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JOINT COMMITTEE ON EUROPEAN AFFAIRS díospóireacht -
Thursday, 10 Jun 2010

Forthcoming General Affairs and Foreign Affairs Council Meetings: Discussion

We have a long and important agenda and I ask members to address the issues referred to previously and of which the Minister has been flagged. I issue the usual citation. I remind members to switch off their mobile phones because they interfere with transmission. Apologies have been received from Deputy Noel Treacy and Senator Phil Prendergast and from Brian Crowley, MEP.

The first matter on the agenda is the forthcoming General Affairs and Foreign Affairs and Development Council meetings. Before the Minister commences, members should note that correspondence, item 986, received from Dóchas and circulated to members is relevant to today's meeting. Other relevant issues are: the situation regarding the use of fraudulent Irish and EU passports by persons allegedly responsible for the assassination of a senior Hamas military commander in Dubai in January, the Israeli military order and the prevention of infiltration, Israel's application for membership of the OECD, EU Commission proposals on direct trade with areas of the Republic of Cyprus not under the effective control of the Cyprus Government and associated issues. The usual procedure will apply. We are delighted to have the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Micheál Martin, and his officials with us. I welcome them and hand over to the Minister to make his presentation, which will be followed by a round of questions and a closing response.

I welcome the opportunity to meet the committee to review the agenda for the next General Affairs Council and Foreign Affairs Council and to discuss the items about which the Chair wrote to me on behalf of committee members. My statement is somewhat lengthy so I may abbreviate some of the references, but they can be taken as forming part of my presentation. With the Chairman's permission, I propose to give the committee a brief read out of the key items discussed at the General Affairs and Foreign Affairs Council meetings of 10 May, at which the Minister of State, Deputy Dick Roche, represented Ireland, before returning to the items on the agenda for this month.

The General Affairs Council, GAC, held an initial discussion on the agenda for the forthcoming European Council. Next week's GAC will return to this topic and I will comment in detail when we discuss next week's agenda. Ministers discussed nuclear non-proliferation and had a useful exchange of views, with a particular focus on the nuclear proliferation treaty review conference in New York, as well as the recent Washington summit on nuclear security and the START treaty. There were no conclusions.

On Iran, the High Representative reported on her discussions on this issue during her visit to the United Nations. The discussion on EU-Russia relations enabled Ministers to focus on preparations for the summit which took place at the end of May. Ministers also had a debate on the importance of enhancing EU relations with strategic partners, principally China and Japan. There was also brief discussion on two additional points to those on the original agenda, namely, on preparations for the EU-LAC summit on Mercosur and Madagascar, but there was no substantive discussion on either point.

Ambassador Montgomery represented Ireland at the development segment of the May 2010 Foreign Affairs Council. High Representative Ashton and Development Commissioner Piebalgs briefed the meeting on the situation in Haiti. The main discussion in the plenary session was an orientation debate on the millennium development goals and the EU position for the millennium development goals review summit to be held in New York in September. Commissioner Piebalgs presented the Commission's communication on the millennium development goals, which was broadly welcomed. Ambassador Montgomery stressed the importance of prioritising the most off-track millennium development goals, and millennium development goal No. 1 in particular. He also encouraged progress on the implementation of our aid effectiveness commitments and looked forward to the incoming Belgian Presidency taking forward work on mutual accountability and transparency.

I now turn to next week's Council meetings. I will attend the General Affairs Council and the Foreign Affairs Council. The Foreign Affairs Council will begin with a meeting of development Ministers which the Minister of State, Deputy Peter Power, will attend. The Foreign Affairs Council will open with a session on development, focusing in particular on preparations for the high level meeting in New York in September to review progress on the millennium development goals. Development Ministers will finalise conclusions setting out the EU's position for the summit, which will be forwarded to the meeting of the European Council later next week. The development Ministers will also adopt conclusions on the important issue of tax and development. The High Representative will brief them on her contacts in respect of piracy off the coast of Somalia in advance of the discussion on the subject by foreign Ministers. Sweden has requested that there be a short discussion on gender equality and development to highlight the adoption of a European Union action plan for gender equality and women's empowerment in the context of the millennium development goals summit.

The millennium development goals summit in New York will involve a global assessment of progress towards achievement of the ambitious set of development goals established by world leaders in the year 2000 as the framework for international development up to 2015. The focus of these goals is the halving of extreme poverty and hunger in all their manifestations. The meeting will take place in the context of a global economic crisis, which has affected the poorest countries most seriously but which has had a different impact in particular countries and communities. The crisis has also resulted in serious pressure on aid and development budgets across the developed world, including in Ireland. If we are to accelerate progress on the millennium development goals in the five years remaining, it is essential that the international community should agree to focus on key priorities and ensure that our development assistance is used to maximum effect.

In the preparatory discussions in Brussels and New York, Ireland stressed the importance of the adoption of a clear, concise and strong EU position in September. We have highlighted the need to focus on the continuing global hunger crisis — the first millennium development goal — which we believe is central to achievement of the goals as a collective. We are also arguing for acceleration of progress in the regions and countries experiencing the greatest difficulties in attaining the millennium development goals, most notably the least developed countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The latter region is the geographic focus of Ireland's aid programme.

As well as working with our EU partners, we are co-operating closely with the US Administration. In New York in September we will co-host, with Secretary of State Mrs. Hillary Clinton, a high level political meeting on food security, agriculture and nutrition. This will be an important, high-profile opportunity to maintain the political impetus that has been generated since the launch of the Government's hunger task force report at the UN in September 2008 and to direct international attention to the need for a comprehensive approach to the escalating world hunger crisis.

The millennium development goals summit will emphasise the importance of aid flows and official development assistance. However, the latter is only one element. It is estimated that domestic revenue raises approximately ten times more in financing for Africa than does development assistance. The importance of domestic tax mobilisation for development will be highlighted at the Council on Monday, when development Ministers adopt conclusions on tax and development. These conclusions will focus on efforts, which Ireland strongly supports, to build the capacity of developing countries to finance development in line with their poverty-reduction programmes. The development Ministers' discussions will be followed by a meeting of foreign Ministers, who will address a wide range of foreign policy issues.

The Middle East peace process was not originally due to be considered by the Council this month. However, following last week's events, I immediately wrote to High Representative Ashton to ask for a full discussion at next week's Council of the Israeli military assault on the Gaza flotilla and the serious implications of this action for the Middle East peace process. My Portuguese colleague, Luis Amado, wrote in similar terms and High Representative Ashton has agreed to our request.

I will not recount or dwell at great length on all that happened last week in respect of the Gaza flotilla. I am sure members will have read my various and detailed statements, including those I made in the Dáil and Seanad last week. Obviously, it is a source of relief to everyone that the military interception of the MV Rachel Corrie last Saturday ended peacefully and with maximum restraint exercised on all sides. We must now assess the implications of, and derive the appropriate lessons from, Israel’s totally unacceptable military assault on a humanitarian convoy, both in terms of sustaining the Middle East peace process and the current US-led proximity talks as well as mobilising greater international pressure to end the blockade.

There are two aspects on which Ministers are likely to focus when we meet in Luxembourg on Monday next. First, there needs to be a credible, transparent international investigation of last week's events to establish precisely what happened and ensure there is full accountability. An internal Israeli investigation alone will not suffice because it is clear that this would not command the necessary confidence in the international community.

The United Nations Security Council has set the benchmark of the minimum required by referring in its presidential statement of last week to a "prompt, impartial, credible and transparent investigation conforming to international standards". Secretary General Ban followed up on this by proposing an international inquiry to be headed by a former Prime Minister of New Zealand and comprising representatives from the United States and Turkey, as well as Israel, to investigate the events. There have also been calls, supported by partners such as Germany and Italy, for the international Quartet, comprising the US, the UN, the EU and Russia, to conduct the inquiry. Either of these two proposals would have merits. However, what is critical is that any investigation must be international in nature and must command widespread confidence within the international community.

The appropriate lessons must be drawn from last week's events and there must be accountability for what occurred. We must also ensure that a clear red line is established between what constitutes acceptable and unacceptable actions within the international community and to reinforce basic respect for the principles of international law. A properly constituted international investigation, commanding widespread confidence, can greatly serve to advance these aims.

The other issue requiring attention on Monday next is the Israeli blockade of Gaza and how the EU can contribute to intensified international efforts to bring about its end. I have already outlined my view that the attack on the MV Mavi Marmara and the rest of the Gaza flotilla is likely to constitute a watershed in the context of international attitudes to the blockade. I genuinely believe that if it is possible for there to be any bright side to what transpired last week, it is that there is now significantly increased international pressure for the blockade to be lifted and for Israel to change its misguided policies in respect of Gaza.

