not impose laws on others that we are not willing to impose on ourselves. That is something we have to bear in mind, but it is part of the ongoing considerations.
On the Murray report and protecting journalists' sources, I did dust it down and look at it. It is still under consideration as to whether we can legislate to protect journalists' sources. We have identified three complications and certainly would welcome the advice of Deputies in other parties on how we might overcome them. The first is the definition of a "journalist". Journalism is an unregulated profession. We know what a doctor is because to protect the title one is registered with the Medical Council. We know what a nurse is because it is a protected title and one is registered with the Nursing and Midwifery Board. We know that also to be the case for physiotherapists and teachers. A huge number of professions are regulated. One cannot just call oneself a teacher or an architect. They are regulated professions. One must register with a professional body and uphold a certain code of conduct and there is a mechanism by which one could be struck off the register. Journalism is not in that space. It is an unregulated profession. I know that there is a press council, but journalists are not regulated in the way other professions are. One does not have to register; one cannot be struck off and there is no fitness to practise body, which creates a complication. It is difficult in law, therefore, to define what a journalist is. Particularly in the current era when there is a huge amount of social media, there is the emergence of the citizen journalist who is somebody who may have another job, be self-employed or have a business but who may also be a journalist on occasion, perhaps for an hour a day or whenever he or she likes to be a journalist. We would need some way to define what a journalist is before we could protect their sources. That is a complicated task when it is not a regulated profession in the way other professions are regulated. It is not a protected title in the way other titles are protected.
There is a second reason we would not protect sources for other people. As politicians, we are often given confidential information by people. I am sure people in other walks of life are also given confidential information. Would we apply it more widely? I imagine some of it is covered by Dáil privilege, but it may not all be covered. There may be other professions for which we could also consider this. We would also have to consider exceptions. For example, there is legal privilege whereby lawyers have protections. Doctors, for example, are protected by doctor-patient confidentiality, but in no cases are these protections absolute.
If the High Court orders a doctor to breach patient confidentiality, he or she must do so. There are certain conditions under which doctors are expected to breach doctor-patient confidentiality, for example, if a patient poses a danger to other people. Again, we would have to consider under what exceptions journalists could be required to give up their sources. Would it be following a ruling of the High Court, for example? All those things have to be thought through. I have not thought them through yet or determined the right answers and certainly we would welcome the advice and views of other parties in that regard.
The Government made a decision last year to accept 13 as the age of digital consent, based on recommendations made by organisations and individuals that work with children who are best able to advise us on the balance of autonomy versus safety. Advice was sought from the Children's Rights Alliance, the Ombudsman for Children as well as Dr. Geoffrey Shannon, the special rapporteur for children. They all recommended that we opt for 13 rather than 16. I understand that some parties have reconsidered and changed their position of late. Of course, people are entitled to do that. I will not criticise anyone for changing his or her view because we all do that on occasion, as facts and contexts change. I assume that this will go to a vote at some point over the next period.
Departmental Functions
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:4. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the international, European Union and Northern Ireland division of his Department. [17817/18]
Brendan Howlin
Ceist:5. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the international, European Union and Northern Ireland division of his Department. [18782/18]
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:6. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the work of the international, European Union and Northern Ireland division of his Department. [18888/18]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 4 to 6 together.
The international, EU and Northern Ireland division of my Department covers work on all international, EU, British-Irish and Northern Ireland affairs within the Department, including Brexit issues. The division supports me in my international role including as a member of the European Council and in my other EU and international engagements. The division also provides advice and support to me on Northern Ireland affairs, British-Irish relations and on Brexit. The division provides advice, briefing and support in respect of my varied international engagements, including meetings of the European Council and other EU summits, bilateral engagements with Heads of Government of EU member states and other countries and in respect of international affairs more generally. The division also supports the work of Cabinet committee C which deals with EU affairs and Brexit and works closely with other relevant Departments, most particularly the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.
Gabhaim buíochas leis an Taoiseach as ucht a chuid freagra.