Various proposals have been advanced within the European Union and internationally in recent days as to how the blockade can be lifted or significantly eased. I am aware from contacts with the Obama Administration that the issue of ending or significantly easing the Israeli naval blockade is one it is actively addressing with Israel. There may also be scope for a significantly enhanced role for the United Nations or the European Union in inspecting aid consignments bound for Gaza. The details of such additional measures to ease the blockade still need to be teased out in full. What is important, however, is that the opportunity which exists for renewed international efforts to lift or significantly ameliorate the blockade should not be lost and to ensure that concrete actions eventually result.

The Government is continuing to press the Israeli Government to allow the full consignment of aid delivered on the MV Rachel Corrie, including cement, to reach Gaza. I remain hopeful that current discussions under way with the United Nations and with the Israeli military administration controlling the Gaza crossings will achieve this end. I will reiterate my strong view at the Council that the clear message the European Union must now deliver to Israel — as stated by High Representative Ashton last week — is that we can no longer accept the continued policy of closure and that Israel must end the blockade if it is serious, as it repeatedly states, with regard to working to achieve progress and a peaceful settlement.

As a final Israel-related comment, members will be aware that I have already stated — most recently when addressing the Dáil on the Gaza flotilla crisis on 1 June — that I will soon decide what action to take in the issue of the use of forged Irish passports in the assassination of Mahmoud al-Mabhouh in Dubai last January. I remain anxious that this important matter be given the attention and focus it merits and that it not become mixed up with the issues arising from the military assault on the Gaza flotilla. It remains my intention to very shortly propose to the Government the action I believe appropriate in this case.

The Council will also discuss Iran on Monday next. Members will be aware of issues relating to Iran and its continued non-compliance with the international community in respect of the concerns existing over its nuclear programme. Yesterday, the UN Security Council in New York agreed on a new resolution imposing further measures in respect of Iran. Ireland has long made clear its view that it remains fully supportive of the dual-track approach pursued by the E3+3 group and that given Iran's continuing failure to halt enrichment and co-operate fully with the international community — as called for in various resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the IAEA in recent years — there was little choice but to impose new measures against Iran in the hope that this might finally persuade it of the seriousness with which the international community views its nuclear activities.

I discussed these issues with Iranian Foreign Minister Mottaki when I met him during his visit to Dublin yesterday. I impressed upon him that Iran needs to engage with and respond seriously to the international community on the nuclear issue. We also discussed the recent agreement concluded by Iran, Brazil and Turkey relating to the Tehran research reactor which, while welcome, essentially constitutes a confidence-building measure rather than addresses the core issues. I reiterated my strong concerns over the current human rights situation in Iran, issues which I have raised previously with Foreign Minister Mr. Mottaki, as we approach the first anniversary of last year's disputed presidential election.

Given the adoption of a further UN Security Council sanctions resolution on Iran, discussion is likely to centre on the desirability and timeframe for the EU adopting additional complementary restrictive measures of its own. Such additional EU measures were foreseen in the declaration adopted by the European Council last December. It may be that some discussion of Iran may even be necessary at the forthcoming European Council on 17 and 18 June. At any rate, the clear political signal which I anticipate emerging from the EU next week is that it fully supports the new Security Council resolution and is willing to adopt additional restrictive measures of its own to make clear to Iran that international pressure will continue to be intensified until such time as meaningful co-operation on its core nuclear programme is forthcoming.

It is expected that the Western Balkans will be discussed over lunch, with conclusions to be agreed in the afternoon. Co-operation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, ICTY, will be considered by Ministers. They will be joined for this item by the ICTY's chief prosecutor, Mr. Serge Brammertz. Outstanding issues on the Western Balkans agenda include ratification of the stabilisation and association agreement with Serbia and how to deal with its EU application.

There is widespread agreement among EU partners and in the international community that there is a continuing need to address sustainably the challenges posed by Somali piracy including addressing the root causes of this piracy, which originate in the lawlessness plaguing Somalia. Demonstrating the urgency and priority afforded this issue, June will be the third month in a row that the Council will discuss how the EU can best contribute to a solution, along with the UN and other international partners as well as countries in the region.

From an operational perspective, the Council is expected to extend the mandate of the EU's naval operation Atalanta for a further two years until December 2012, as well as expanding the mission area of operations to meet the threat posed by pirate groups targeting vessels further south and east. Equally important, there is a need to expand, significantly and sustainably, regional capacity for handling piracy, including finding sustainable arrangements for the prosecution and incarceration of Somali pirates. Development Ministers will consider relevant developmental aspects and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs, Baroness Ashton will brief the Council on her visit last month to the region.

Each year in June, the Council undertakes a review of the EU common position on Cuba. This annual review will take place next week and updated Council conclusions, which are currently under discussion, will be adopted. Discussions have begun within the EU with a view to the possible elaboration of a more extensive EU-Cuba agreement, more consistent with association and co-operation agreements the EU has concluded with other Latin American and Caribbean states. These discussions are at an early stage and Ireland is actively engaged in the process. The common position was adopted in 1996 and remains the main context for the EU's relationship with Cuba. It is intended to encourage a process of peaceful transition towards a pluralist democracy, promote human rights and improve the living conditions of the Cuban people. The EU seeks a constructive engagement with Cuba and dialogue with the authorities and civil society.

Members of the committee will be aware that I met the Cuban Foreign Minister, Mr. Bruno Rodriguez Parrilla, during his visit to Ireland on 19 May. During this meeting, we discussed a range of bilateral and multilateral issues, including recent economic developments in both countries. We looked at the progress made in developing a structured framework for our future bilateral co-operation.

The Corfu process will also be dealt with next week and is referred to in my written statement provided to members. Georgia has been added as an agenda item, at the request of Lithuania. It is expected that the focus of the discussion will be on the domestic situation in Georgia, in light of the recent municipal elections, and on further developing the EU-Georgia relationship.

Member states want to have a discussion on the situation in Sudan and how the EU might proceed. This is especially important in advance of the referendum on self-determination, which is to be held in south Sudan early next year. However, we are awaiting a paper which would form the basis for such a discussion, and this has yet to be issued.

Ireland supports the Council conclusions on child labour and will continue to endorse European Union efforts for the eradication of child labour.

The Foreign Affairs Council will be followed by the General Affairs Council. The main substantive item on the agenda of the General Affairs Council meeting will be the preparation of the European Council which takes place on 17 June. Its agenda includes the Europe 2020 strategy, economic and financial issues, climate change and the millennium development goals. The GAC will work on the draft conclusions of the European Council, and an updated version will be finalised at the European Council itself.

I am aware that the committee had the benefit, this day last week, of a detailed briefing on the new European strategy for jobs and growth, Europe 2020, by senior officials from a range of Departments led by the Department of the Taoiseach. The Government looks forward to formal adoption of the new Europe 2020 strategy by the June European Council. The strategy will provide an essential framework for action by the EU and its member states to achieve higher levels of sustainable jobs and growth as economic recovery is secured.

At this stage a considerable body of work has already been undertaken on various aspects of the strategy. Work is now being finalised with a view to reaching agreement among EU partners on numerical rates and appropriate indicators for educational attainment and poverty reduction targets, respectively. While I emphasise that agreement has not yet been reached with respect to the specific education and poverty targets — that important task will ultimately fall to next week's European Council — a significant measure of common ground has been achieved. My ministerial colleagues in the various Council formations, including education, youth and culture and EPSCO, have been working hard over the past months on proposals which, in the first instance, the June GAC will consider, and which will subsequently be considered by the European Council. The following draft EU level targets will be considered. In the education target, a school drop-out rate should be less than 10% and the share of a population having completed tertiary or equivalent education should be at least 40% by 2020. The social inclusion target is to be addressed particularly through poverty reduction and is to be formulated in such a way that it would aim at lifting at least 20 million people out of poverty or exclusion.

It should be highlighted that these two proposed EU headline targets broadly conform with what the European Commission initially proposed in its communication of 3 March. In the intervening period the various relevant Council formations, both at working and ministerial levels, have carefully examined what these ambitious targets would mean for the Union as a whole and how member states could contribute to achieving them over the coming decade. Work has continued at the same time, in dialogue with the Commission, on the development of relevant national targets in each EU member state. We expect that the June GAC will be briefed on the state of play with regard to national targets by the Commission and the Presidency. It is anticipated that national targets will now be finalised in conjunction with member states' work on the identification of bottlenecks and as member states prepare their national reform programmes this autumn.

At EU level, the first of the Commission's flagship initiatives, A Digital Agenda for Europe, is expected to be considered and the presentation of the remaining six flagship initiatives looked forward to before the end of this year. It is anticipated that the European Council will also give its political endorsement to the set of ten integrated guidelines, encompassing the broad economic policy guidelines and the employment guidelines which will be formally adopted by the Council following the European Parliament's opinion. These guidelines set a framework for the strategy at member state level as they will serve as the basis for issuing country-specific recommendations and are, hence, especially relevant to the strengthening of EU economic policy co-ordination.

President Van Rompuy is to present a progress report to the European Council on the task force, set up by the spring European Council, to look at measures on enhanced economic governance. The task force has now had two meetings and it is to present its report to the October European Council. It has, so far, been working on issues related to strengthening budgetary discipline through the Stability and Growth Pact and reducing the divergences in competitiveness among member states.

Next week's GAC will consider conclusions on the regulation of financial services and will consider the EU's proposed position for the G20 Toronto summit at the end of this month.

The joint committee will be aware that the European Commission issued a communication on climate change at the end of May which concluded that, at present, the conditions for moving to a 30% target have not been met. The Government agrees with the Commission's assessment that the conditions for a step up have not been met. Along with other member states, we have called on the Commission to provide further analysis to ensure that the implications for member states of the various options are fully comprehended before choices are made.

We expect that the June GAC will look at the recent developments in the context of preparation for the upcoming European Council. By the time the GAC is held, it will be able to take account of the discussions at the Environment Council at the end of this week. It may also note the second formal round of negotiations under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, currently under way in Bonn and ending on 11 June. The EU has committed to present a preliminary state of play of our commitments at Bonn.

The Taoiseach announced at the December European Council that Ireland will contribute up to €100 million for fast-start financing for the period 2010 to 2012, as part of the overall EU pledge. Some of this will be new and additional to overseas development aid, ODA, and the precise amount is to be set by Government decision.

The European Council will also consider a range of other issues, including the report submitted by the reflection group, chaired by former Spanish Prime Minister, Felipe González; progress made on implementation of the European pact on immigration and asylum; and the Commission's proposal that Estonia adopt the euro on 1 January 2011.

In February, the Commission published a largely positive opinion on Iceland's readiness for membership and recommended that a date should be set for the opening of accession negotiations. The next step is for the Council to consider the Commission's recommendation. The possibility of including this matter on the agenda of the June Council is under consideration. Unresolved issues between Iceland and two member states, the UK and the Netherlands, concerning the Icesave dispute, are the focus of particular attention. Ireland supports the Commission's recommendation to open accession negotiations and would regard Iceland's accession to the EU as a positive development. Enlargement is, of course, a negotiated process and, as in any negotiation, the eventual outcome and timeframe cannot be predicted. It is expected the European Council will issue a declaration on how the EU will implement the UNSCR sanctions on Iran and any additional measures. Such EU measures will likely be approved by July or September.

The GAC will be given presentations by the Commission on its 2010 strategic report on the implementation of the cohesion policy programmes and on the 2010 forum for outermost Europe, which was held in Brussels at the end of May.

There may be a discussion of the European External Action Service, the EEAS, depending on the outcome of ongoing discussions with the European Parliament following the political agreement at the April General Affairs Council. If these discussions have progressed sufficiently, the Presidency may try to get political agreement on the organisation and functioning of the EEAS.

The Presidency hopes that Ministers will agree a general approach to the draft regulation on the European citizens' initiative. Ireland supports the concept of a citizens' initiative. The current proposals appear to strike a reasonable balance between our wish to have an open, user-friendly system and the need for reasonable controls to prevent abuse. This is subject to co-decision with the European Parliament.

This concludes my comments on the lengthy agenda for the Foreign Affairs Council and the General Affairs Council meetings next week. I am grateful to have had this opportunity to set them out to the Oireachtas. I will be very pleased to hear the comments of the committee as we finalise our preparations for the Councils in the coming days.

In addition to next week's Council meetings, the committee has also raised a number of issues which I should be very happy to discuss, namely, the use of fraudulent Irish passports in Dubai; Israel; and direct trade with northern Cyprus. I will be very happy to answer any questions members may have on these topics.

I thank the Minister and compliment him on his initiatives on international issues in the past number of weeks, particularly the situation in Gaza and the hostilities in that area. This has generated a great deal of debate both in the committee and privately between members of the committee who were aghast at the situation that developed. The Minister is to be complimented on motivating international reaction to the situation, as befits a situation of that nature. This does not mean to say that members of the committee have not expressed their concern about previous atrocities committed by Palestinian interest groups of various types. The continuing strife in that area was not being improved or addressed by either side to any substantial extent.

I have a long list of speakers whom I ask to be brief and to the point to ensure everybody has an opportunity to speak. I am sure the Minister will be delighted to reply to the points made.

I will be brief and unfortunately I will be unable to stay for the Minister's reply as I have another meeting but I will read the blacks.

With regard to the meeting of the development Ministers, I would like the Minister of State, Deputy Peter Power, to examine the amount of aid going to disability groups. I understand that somewhere in the region of 4% to 5% goes to disability groups globally. I think we need to refocus on this area.

I too wish to acknowledge the work of the Minister and his Portuguese counterpart in getting the Israel-Gaza issue onto the agenda. No matter what the perspective on this issue, the killings must be condemned and there must be an international inquiry and support for the lifting of the blockade and the demolition of the settlements on the West Bank and to allow the free movement of Palestinians in the West Bank. With the emphasis on Gaza, we often forget what is happening in the area of the West Bank where a whole group of people are being strangled, so to speak, due to lack of free movement. It is also important to condemn the Hamas rocket attacks. Hamas must recognise the right of Israel to a peaceful existence.

The role of the EU and the United Nations in inspecting the aid convoys could be a positive development, in anticipation of the lifting of the blockade. Is the aid taken into Ashdod last week still lying in the port? If this is the case it is a disgrace. The Israeli authorities said they would bring the aid to Gaza. I ask for an update on the situation.

The Minister has a report on the use of Irish passports for the past four or five weeks. I appreciate he does not wish to entangle this issue in the wider issue. However, it is a separate issue and he needs to take action. We need to see the recommendations and findings in the public domain and that the necessary action is taken by the Minister without further delay. I understand at least one of the individuals involved in the aid convoy had his passport confiscated by the Israeli authorities. What actions, if any, has the Minister taken to recover that passport or to cancel it?

The Minister had a meeting with the Iranian Foreign Minister, Mr. Mottaki. He referred to the serious issues he raised with Mr. Mottaki. What was his response to the Minister? There seems to be a certain silence in the script.

There was no silence in the response. I will elaborate later.

I ask him to elaborate if possible. The committee had the Iranian ambassador here in the past and his response was not very enlightening.

The Minister referred to direct trade with northern Cyprus. I would like to hear what is the nature of our direct trade with northern Cyprus and if this trade is carried out through Turkey. Members of the Oireachtas, including members of the Minister's party, had intended going on that aid flotilla and were prevented — that may not be the correct word. I do not know if they were prevented from joining the flotilla by the Cypriot authorities. Is the Minister in a position to enlighten us on what role, if any, was played by the Cypriot authorities in preventing people joining that aid convoy?

I thank the Minister for his presentation. I echo Deputy Timmins's sentiments in responding to events in Gaza over the past ten days. It is fair to say that nobody could condone the killing of innocent civilians and it is a really disappointing development in a region where achieving some degree of peace is crucial.

I am very interested in the suggestion that the United Nations or the European Union should become involved in the desirable ending of the blockade and facilitating the inspection of cargo entering Gaza. There has been a significant degree of international outrage. Israel has managed to alienate those who may have had some sympathy toward the State of Israel over a long period, which is a disappointing development. I refer to the lifting of the blockade which I support. It will expose Israel to a very significant security risk. I recall visiting Jerusalem in 2002, as a student, and I stayed in a hostel beside the Golden Gate. The day after we left a bomb went off, triggered by a suicide bomber and people were killed right beside where we had stayed. Of course the reality is that Israel is laying itself open to a very significant threat from Hamas, an organisation whose stated objective is to eradicate the state of Israel. While condemning unequivocally the actions of the Israeli state in dealing with the citizens of Palestine, we have to acknowledge the very real threat that will exist when the blockade is lifted.

I believe there is a role for the Irish Government in advocating a transition period and a very clear outline on how the United Nations and the European Union may assist in trying to ensure that obligations are imposed on Hamas, in the first place, to recognise the state of Israel and its right to a peaceful existence, while also obliging Israel to afford the victims of horrific humanitarian conditions in Gaza and other parts of Palestine the degree of dignity and free movement to which they are entitled. It is a very difficult balancing act, but I do not believe we can lose sight of one, simply because we are very much focused on the other.

I would like to hear the Minister's views in relation to that. Another issue is the Government's commitment to achieving targets under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and specifically the undertaking to commit up to €100 million to developing countries towards achieving climate change targets. I have asked the Minister on at least two occasions on Question Time whether the financial contribution for that commitment would come from the existing development aid budget, and I was unable to get an answer. However, from what I can deduce from his statement today, it now seems he is accepting and acknowledging that at least some of that €100 million pledged by the Government will in fact come from the existing aid budget. That is very disappointing because the expectation of virtually everyone involved in overseas development was that the Government was making an additional pledge to the existing development aid budget. Perhaps the Minister might respond to that.