I welcome the visit to Ireland by Mr. Michel Barnier. Yesterday's all-island civic dialogue on Brexit in Dundalk was a very good initiative which was particularly enjoyed by the young people who were invited to participate. Mr. Barnier is also due to visit Newry, Derry and Dungannon and it is very important that he makes those trips. I was pleased to see that the Taoiseach visited Warrenpoint and Lurgan. Those visits were also extremely important and I am sure the Taoiseach did not miss how warmly he was welcomed by all sections of the community. In that context, the obnoxious, racially charged and very discourteous remarks made by a person formerly known as Mr. John Taylor, now known as Lord Kilclooney, are to be absolutely rejected. In my experience, such remarks do not represent the attitude of the vast majority of people from any side of the community, where people carry themselves with considerably more dignity and courtesy than that.
I was interested to hear Mr. Barnier's comments in respect of the Border, the backstop and the answer to the Irish question. I also listened very carefully to what the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste had to say. I want to reiterate that I am very concerned that these matters have slipped from December to March and now on into June. We are being told that June, rather than being a red line or a definitive date, is now a stepping stone. That is a very dangerous game to play. It is a deliberate strategy on the part of the British Government to play down the clock and I ask the Taoiseach to give his views on this again. I would like to hear him firm up the Dublin position in respect of June and to reiterate to Mrs. May's Government that we need an answer and that it needs to come forward by June with its proposed solution.
Lord Kilclooney, also known as Mr. John Taylor, would be well advised to apologise for the slur that he attempted to cast on the Taoiseach. He is an ardent Brexiteer and has very hot feelings about Brexit but that does not permit him to use the kind of language he used yesterday. That said, the DUP heavily criticised the Taoiseach for his informal visit to Armagh and Down because local politicians were not informed in advance. There is a long-standing tradition south of the Border that when events of significance to local communities are taking place all public representatives, including Members of the Oireachtas and councillors, are invited. Given that he is still in the early days of being Taoiseach, is it his policy when he is presiding at significant public functions on either side of the Border to ensure that all local representatives are offered the opportunity to be present? The comments by the DUP are evidence of very strained relations. Has the Taoiseach been able to do anything to improve communications with the DUP? Does the Taoiseach have any plans to improve the relationship between his Government and the DUP? Who is in charge of protocol for these visits? Is it a joint arrangement between the Taoiseach's office and the Northern Ireland Office?
Is the international and EU division of the Taoiseach's Department at all concerned about the massacre that Israel has been perpetrating against unarmed protesters in Gaza for the last number of weeks? Two days before those protests began I begged the Taoiseach to condemn and speak out against any likely Israeli armed attack on those protests but the Taoiseach ignored me in the Dáil that day. I have asked the Taoiseach about this every week since then, as the death toll has risen to 42. Unarmed protesters who represent no threat to human life have been shot down by Israeli armed forces. Those forces have admitted, in the face of protests by Israeli and Palestinian civil society, that they are using the rules of war and military engagement to deal with unarmed protesters. The UN has spoken out on this. Last week Mr. Ilan Baruch, the former Israeli ambassador to South Africa, compared what has been done in the last few weeks to Bloody Sunday. He said that these events are Palestine's Bloody Sunday but are happening week in, week out. He condemned the European Union, including Ireland, for its failure to use diplomatic means to deter Israel from such direct and brutal violence towards unarmed, non-violent Palestinian demonstrators. He asked if Irish and EU leaders preferred profitable economic co-operation with Israel over upholding international human rights. He went on to say that firing live ammunition at non-violent, unarmed demonstrators is "an act of inconceivable brutality, yet standing indifferently on the sidelines is inconceivable, too". He accused European governments, including the Irish Government, of doing exactly that. Where is the condemnation? Where are the expulsions and sanctions? We have absolute, deadly silence. Teenagers are being mowed down by snipers and nobody is doing anything. I ask the Taoiseach to say something about this.
On about four occasions in the last six months I have asked the Taoiseach to detail the specific numbers of staff assigned to each area within this very broad division.
This is something that previous taoisigh have been willing to do. Will the Taoiseach tell us exactly how many officials are working on the distinct roles of international affairs, EU affairs and Northern Ireland? Each of these areas has separate management positions within the Department. It should be eminently possible to disaggregate the number of officials in each area. A continued refusal to supply these numbers will suggest an intention to gloss over how few people are working on particular tasks that have been identified as national priorities.