I welcome the Minister and his entourage, and I thank him for his comprehensive presentation. Clearly, the issue that has been dominating international news in recent times, particularly in the context of the European Union as well as globally, is the humanitarian aid convoy that was hijacked in international waters, boarded and taken against its will to an Israeli port. Then there was the killing and wounding of so many people. It shocked the world and here in Ireland in particular there was a sense of shock that a country with which we have a friendly relationship, Israel, should act in such a high-handed fashion in total abuse of international law and human rights. That followed the passports scandal, whereby the identity of Irish citizens was stolen by the Israelis and used to facilitate an assassination, which effectively put the lives of Irish citizens at risk throughout the world. The Minister indicated he would be dealing with that in due course, and the rumours are to the effect that he intends to expel a security person within the Israeli Embassy. However, something as serious as what the Israelis have done in this case, which they have not attempted to deny, deserves a very strong sanction and we await to hear what that will be.

On the other matter, I believe this is the opportunity for some progress to be made on that terrible tragedy of the Middle East. The first step, as the Minister indicated, should be an internationally-based investigation. An internal Israeli investigation, which seems to be where Israel is coming from, is not satisfactory. The European Union should be at the forefront in calling for an internationally-based investigation, whether under the auspices of the United Nations or the Quartet, or whether a different mechanism is to be used. The European Union is the biggest single trading entity with Israel, so we have clout and it should be used. It has to be used in this respect and there are some indications from Prime Minister Netanyahu that Israel would be prepared to lift the blockade. That should be pushed very strongly. The proposal that there could be inspectors for future humanitarian aid convoys on the high seas under the auspices of the United Nations certainly seems to be a way forward. It would be very difficult to insist, as Israel seems to be doing, that inspections should take place by Israelis in their ports, because that would impose an unacceptable degree of control from Israel. However, a UN-based inspectorate would seem to be the way forward. Certainly, the MV Rachel Corrie indicated it was prepared to go along with that, but the Israelis would not tolerate it. That is the way to explore the situation at the present time. Remember that some €4.5 billion in aid is waiting to be spent on Gaza in humanitarian and reconstruction projects once the blockade is lifted. That is the key to getting a decent level of humanitarian existence operating in what the Minister has described as an open prison.

Finally, the Minister devoted quite a long section to the question of Somali piracy. I really do not see the difference between what Israel has perpetrated on that flotilla and what the Somali pirates are doing — boarding ships, taking possession of them and acting in a high-handed fashion if there is any opposition to their actions. It should be raised with the Israelis that, effectively, they are operating as pirates in international waters. That is the effect of their actions against a humanitarian aid flotilla.

Regarding the EU 2020 targets, it seems that final decisions will be made at the forthcoming summit in terms of the way forward for the next ten years. We still have not got clarity as to whether Ireland will be supporting the Commission's position in terms of the 25% reduction target for those at risk of poverty within the ten years, the equivalent of some 20 million EU citizens, and I would like the Minister to clarify where the Government stands on that specific target. Is he satisfied that we are in a different mode now to that which persisted for the Lisbon Agenda, when we had more or less the same type of programme and where at the end of the ten-year period the European Union was to be the most competitive economy in the world? We have not reached anywhere near that level. In many ways we have gone backwards in the ten year period. We have gone forwards in some ways but in other ways we have made no progress. The poverty targets set then were not reached. What mechanisms will be put in place to develop the economies, eliminate unemployment, stimulate job creation and eliminate poverty?

On climate change, as Deputy Creighton outlined, we seem to be moving away from the assertions and targets on overseas development aid. It is still not clear exactly what the Government means in terms of whether there will be any interference with the overseas development aid budget in the context of dealing with the climate change targets we are setting. It is not clear how we will operate the carbon credits. Recent newspaper coverage indicated that many countries are hiding their carbon emissions in many ways and they are not properly targeting the percentages being presented. We have a target of 20% and we are prepared to increase it to 30%. However, in reality, if we are not going to deal with the issue properly, put the emphasis on target credits, hide existing carbon emissions and we are not going to use our overseas development aid to the full, as distinct from having it as part of the climate change process, then we are greatly reducing the delivery of our promises and commitments.

My final point relates to the Latin American agreement. The Minister referred to it in the context of moving forward with a more extensive European Union agreement with Cuba. I know the Minister met some Latin American trade unionists on the issue. They are reluctant that the agreement with Colombia would be signed in view of the number of trade union leaders who are being assassinated by the existing regime. They specifically called on the European Union not to sign the agreement because it would facilitate the re-election of the present regime in the forthcoming election. What is the Minister's intention in that regard?

The Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs had a special meeting on Colombia.

No, the Columbian trade unionists——

Did we not have a meeting?

No, we did not include the matter.

Only one or two people turned up.

Yes, but very few others turned up. I came in specifically for the meeting. I do not wish to be awkward.

No, but to clarify, the Minister and I had an extended discussion on Colombia.

We will continue the discussion in a moment.

I met the delegation but I was not invited to the meeting of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. I was unaware the meeting was held.

I understood that the delegation was to meet the Minister immediately after my meeting with it. I was anxious to learn of the outcome of the meeting with him.

I welcome the Minister and his staff and thank him for his comprehensive overview of the meetings which will take place next week. In the interests of brevity I will concentrate on the Israeli-Gaza situation. As Deputy Costello indicated, it has gripped the minds of many people throughout the world in recent weeks. What has affected many right-minded people is the fact that Israel sits within a group of nations that is considered to be part of the First World, part of a world order that respects the basic principles of international law and the basic principles of human rights. Unfortunately, it is clear that Israel has deviated in a real way from those principles. Deputy Costello referred to piracy and hijacking, which is a word that has been frequently used about the attack on the flotilla in international waters. That is fine if we are talking about Somalia because it is not considered to be a First World state and it is not held in the same esteem as Israel but for Israel to take part in such actions one must go a step further and identify it as a rogue state in the same way as Iran. The action of targeting the flotilla in such a manner and the act of piracy in international waters can only be described as the actions of a rogue state. Israel will have to be treated like that from now on.

I recognise that Israel is a difficult prospect from a European perspective because of its close links with the United States. It does not facilitate or allow the European Union to act in a way that it might with other neighbouring countries. For that reason it is difficult to place a requirement on the Union to come forward with a coherent policy that will seek to force a lifting of the blockade, but the Union needs to do much more. The Minister has done as much as he could but, unfortunately, he is not receiving the same level of support one would have expected from some states.

It is difficult to achieve unanimity within the Union in the circumstances. The Chairman is nodding in agreement. We attended a COSAC meeting in Madrid last week where the Irish delegation, with a number of others, sought to put forward a relatively benign motion which echoed to a large extent the line taken by High Representative Ashton, but there were still member states which sought to dilute it further and, if possible, to take it off the agenda. I do not underestimate the difficulties faced by the Minister. He is a leading light on this issue in the European context. He was ploughing a lone furrow for a while but the actions of Israel have played to some extent into the hands of those such as the Minister who wish to see a comprehensive resolution of this problem. Notwithstanding the real threat faced by Israel, other states face threats on a daily basis through indigenous criminal activity within their own borders or from external forces or subversive activity. It should not be acceptable anywhere in the First World for a country to take to itself the capacity to enter international waters and act as judge and jury in the protection of its own interests. That is a charter to break down of the rule of law and for anarchy.

If Ireland was to take the same approach to the trafficking of drugs we would spend our time in Amsterdam and Spain. That would not be considered acceptable by our European partners. It is not acceptable for Israel to continue in this manner. It is difficult for the European Union to address the matter but it needs to do more. I do not envy the Minister and his officials who must find a diplomatic approach to the matter while maintaining pressure. We must consider sanctions. I do not suggest that lightly. Neither would I suggest the expulsion of the ambassador, as one must keep the lines of communication open despite what some interest groups have said. We must move into a new phase, which must include the possibility of targeted sanctions that will maximise the pressure on Israel to come to its senses and realise that innocent people are being tortured on a daily basis.

I very much appreciate the opportunity to attend a meeting of the Joint Committee on European Affairs as I am a member of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. I will ask some questions as foreign affairs spokesperson of the Labour Party. Before I turn to the most immediate issue, that of the Middle East and Gaza, I will make some housekeeping points on the Minister's speech. We need early clarification on the development policy of the European Union and the allocation of responsibilities between the Development Commissioner and Baroness Ashton. I do not intend to delay on this. On the Minister's reference to the millennium development goals, for example, I agree that the general advice given is that we need flexibility to be able to move resources to those goals that are not performing and, more important, to those areas of the world where there is non-performance or insufficient performance on particular goals.

The issue on which the Union is silent concerns whether the additionality required will be forthcoming. On this, I have asked specific questions on the caucus meetings that will be held before the general review in September. It will be very important that Ireland give strength to some of the weaker alliances that will seek additionality in addition to flexibility in meeting the millennium development goals.

The second issue is one on which the Minister and I will, sadly, disagree. It concerns the contradiction in the economic partnership agreements. I refer to the recent attempt to flash them through the Dáil. They are now being referred to the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs and they are massively contradictory of our aid policy. Sadly, there has been a slight unintentional misrepresentation to the effect that the economic partnership agreements have already been signed by the African side, for example, in regard to the southern African, east African and third African groups. They have not been signed and have not been discussed. Two out of three have been initialled. It may be diplomatic practice, as a kind of diplomatic plumbing, to inform the WTO that they have been signed once they have been initialled. It does not complete in any sense the discussion at either end in Parliament and we are not at that stage. The economic partnership agreements also go beyond anything that is required in the WTO and include elements of what was rejected in Doha.

Small, fragile countries, including those that qualify in regard to performance under the world millennium development goals, will not be entitled to protect chicken farming in rural areas that might simply be aimed at providing basic food that is necessary. They will simply have to open their borders in a way that will swamp their native, local efforts towards food security and sufficiency. That action in the economic partnership agreement contradicts much of what has been said by way of development.

The Minister referred in his speech to domestic tax mobilisation. On this, clear evidence has been submitted to parliamentarians all around Europe. All one need do in this regard is consider the resources being looted from a country such as Tanzania by multinational corporations in the extractive industries. Many of the extractive companies are declaring losses of up to €0.5 billion so as to pay less than €100,000, in some cases, in actual tax. The suggestion, from a neoliberal perspective, that one cannot really depend on aid forever is one with which I agree. There should be sufficiency in a country. The suggestion is that the principal area is "domestic tax mobilisation" — that is the term used. That is being advised to the African countries at a time when the international community is silent on such transaction taxes and such requirements of reporting in the country of extraction as would make it a meaningful suggestion. Without that initiative, it is a hollow suggestion and is cynical. It may be well meant. I am not attributing it to the Minister, who has very fine instincts in regard to intentional policy; I am simply saying that on the extractive industry side, it is a scandal. I do not have time to elaborate on it.

The other side of the matter is that the aforedescribed would not only have achieved domestic tax mobilisation but would also have enabled a new instrument to emerge — the use of natural resources in post-conflict reconstruction. What has happened in this regard is that, as one loots a country as the Democratic Republic of the Congo was looted, conflict is created. On the other hand, if one had access to the kinds of measures I suggest, one would be able to regard the use of natural resources and reporting on the discipline of the multinationals as part of the task of responding to reconstruction.

I have specific questions on events on the Middle East. Last week we agreed, by consensus, a statement in the Dáil. A very important paragraph thereof states that should the MV Rachel Corrie not be allowed to proceed in its useful way, there would be further diplomatic initiatives. What further diplomatic initiatives does the Minister now propose to take? It is a source of relief to us that the crew of the ship has returned.

The Minister said in his speech that it is a source of relief to us all that the military interception of the MV Rachel Corrie last Saturday ended peacefully, with maximum restraint exercised on all sides. That does not square with conversations I have had with people on the ship. It tends to resile from the strength of the Minister’s and Taoiseach’s previous statement to the effect that the blockade is illegal. I assume actions in sustaining the illegal blockade are, therefore, also illegal, apart from the specific breaches of international and maritime law. We need to be absolutely clear on this.

Let us be clear about any reference to the fact that the crew was not injured. Its members were illegally apprehended, removed to a destination they did not choose and asked to sign papers for deportation from a place they did not want to be. Their cargo was impounded and they find themselves without their vessel and the ability to bring the cargo to its destination. These are all illegal acts.

Everything I have to say is about law. The Government's statement disappoints me to some extent because I see some text retreating from the principle of the vindication of international law. I have a specific question on this. With regard to the duty of third parties concerning international law we sign, it is not only the crew of the MV Rachel Corrie that is damaged by the illegality; the international community is also damaged. We really are all involved if one considers the obligations that fall on third parties who are high contracting parties to the different conventions we have signed. It is high time we heard about this. I refer, for example, to the idea of calling an assembly of signatories to examine violations of the fourth Geneva Convention and the protocol. The question arises as to whether we will support it or not at the General Assembly in regard to uniting for peace and the Resolution 377 process.

I want to be positive in what I am saying and respond to a point made by Deputy Creighton. She said Hamas must be forced to recognise the state of Israel. One might ask her, "Which Israel, within which boundaries and occupying which space?" I happen to believe the recognition of Israel will come about in a set of stages de facto. I believe, for example, that a reasonable diplomatic response would be what was said on 31 July 2009 by Khaled Mashaal when he gave an interview to the Wall Street Journal and asserted: “We, along with other Palestinian factions in consensus agreed upon accepting a Palestinian state on the 1967 lines. That is the national programme. This is our programme. This is a position we stand by and respect.”

In itself, that is a very significant statement that could have been built on. It is a pragmatic recognition rather than a de jure one, but if we were looking forward in relation to Northern Ireland for statements of a constitutional type that came before our peace efforts, we should still be dealing with conflict there. I say as well, lest I be misinterpreted; on the demands of international law to which I have referred we should open the European Union statements with statements about international law. That is difficult for some member states. I ask the Chairman to bear with me while I explain what I mean by that.

International law falls as an obligation on Hamas as much as it does on Israel. It falls as an obligation in relation to Gilad Shalit, the soldier who should have been released long ago, as regards access by relatives to prisoners and so on. There are also the obligations as regards releasing rockets on civilian populations. That is as prohibitive for non-state actors as it is for state actors. I have been in Sterrot and I know what happened there, but it is also a fact that in the month of October 2008 one rocket was blown out of Gaza, so there was a long period of relative peace.

The European Union has effectively disengaged at times. In December 2009 it stated with regard to the blockade of Gaza that the continued policy of closure was unacceptable and politically counter-productive. It said this had devastated the private sector economy and damaged the natural environment, notably water and other natural resources: "The EU again reiterates its calls for an immediate sustained and unconditional opening of crossings for the flow of humanitarian aid, commercial goods and persons to and from Gaza." The only other thing I expect the Minister would like to have seen included in that statement is respect for international law. The blockade is illegal and is an act of collective punishment. I will not rehearse where the Joint Committee on European Affairs stands in this regard. The original proscription of Hamas at a time when there was political dialogue within that organisation between its military and political wings was significant. A decision was taken, not by Ministers but by a sub-committee of the Permanent Representatives in Brussels to add Hamas's name to a list of proscribed organisations. It has always been my view that this was a disastrous decision, and broke down the possibility of dialogue. We have to get back to where we were, in doing some real business again on this.

In the Minister's statement last week he laid down conditionalities. Those conditionalities were to the effect that the MV Rachel Corrie would be able to proceed. Preceding that in the common statement was that there would be an open and transparent international investigation. Now we are being told, more or less, by the Israeli authorities that there will be no such thing. Already, one hears a type of weasel language that is trying to retreat from an international investigation. We have been here before. I am referring to the so-called British initiative. We were at this point in relation to Jenin and as regards the original bombing at the time of Boutros Boutros-Ghali in relation to a UN compound. At that stage, rather than having an international investigation, an enormous head of steam was built up that eventually led to the non-consideration of Boutros Boutros-Ghali for reappointment as Secretary General of the United Nations. We need to know exactly where we are in this. When I agreed to the statement on behalf of the Labour Party last week, I saw the transparent international investigation as a condition. I also saw a respect for international law and the proceeding of MV Rachel Corrie as a condition. I believe now that what took place in relation to MV Rachel Corrie was not very peaceful at all. It was a breach of international law. I am interested in what the Minister in good faith put in, namely, the set of measures he would take if our motion was not complied with. It was not complied with so we must now turn, not to “if” sanctions but rather to “which” sanctions and “when”.

There is the issue of whether we propose to resile from our support for Israel's membership of the OECD. The process, I understand, is not completed and some technical measures still have to be dealt with. It is still possible to return to that, and this could be conditional on the international investigation. There is the issue, too, which the EU addressed last December, that is, the November 2005 Act on freedom of movement. That is the legislation which referred to freedom of access to and from Gaza. I am beginning to wonder about a fundamental change in foreign policy that will be very significant for the European Union, namely, the idea that pre-emption is an acceptable principle. We were at this point in the Iraq war. This is the right to make a pre-emptive strike based on an insecurity that one defines oneself. One follows the principle of pre-emption by using bogus notions of self-defence. What one is really saying is that one's fabricated invention of self-defence and threat takes precedence over international law.