I described Brexit yesterday as an ugly campaign, among many other things. I think the remarks of former MP Taylor can be considered in a similar vein. One of the core elements of the work of this division relates to Brexit. The timetable is not clear. I have been criticised by Government Ministers for rearticulating, to some extent, what the Tánaiste had said about the June deadline. If the June deadline is not reached, we will have to question whether it will be possible to get agreement by October. The Tánaiste made remarks to that effect on the BBC. The Taoiseach said around the same time that he did not mind if this slipped to October. His position was quoted by the UK Secretary of State for Brexit, David Davis, in his effort to ignore the June deadline.
We all got a sense yesterday that this will be resolved in October. That was the clear impression yesterday. The Taoiseach might have a contrary view. There is talk of substantial progress by June. Has anyone defined what "substantial progress" means? Is it still the Taoiseach's view that this can be resolved in October? Is he concerned about what appears to the twin-tracking of the final status negotiations and the resolution of the question of the island of Ireland, as Deputy Burton has set out?
I thank the leaders of the various parties for attending the all-island civic dialogue and staying to hear the contributions of other leaders. Many leaders stayed well into the day to speak to some of the young people who were in attendance. I thank leaders for that. This valuable dialogue has taken place on a number of occasions. It is not just about politicians talking to politicians - it also involves politicians talking to farmers and business leaders etc. I am delighted that someone from the Orange Order attended yesterday's meeting. It was very welcome. It was very useful to have young people and people from all the different sectors in attendance. It was great to have Michel Barnier here in Ireland. He visited Dundalk and he went to the North as well. He heard from stakeholders and explained to them the EU's position with regard to Brexit. The EU is willing to make special treatment and special provisions for Northern Ireland that it cannot make for the UK as a whole.
Regarding my visit to the North yesterday, I had the opportunity to visit the port of Warrenpoint, which is one of the few ports in Ireland I had not previous visited. As a former Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, I like my ports and airports. I also visited the Jethro Centre in Lurgan, which has received funding from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. It serves both communities but has its origin as the Protestant parish centre. The visit I enjoyed the most was my visit to New-Bridge Integrated College, which is one of the integrated education secondary schools in Northern Ireland. It is called New-Bridge because it is halfway between Newry and Banbridge and takes kids from both towns. It was really great to have a glimpse or an insight into what a shared future might look like in Northern Ireland. It is attended by kids from both communities and none. Many kids from new communities and migrant communities, including kids from Asian backgrounds, are there too. It gave me a great sense of what the new Northern Ireland might look like.
My visit to Northern Ireland yesterday was deliberately low-key. I can tell Deputy Burton that I have to judge on the day of each visit what is the purpose of the visit. It was very much a low-key visit. I did not have an entourage of local politicians or politicians from the Twenty-six Counties of the Republic with me. I did not invite a big gaggle of media personnel either, although one or two journalists turned up. The particular reason I took this approach was that the only people I have met on my most recent visits to Northern Ireland have been officials and politicians. When I have tried to interact with people, I have found myself surrounded by officials and politicians, with the media snapping me and asking me questions. I wanted to talk to everyday people in a low-key manner about their concerns with regard to Brexit and about their hopes for the future. I wanted to hear from young people who live near the Border in Newry and Banbridge on how they feel about these issues. Approximately 40% of the traffic that comes into Warrenpoint, which is a very important port, turns left and comes across the Border into the Republic of Ireland. I also had a really interesting visit to the Jethro Centre.
Regardless of what others might have to say about it, I certainly felt very welcome in Northern Ireland and I intend to visit again. There will be low-key visits and there will be full-protocol formal visits as well. I have to say that any time I go North of the Border, I feel very welcome on all sides. The protocol is that I contact the Northern Ireland Office. That is done by my protocol department. We have to do that because they provide security. We had some Police Service of Northern Ireland security with us. In the absence of an Executive, it is not possible to contact an Executive or Government in Northern Ireland. There is no Executive, so I contact the Northern Ireland Office instead. I saw Lord Kilclooney's tweet. I had thought it was a parody account, but seemingly it is not. It is for real. That is all I will say about that.
The EU position with regard to June and October, which of course is Ireland's position because we negotiate as a group of 27 member states, is outlined in the guidelines. We will meet again at the June Council meeting to review progress. As the Tánaiste has said, as I have said and as Michel Barnier has said, we need to see real and substantial progress on the text of the withdrawal agreement by June. If the withdrawal agreement does not contain a protocol on Ireland and on the Irish Border, there will be no withdrawal agreement. I think we are all very clear in that regard.
Is that October?
The deadline for finalising the withdrawal agreement has always been October. I am not sure if that has been understood by everyone.
It has.
The deadline for finalising the withdrawal agreement has always been October. We expect to see substantial and real progress on the text in June. If that does not happen, we will have to question at that point whether it is going to be possible to come to an agreement at all. We have been very clear on that, as has the EU.
On Deputy Boyd Barrett's question, the Government is of course very concerned about the violence in Israel and Palestine. We condemn the shooting of unarmed civilians by the Israeli Defence Forces - let there be no doubt about that. Of course we also oppose violent protests and any illegal border incursions.
Project Ireland 2040 Administration
Brendan Howlin
Ceist:7. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach the number of staff in his Department working on the roll-out of Project Ireland 2040; and the number of events he has attended and plans to attend to promote the project. [17880/18]
Mary Lou McDonald
Ceist:8. Deputy Mary Lou McDonald asked the Taoiseach the role of his Department with regard to Project Ireland 2040; and the role of his Department in its implementation. [18735/18]
Micheál Martin
Ceist:9. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach if his attention has been drawn to the number of officials in his Department who are working on the national planning framework and on the roll-out of the national development plan; and if they are predominately in the communications area. [18812/18]
Micheál Martin
Ceist:10. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach when Cabinet Committee D (Infrastructure) last met. [19088/18]
I propose to take Questions Nos. 7 to 10, inclusive, together.
Cabinet Committee D last met on 1 February 2018. The next meeting of the committee has been scheduled for 8 May next. The overall objective of Cabinet Committee D on infrastructure is to ensure a co-ordinated approach to the development and implementation of policy regarding housing, infrastructure investment and delivery, climate action and the delivery of Project Ireland 2040. Project Ireland 2040 is the overarching policy and planning framework for the social, economic and cultural development of our country. It includes the 20 year 2040 national planning framework, backed up by a €116 billion capital investment plan for the period from 2018 to 2027. The plan was launched in Sligo on 16 February last. My Department's main contribution to the plan was through the policy-making process. My senior officials and advisers were involved in formulating policy and drafting the text of the plan. As well as the launch in Sligo, I attended regional events in Waterford, Cork, Limerick and Galway. In addition, I attended the launch of the first of the sector-specific events, which was held on 10 April last and focused on investing in our culture, language and heritage, with some €1.2 billion to be invested in our culture, arts and heritage infrastructure over the next ten years. I have plans to attend two more sector-specific events, focusing on rural and climate action, in the near future.
The implementation of Project Ireland 2040 is being overseen by the Project Ireland 2040 delivery board, which is jointly chaired by the Secretaries General of the Departments of Public Expenditure and Reform and Housing, Planning and Local Government. The delivery board will have responsibility for the communications strategy for Project Ireland 2040. This work will transition from my Department to the board by July. An investment projects and programmes office is being established in the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform to co-ordinate and drive the delivery of Project Ireland 2040.
As with all major policy initiatives, my Department will support and participate in the delivery of Project Ireland 2040. Both Cabinet committee D and the full Government will review progress on a regular basis.
Will the Taoiseach tell us if the Government proposes to have the national planning framework enacted in law? If it does not propose to have it enacted in law, what is the reason? Unless it is enacted in law, there is not a snowball's chance in hell that much of it will be implemented. Inevitably, it will cover the lifetime of three, four or five Governments, depending on how long they last. Perhaps it will be more.
The Taoiseach indicated that he seems to be undertaking a roadshow across the country, attending many stage-managed events in third level institutions. He mentioned Sligo, Limerick and Galway, all of which have third level educational institutions. Who chooses the questions to be asked at these events or can students and others who attend these events ask anything they want? It seems the questions from people attending these events are slightly staged.
Never.
Is there an official policy to ensure all local councillors and Deputies with an interest in their areas can be invited to such events? I asked the Taoiseach about the North because we would not have expected Mr. Jeffrey Donaldson, MP, to get angry about local representatives in the North not being invited to the Taoiseach's event yesterday. He said the way the Taoiseach behaved showed poor manners and disrespect because no local representative was informed and none of the other normal local protocols was followed. That was reported in today's Irish News. People from all the political parties in the North will say there is a regular protocol, as there has been in the Republic, where public representatives are invited to events. The Taoiseach seems to want to exclude them.