International law has to be defended now or we all lose. Even in relation to that, in many cases language can serve us badly. I notice this as regards the references to Somalia and piracy and so forth. It is as important as in relation to Somalia, which the international community walked away from after the famine. What about the human rights involved? The Kenyan Government is sending people back to Somalia for punishment. In addition, the Ethiopian Government is sending people back to Somalia. My position from beginning to end is that one of the finest things to emerge from the disastrous loss of life we have witnessed is a positive statement leading to a new high point in Irish foreign policy, where all the statements begin with a reference to human rights and international law. Italy and Germany would not, in January 2009, issue even the slightest statement condemning the bombing of an UNRA school in Gaza. When that happens the common position of the European Union means nothing, by comparison with the obligations on the international community to vindicate international law. That is where we are now and I look forward before the Dáil goes into recess to hearing a list from the Minister of the actions he now proposes to take to implement the agreement we had in the Dáil last week.

I reference international law in my speech.

Of course. I did not suggest the Minister had left it out.

My apologies, so.

No, I suggest that the Minister starts with it. Not only that, but he should get the EU to include it, not to speak of starting with it.

We will proceed. I call Senator Feargal Quinn.

After that impassioned contribution from Deputy Higgins, it is difficult to return to more mundane matters. There are however, three more mundane matters for the Minister to consider, and then I may come back to the other topic. On the enlargement of the Union and Iceland, decisions have been made today on whether that will be on the agenda next week. Is it possible for the Minister to tell me Ireland's position in this regard? I gather there is a dispute in Iceland with the United Kingdom and Netherlands. What is the situation on our fisheries and Icelandic fisheries because this is what delayed their application? Have they resolved this now, and will we be able to support Iceland joining the Union, in the event?

I want to ask about Croatia. I believe there was agreement last week between Slovenia and Croatia in regard to the waters off Croatia.

I am sorry. Could the Deputy repeat the question?

I am asking about Croatia. Is it likely that Slovenia will be enthusiastic for Croatia to join the EU, probably on 1 January 2012, in light of last week's agreement? I also want to ask about Estonia joining the eurozone. I know that a Council Decision on this is pending. Does it require unanimity or will that question be dealt with under qualified majority voting? In the event, I gather Estonia joining the eurozone is likely to come about on 1 January 2011. Is this likely to have Irish support? In regard to Somalia, I understand France has proposed the creation of a special court, which would sit in another country in the region, to deal with piracy. Will the Minister elaborate on that? Does he expect this initiative to be capable of solving the piracy problem?

No solution will be easily reached in Gaza unless there is an understanding of Israel's concern in regard to the bombs and rockets being fired into its territory from Gaza in recent years. Unless we recognise that concern, it is unlikely we will find a solution. We can talk as much as we like about blockades and international law, but if we do not acknowledge that concern, we will not find a solution. A resolution will come about only if we recognise there are concerns on both sides. There are legitimate concerns on Israel's part regarding the 10,000 bombs and rockets that have landed on it in the past ten years. Unless that is taken into account we will not find a solution.

I thank the Chairman for the opportunity to address the committee. In regard to Sudan, I note that issue may not be discussed until the July meeting. I recently raised concerns regarding the elections there with the Minister by way of an Adjournment debate, and he acknowledged that there were questions over their legitimacy. I assert that those elections were grossly maladministered and corrupt. Following the self-determination referendum due to take place in southern Sudan, I hope it will be Ireland's position that fresh elections ought to be held in Sudan and that the oversight must, on this occasion, deliver results we can believe in. We must bear in mind that the re-elected President is an indicted war criminal. The civil society movement in Sudan conducted an extensive oversight of the elections involving more than 3,000 members of various civil society organisations. Their comprehensive reports on what happened, in northern Sudan in particular, offer a litany of instances of maladministration on a grand scale, leading to a result that is simply not credible.

In regard to Iranian nuclear enrichment, will the Minister elaborate on the new measures proposed to be imposed on Iran in the hope that it may be dissuaded from continuing to turn its civil nuclear capacity into a military capacity? The prospect of Iran arriving at that end game is truly frightening. The notion of ongoing proliferation chills me to the bone. The speech by the United States President, Mr. Obama, in Vienna gave great momentum to the prospect of stepping back in a phased way from the madness of nations randomly acquiring the ability to develop military nuclear capacity. In the context of the proud involvement of one of our former Ministers for Foreign Affairs, who was from the Minister's party and from my constituency, in the original non-proliferation treaty, this is an important year in terms of the review that will conducted. It is critical that we play our role in ensuring Iran halts its enrichment programme. The Minister's language in his speech was full of hope that this will be achieved, but the reality is that these new measures must be as powerful as possible to get the message across. I am interested in hearing what the Iranian foreign Minister had to say to the Minister about that yesterday.

In regard to Gaza, the Minister described what happened last week as a watershed. I agree that it can act as a springboard to a better future. Deputy Higgins identified a whole range of measures that will assert the primacy of international law and move us away from the type of chaos that ensues, as outlined by Deputy Dooley, if we do not make international law our guiding light. I said to the Minister in the Seanad that there is a third-party obligation on Ireland to seek a meeting of the signatories of the fourth Geneva Convention to defend the principle that collective punishment is not a valid response but an outrage, which is not to say that I do not fully acknowledge the threat to Israel that exists on the Gazan side of the border. Israel has a right to defend itself, but pre-emption and collective punishment should have no part in that. I am interested in the Minister's thoughts on the prospect of Ireland playing a role as a third party and, in so doing, honouring our obligation under the Geneva Convention to oppose collective punishment.

I will not go over what other members have raised. In regard to Gaza, an international investigation is of paramount importance. How does the Minister propose to expedite such an investigation when Israel has said it will not co-operate with it? Does the Minister expect that such an investigation can proceed without that co-operation?

In regard to Iran, does the Minister expect that the European Union will adopt a series of additional measures against Iran next week? If so, what does he envisage will be the timeframe for such actions?

The issues that have been raised are very relevant to the discussions the Minister has already had and those he is about to have. Deputy Dooley raised an interesting point because at the COSAC meeting it became clear to us that to achieve unanimity within the European Union would be a huge task. The motion drafted by the members of the committee, in co-operation with other member states, was eventually watered down to such an extent that could be acceptable to everybody. It was almost a waste of time at that stage, a case of merely going through the motions. The fact remains that like everything the European Union does, it is vital to be cohesive, to speak with one voice and to support each other. If that does not happen, we each have only the force of individual member states.

Many members of this committee have indicated publicly and privately that they are fully aware of the intricacies of the situation in the Middle East in terms of the hostile neighbourhood in which Israel lives. Many of the members have been strong historical supporters of Israel — as have I — and of its right to exist in that climate. Equally, we support the right of everybody else to exist; no state should claim the right to exist while acting to annihilate its neighbours. When we visited the region last year in conjunction with the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, the most striking factor for me was that nothing had changed since I had last visited 30 years ago. It was exactly as if one had turned over a leaf and it was the following day. The same issues arose, the same points were raised and the same grievances were aired. In each instance, one could have taken the scripts from 30 years ago and reused them.

From what we could gather, the point being made was that no outsider could expect to understand the complicated situation there because it is unique. As people in Ireland are aware, every conflict is unique. Everyone believes his own conflict to be unique and to be incapable of resolution. However, as long as that attitude is adopted by everyone concerned, nothing can be. The point that was raised correctly by Deputy Higgins was the need for the international community to have an ongoing mechanism of bringing pressure to bear on both sides with the emphasis on peaceful negotiation.

Correct.

Another point that must be mentioned is the passport issue. While the Minister rightly has separated the passport issue from more recent events, it is fundamental to what is happening in the area. It displays enormous contempt for the international community for a country to use the passports of any other country apart from the fact that it was an appalling abuse of international law. It is an appalling abuse of any country's integrity to take its passports and to use and abuse them for whatever purpose. This is known by all and it should not have happened.

I will move briefly to more mundane matters. Members already have discussed the Europe 2020 strategy, which the Minister will discuss next week. The joint committee strongly supports this concept and received a very interesting and useful submission last week from an interdepartmental delegation, which included representatives from the Taoiseach's office, the Department of Foreign Affairs and other Departments. The point I emphasise is that from the perspective of stability within the European Union, the observance of the growth and stability guidelines and reaction to international issues, everything comes down to one thing, namely, how united is the European Union. Can it and does it move forward with one voice? It has been repeatedly suggested that this cannot happen in the absence of new regulations, integrated taxation policies, harmonised taxation and so on. This is nonsense. It is quite possible for the European countries to come together under a single heading with a single objective on a single issue. If they cannot do so, particularly with the passage of time and experience, we should learn from one crisis to deal with the next one.

It is of great importance to do this and this particularly is the case regarding the pressure that has been put on the euro currency recently. No one has ever really engaged on what the optimal value of the euro should be. This is an issue of great importance to the economic development of the entire European Union, including all the member states' territories. While I do not wish to go on, the Minister already knows the subject matter well and members are aware he already has emphasised this point in his various meetings.

My final points pertain to Iran and Cuba, which already have been referred to by other speakers. A similar situation obtains in Iran in that there is contempt for the international community there as well. Despite the best well-meaning efforts of the international community and because it is divided to some extent, this problem arises. Ultimately, it must be addressed because otherwise, the situation in Iran will get worse. The Minister correctly referred to the human rights abuses there, as well as to those in Gaza and elsewhere. Although I find it difficult to understand how this can be the case when one takes everything into account, for as long as the international community is unable to exert sufficient influence and is unable to have a sufficient impact on the state creating such problems, there will be a problem. The Minister has already referred to Cuba and recently has met a Cuban delegation. The Minister has been helpful in this area but it should be borne in mind that issues move on and that one must progress. We must engage with the Cuban authorities and must do so at both national and European Union level. Ireland is well placed to so do at present.

I commend the Minister on his excellent work and on the manner in which he has stood for human rights. A question arises in respect of sanctions within the region in which Israel lives and internationally. Sanctions have been shown to be an extremely blunt instrument. If one recalls the example of Iraq, whatever about those who sanctions were meant to harm and hinder, it was the people on the ground who suffered. Israel is imposing sanctions on Gaza but has no international mandate to so do. However, issues exist between those countries. The first issue is that there is an armed rebellion against the Israeli state that is actively supported by Iran in a proxy war against the Israeli state. It would be wrong of members not to mention this, while at the same time mentioning the injustice perpetrated on innocent men, women and children in particular, who are suffering the denigration of sanctions and the lack of food and facilities in Gaza. This is something to which the Minister has strongly objected and I commend him strongly for so doing.

That said, when reconsidering the imposition of sanctions on Iran, any such sanctions should be focused in particular on the area that will bring about the best results and not against the Iranian people, who should be the last to be affected by such sanctions. This Minister could take up this point at international level. However, I support the Minister's efforts to keep a balance between the terrible events in which international piracy on the high seas led to the deaths of nine people at the hands of the Israeli state on the one hand and the threats to the Israeli state on the other. International mediation is needed on this issue. The two-state solution should be put forward again and should be worked within the framework of the international Quartet comprising the United Nations, the European Union, the United States and Russia.

Speaking of Russia, there is a proposal from the Spanish Presidency of the European Union to reduce the restrictions on visas with Russia. This is a highly practical matter, particularly when one considers the growth of the so-called BRIC countries. A total of 90% of the Russian population lives within European Russia and great opportunities exist for trade, energy and resources on the European Union's border. It is opportune for Ireland to support a timeline for a significant reduction in restrictions on travel between the important BRIC nation of Russia and the European Union.

Members have raised a lengthy list of issues and I will try to go through them member by member. As there may be some commonality among the issues, I may cover a number of members in the same reply. As for the amount of aid that goes to disability groups, the Government and Deputy Timmins share a position in respect of the millennium development goal conclusions. Ireland's position is that development policy must place the excluded, namely, the poor, the hungry and people with disabilities at the centre of the development efforts. We are putting people with disabilities at the centre of our efforts towards attaining the millennium development goals. As for the Middle East in general, almost everyone spoke on the subject and on the attack on the Gaza-bound flotilla. A number of members raised specific issues in that regard. First, regarding my contribution, in the opening part of the section on the Middle East, I referred members to previous statements I made last week. I stated:

I will not recount or dwell at great length on all that happened last week in respect of the Gaza flotilla. I am sure members will have read my various and detailed statements, including those I made in the Dáil and Seanad last week.

Consequently, there is no resiling from anything in this speech. Later in my contribution, I went on to state:

We must also ensure that a clear red line is established between what constitutes acceptable and unacceptable actions within the international community and to reinforce basic respect for the principles of international law. A properly constituted international investigation, commanding widespread confidence, can greatly serve to advance these aims.

To clarify, from the outset, I have made clear that international law is a key issue. One of my earliest comments on this issue was that Israeli actions, not just last week but previously, run the risk of dragging the international community down a dangerous route in which conformity to international norms and laws were, over time, being eroded. Tolerance of actions that undermine international law was increasing and thereby eroding much of what the international community has stood for in the past. This was clearly the case with regard to the assault on the MV Mavi Marmara because it took place well into international waters, 70 km out from the Gaza coastline. I agree with Deputy Timmins in his condemnation of the killings, the dismantling of settlements and his condemnation of Hamas — which we have consistently condemned. Ireland’s position is very balanced. I understand the security needs of Israel and I always have. It has been our fundamental point that the blockade on Gaza does nothing to ultimately enhance Israeli security. It is counter-productive. If one goes to Gaza and looks at the tunnels, one will see the absurdity of what is going on. It makes no sense. That is not just my view. I have talked to people in the United Nations. The United Nations cannot get concrete to build schools because of the blockade but supporters of Hamas can get it, to build whatever they want to build and they gather tax on it. That is the illogicality of what is happening in Gaza.

I met legitimate business people whose businesses were wiped out. They have been trading for years with Israel. They have no malice towards Israeli merchants or traders because they have been dealing with them for years but because of the blockade they are taken out of the equation. They are watching a new cohort of business people emerge who are conforming to the Hamas system and paying their taxes and dues on what comes in through the tunnels. I am still trying to figure out how this helps Israel's security in the long term. It is dangerous in the long term because it is hardening attitudes in Gaza and this cannot be good for Israeli security. We know this to be the case from our experience here in Ireland. When attitudes are hardened, more bitterness develops. Bitterness can become embedded and deeply rooted and become generational. The population of Gaza is so young and I think of all those children who were in buildings when the bombs rained down. Gaza is a very small space, about the size of County Louth with a population of 1.5 million people. There is no way that one can do precision bombing as if one could identify targets by looking at the crowds and decide one can see a Hamas fighter and ten children but decide to land a bomb while trying to avoid damage to children and families. That is the nuts and bolts of it.

The war in Gaza only deepens the bitterness, the embedded prejudices that will take generations to clear. This undermines security. The ultimate way to sort out security is to achieve a peace settlement but to develop confidence-building measures, to reduce the bitterness and hatred and to avoid policies that further add to conflict and division. Thirty years on in Northern Ireland we still have issues so I do not understate the challenges that lie ahead but I see the blockade as totally counter-productive and I see no strategic sense in it.

Our discussions with the Israeli Government with regard to the MV Rachel Corrie were an attempt to add value to the situation, in so far as we worked through the Israeli Government proposal and put it to the MV Rachel Corrie crew that if the aid in its entirety could be sent on into Gaza, including cement, a significant part of the cargo, this would be some advance, not a huge advance but some advance on what had happened prior to that because all the other aid was intercepted.

I fully accept the right of the crew of the MV Rachel Corrie to take the action they did because political protest is a legitimate action to take in international waters. The crew behaved very admirably in demonstrating to the Israelis above anyone else, that one can engage in a pacifist-type protest without endangering anybody. Their communications with the Israeli authorities and to us made that very clear and we made that point to the Israeli authorities. However, it is arguable that if the entire cargo was landed at Ashdod and moved into Gaza, this would be an advance. We also added that the Irish Aid officials would oversee the transfer of all the cargo into Gaza and that two of the crew could accompany it. We believed this would be an advance on anything that had happened prior to that. It perhaps could be a template for further approaches. On the international issue of whether the EU or the United Nations can play a role in lifting the blockade, it seems clear to me — although I would not understate the challenges that lie ahead — that last week was a watershed. The loss of life was horrific but I suspect a critical mass of the international community at last, understand, that this blockade has to be lifted. I may be wrong but that is my assessment. We have to see the fruits of that, an outcome in terms of concrete actions that will lift the blockade and allow the aid in. My main concern is to get the aid in because it is desperately needed. I noted Richard Crowley’s reports on RTE which conveyed the misery in Gaza as a result of the blockade and the fact that it is the children and mothers who are suffering as a result.

I have considerable sympathy and empathy with what Deputy Higgins said about the Hamas question. That statement about the 1967 borders is significant and this was pointed out to me in my visit to Syria well over a year ago. I have been told consistently that de facto there is recognition in a number of statements by Hamas of the 1967 borders which is a de facto recognition of the State of Israel. We have repeatedly within the EU called for recognition of Israel and the ending of all violence.