I will raise something different with the Taoiseach relating to Project Ireland 2040, specifically the construction of MetroLink. There is a general acceptance that this is a positive proposal and the infrastructure is long overdue. I raise with the Taoiseach the so-called emerging preferred route and the impact it will have specifically in Glasnevin, more specifically on St. Mobhi Road and more specifically again on Scoil Chaitríona, Scoil Mobhí and Na Fianna GAA club. Putting my cards on the table, this is not "nimbyism" and I do not live in the direct vicinity but my daughter is a student at Scoil Chaitríona. I attended a meeting there last evening where the parents gathered.
The problem is that notice of the construction of a station and boring holes that are massive in dimension was unceremoniously delivered to the desks of the GAA club and the respective schools. There was absolutely no consideration of the fact that the proposal is to put a massive building site alongside two schools, a scoil lán-Ghaeilge and Scoil Mobhí, a bunscoil. There is a naíonra as well in the vicinity. Representatives of Na Fianna and the schools were before the Oireachtas committee and they set out the massive disruption and the threat to the health and safety of very young children that this would represent.
This is Bliain na Gaeilge and in that part of Glasnevin almost a breac-Ghaeltacht has grown up, almost organically, between the games, the language and the schools. There is a deep resentment among parents and residents that all of this is to be disrupted. I bring this to the Taoiseach's attention because he is a Dubliner and I am sure he knows Glasnevin pretty well. I know he is also keen on Gaeilge. I would like to hear his response.
There is much to discuss in the short time I have and I will not be able to get around to all of it. The national development plan involved a significant tour of the country. University heads and those in institutes of technology love to greet members of the Government in the forlorn hope that the visit and their hospitality would be followed by numerous grants from the Government. Billions of euro have been promised all over the country and part of this relates to the metro project. I have visited Na Fianna and Home Farm and the two local schools are also seeing an impact. Many of these projects have had no serious in-depth cost appraisal or analysis, and some serious economists have pointed out that despite the promises, there has only been a cursory economic analysis of things like the metro and other big projects. There were promises without any great analysis. I was once advised by a very wise city manager who has passed to his eternal reward that one must be very careful of engineers planning, as they tend to go as the crow flies and they do not very often look at what is in the way.
What is striking about Na Fianna is the extraordinary human resource, cultural, community and sporting endeavour that it represents. It has 3,000 members and is on 11 sites but this is its home. It is not just a GAA club but it is a community centre. It is the hub of the entire community. The value of voluntary human endeavour, which civilises a society and ensures an esprit de corps in communities, would be wiped out without a moment's thought by a proposal such as the metro. It is extraordinary that in the Transport Infrastructure Ireland, TII, analysis, this area is not even identified as an obstacle. There are six major obstacles identified ahead of the plan but this is not identified as such. Home Farm has a pitch adjacent to the site. It needs a more holistic appraisal by the Government, and the Government must discuss this with TII and argue that it should go back to the drawing board and reconsider the options, and most notably this option. It has an impact on so much human capital. We have gone on about this in the north inner city and there is a project team dealing with the importance of human capital. This project would wipe that to naught and utterly destroy that human capital for a long time to come.
The Taoiseach mentioned the expenditure planned in arts, heritage and culture in Project Ireland 2040. Did the committee discuss the absolutely shameful decision to sell the State's share in what are effectively the national film studios? They are both an important part of Ireland's cultural and film heritage and an important location for developing the film industry. Over the past number of weeks it was barely reported and seems not to have been discussed at all.
The Comptroller and Auditor General must investigate the circumstances of the sale. When it was first mooted there might be a sale, the estimated value of the Government's share was €15 million. It has been reported in the press that the sale took place for €6 million but as part of the sale, €7 million in debt owed by Ardmore was written off, meaning we gave away the State's share in Ardmore for nothing and gave the purchasers €1 million on top of that. The purchaser was a company set up three to four weeks before the sale went through. It did not have a history of involvement in the film industry, although some of the people involved are connected with a rival studio in Limerick. Frankly, this stinks to high heaven, particularly when six of Ardmore's seven purpose-built stages have been empty for a period when there is supposed to be a lack of capacity in the Irish film industry. Films are being made in derelict NAMA buildings on the South Circular Road and Tallaght, where there have been major protests and disputes by film workers about the conditions in which they work. The State's studio, meanwhile, has been sitting empty and then we flogged the share. It is extraordinary stuff.
I could say more, but I do not have time. What is going on? Grants given by the Irish Film Board are never repaid. There are serious matters that need to be looked into in this area.
I am afraid that I do not have any information on the sale of Ardmore Studios. The Deputy may wish to raise the matter with the Minister for Finance, Deputy Paschal Donohoe.
I did, but I got no answers.
It is not the policy of the State to own film studios.
We did for 50 years.
We see the role of the State as providing public services and infrastructure.
To respond to the questions asked initially by Deputy Joan Burton, it is intended to place the national planning framework on a statutory footing, but I do not have a date in that regard. I understand primary legislation has to be passed first. I am not sure if it has yet been passed. However, the sequence is that it has to be passed and then the Minister can put the framework on a statutory footing. That is what is intended. One of the reasons the national spatial strategy failed was that it did not have statutory underpinning. We want to make sure we do not repeat the mistakes of the past. That is why the national planning framework will be placed on a statutory footing.
Yes, it is correct - I admit that I have been touring the country. I enjoy doing so and hope to continue to do so. It is great to get out of Dublin.
The Taoiseach is promising billions.
I try to get out of Dublin as much as I can and around the country as much as I can. We will be following up this week on Project Ireland 2040 with an announcement of important flood relief works throughout the country. We hope to be able to start opening some of the funds this month - the urban regeneration fund and the rural regeneration fund - that are included in the national planning framework and Project Ireland 2040. We want to open them to applications very soon and hope to make an announcement in that regard in the next couple of weeks. I reassure Deputies I do not choose the questions asked at these events. I do not know who does. In Sligo the questions were placed. However, they have not been since. In Waterford I was asked about the issue of 24/7 cardiac care services and the catheterisation laboratory. In Galway I was asked about student fees. The questions have been diverse and often not related directly to Project Ireland 2040. I assume they are not written by anyone in my Department, but it is correct that in Sligo they were placed. However, that has not been the case since.
On protocol, if I travel to another jurisdiction, I inform the government in that jurisdiction. If I travel to Northern Ireland, the Northern Ireland Office is informed. That is the protocol and it is always followed, at the very least for security reasons. I will make low key visits, as appropriate. I honestly do not believe every time I visit some part of the country or some other country that it is necessary for me to be always surrounded by officials, public representatives and the media pack. It is good that I can make low key visits to schools, hospitals, ports, etc. I hope people will understand why I want to do so. I have done it before on a previous visit to Northern Ireland when I attended the Pride festival and breakfast. I am not sure if some of the people who have been criticising me might like to attend the Pride breakfast with me next year. I would very much welcome it, if they wished to do so.
I have to say I am a big supporter of MetroLink. In 2011 it was with deep regret that the project had to be postponed. It was my decision as Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport to postpone it because we could not afford it at the time. I am often criticised in other parts of the country for delaying and postponing transport projects. The biggest one I postponed was the one that affected my constituency. I refer to Metro North and Metro West. It was a difficult decision, but it had to be done, given the state of the country's finances at the time. The new proposal is even better. It is no longer Metro North but Metro north and south, going all the way from Lissenhall-----
Deputy Shane Ross
-----to north of Swords, serving Swords, Santry, Ballymun, DCU and the north inner city and all the way through to the southside.
Dublin Rathdown.
It is a really good project and I look forward to seeing the completion of construction by 2027. On the specific issues raised by the Deputies, it affects Na Fianna, Scoil Chaitríona and Home Farm and I am very concerned. I share the concerns of leaders and other Deputies, not least the Minister for Finance, Deputy Paschal Donohoe, about the emerging preferred route which would do enormous damage to Na Fianna and Home Farm, as well as to Scoil Chaitríona. There is a planning process that involves a railway order, but my message to the National Transport Authority and Transport Infrastructure Ireland would be to find an alternative option to digging up this important club which is the heart and soul of the community in that part of Dublin.