If one compares the situation in the Middle East to the Northern Ireland peace process — Deputy Higgins is correct in this regard — if the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin were told in advance of the 1994 ceasefire declaration that they would have to accept a new constitutional order which, for example, would remove Articles 2 and 3 from the Irish Constitution, the peace process would never have started. Sinn Féin and its leadership commenced that peace process. It is arguable they may have known that the destination would prove problematic to their historic position, in terms of the republican tradition and the mandate to move beyond the declaration of the Republic after the 1918 elections. We then had the all-island referendum. However, the process happened and in a way that is instructive for how things can happen in other situations around the world. Our situation is not similar to every conflict but it is instructive and it can be used as a basis for trying to move things. We have met Hamas and the EU has taken a position on that. The signals we are getting from people who would have some knowledge is that those who are willing to move things on within the Palestinian side of Hamas are being marginalised. All that has happened in the past six to nine months is undermining the forces of moderation within the Palestinian movement in general and within Hamas. That is a warning when trying to get peace talks under way but ensuring that whatever emerges from the peace talks will have critical mass support among the Palestinian communities. This is the reason Palestinian reconciliation is so important and this has slipped off the agenda to some degree. We have articulated this fact to all the interlocutors.

The security of Israel is extremely important in all of this and it must be recognised by all the players. We have been very consistent in our articulation of this fact and in articulating condemnation of rocket attacks and in calling repeatedly for the release of Corporal Shalit, which would be a significant game-changer if it happened. If Corporal Shalit were to be released, it would have a significant impact on mood and attitudes across the region and within Israel and could facilitate significant movement.

We have great respect for Mr. George Mitchell because of what he achieved in the Northern Ireland peace process. He has a daunting challenge ahead of him in the Middle East. The current United States Administration, under the President, Mr. Obama, has given the region prioritisation which previous Administrations did not in the initial part of their term in office. We acknowledge that there are significant challenges within the United States polity in terms of how one deals with the Middle East. It is important to keep the bigger picture in mind in terms of trying to get proximity talks under way and get the peace process moving. Ireland enjoys respect across the region because we do not carry any colonial baggage and we have an independent approach, just as we have in respect of Iran.

In terms of European Union partnerships agreements and so on, there are partnership agreements with many countries in the region. Many of them did not initially appreciate those agreements because they tie them down somewhat by imposing a framework within which the dialogue on partnership is carried on in terms of human rights clauses and so on. I issued a letter in April to all Deputies on this issue, setting out at some length the policy background and the context underlying the establishment of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, the question of the upgrade of relations, EU-Israel relations at present, and Ireland's view on sanctions. That letter was in response to a query from Deputy Perry. It might be useful at some later date to have a discussion in this committee on those specific issues to seek a better understanding of the background to this matter. It is the easiest thing in the world to propose expelling an ambassador or abolishing an agreement, but we must consider how that would advance the basic principles to which people adhere. The letter I issued in response to Deputy Perry offered a comprehensive account and a good rationale on why these partnership agreements were initiated. It might be well worth a specific discussion of that question so that collectively we can tease out the issues.

Questions in regard to Article 2 keep arising.

As opposed to this arising as an add-on reference at every debate on the broader issues, it would be useful to have a specific discussion. As Minister, I am eager to hear the views of members and to tease out the issues in a more deliberate way.

Deputy Timmins asked about the response I received from the Iranian foreign Minister when I met him yesterday. It was quite a lengthy response defending the position from the Iranian perspective. I made the point forcefully that Ireland is not making these representations on behalf of any other country. There seems to be some suggestion that we are acting at the bidding of the United States or the European Union. I emphasised that as founding members of the NPT, we want Iran to honour its obligations under the treaty. I pointed out that as far as we are concerned, there has been considerable prevarication on the part of the European Union and in the case of the E3+3 initiative and that the International Atomic Energy Agency, in its most recent report, had expressed dissatisfaction with the lack of information. We indicated that the Tehran agreement with Turkey and Brazil, while welcome as a confidence-building measure, was not sufficient in itself. One could argue there is a certain strategy of divide and conquer going on here. Iranian diplomacy is skilful and effective in some ways, but the patience of the international community has run out.

Several members asked about the proposed sanctions. There is a long list of sanctions which are, in so far as it is possible, targeted at the Administration rather than the Iranian people. For example, there is a conventional arms ban and a ban on certain nuclear missile investment abroad which will prohibit Iran from investing in sensitive nuclear activities abroad. There is also a ban on ballistic missile activities, and there are technical items dealing with missile and nuclear proliferation. There are proposals for a new cargo inspection framework, new procedures to deal with contraband items, a ban on bunkering services, new tools to block proliferation finance, vigilance over all Iran's companies, new banking measures, targeted sanctions on specific individuals and entities, and the appointment of a United Nations sanctions monitoring panel. In addition, there is a proposal for new measures to limit the role of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which has a key role in proliferation, which requires states to ensure businesses exercise vigilance over all transactions involving the IRGC. Fifteen IRGC-related companies linked to proliferation are to have their assets frozen.

I also pressed the Iranian Foreign Minister strongly on the human rights situation. Having stressed that the nuclear issue is particularly grave in terms of the stability of the region and so on, I emphasised, as a matter of equal urgency, that the country's human rights record is unacceptable in terms of the suppression of opinion, jamming of communications, filtering of the Internet and the imprisonment and execution of citizens. We specifically raised the issue of the use of the death penalty, in respect of which the Foreign Minister defended the Iranian position by reference to The Koran and so on. We raised the situation pertaining to those facing execution as we speak, as well as the situation of the Baha'i community which has been the subject of significant persecution in Iran for years and members of which have been detained for lengthy periods and their trials dragged out. We also raised the case of an individual person — whose case was raised with me by the Chairman — and asked whether that person could be allowed to leave Iran after being temporarily released following international pressure. I got a lengthy reply from the Foreign Minister in terms of what happened during and after the election. Iran keeps comparing itself to its neighbours and I am sure we could have a lengthy debate on that question. Let us just say that two wrongs do not make a right and that it is no basis for justifying one's own positions or policies. We also discussed bilateral issues — although bilateral trade with Iran is quite low — as well as scholarly exchanges and so on.

Regarding climate change targets, a significant amount of the €100 million of start-up finance for developing countries will be new money. No European Union country is providing 100% new money; it will be a combination of existing aid money and new allocations. We have yet to determine the amount of new finance we will provide; we will come back to that when that decision is taken by Government. There is, in any event, a significant overlap between our aid spending and climate change efforts in that much of our work in sub-Saharan Africa has been directed at climate change projects and initiatives.

Regarding the Somali piracy issue, the limited judicial and prison capacity and issues with the implementation of arrangements for detention mean that more than 60% of suspected pirates apprehended are released. This has been an ongoing saga for many years. Given these challenges, consideration is now being given to how to improve the application of the rule of law in this area. France has distributed for discussion a non-paper on establishing special judicial arrangements to deal with piracy. It proposes the creation of a special Somali court located in another state in the region, backed by the international community in the form of legal and technical support. The proposal was put forward to stimulate discussion and has not yet been considered in any depth. In the best of diplomatic speak, it will require careful consideration.

In terms of Estonia, Article 142 of the treaty on the functioning of the European Union sets out the process. The Council, acting on a proposal by the Commission, a recommendation of the euro group and following consultation with the European Parliament and discussion by the Heads of State make the decision by qualified majority voting on whether to allow Estonia into the euro area. We are in the middle of that process. We are making progress in that. We support Estonia's application provided all the conditions are met. What was Senator Quinn's third point?

It was about Iceland and Croatia.

I referred to Iceland in my opening speech. We support the candidacy but the negotiation process will take some time. Fisheries are the major item on the agenda. Whether Iceland becomes a candidate will be subject to those negotiations. Currently, even the candidacy issue is proving problematic because of the Icesave disagreement with the United Kingdom and the Dutch. We have not started the process of negotiations yet. It is fair to say that fisheries will be a significant issue for us in the negotiations.

We have generally supported Croatian accession. On the Balkans we should support the European perspective in general to enable the progressive political elements to become stronger. Europe has been a bit slow in that regard. Some member states have dragged their feet because of other issues, perhaps legitimate ones from their perspective, but looking at the big picture it makes sense to progress membership for Croatia and Serbia and to assist them along the way. The presentation by Mr. Brammertz will be interesting in that regard. His previous presentation was significant in allowing us to make some progress in terms of Serbia in particular. Notwithstanding some of the difficulties, we will support the Croatian accession. We do not have an exact date because the negotiations are ongoing. A border dispute with Slovenia held up negotiations last year.

We had an EU election observation mission to Sudan comprising approximately 147 observers from 25 European Union countries, including observers from here and participants from Norway, Switzerland and Canada. The final report has not issued from the EU heads of mission but the preliminary report, while stressing the importance of the elections as a crucial step in the comprehensive peace agreement, highlighted important deficiencies against international standards which undermined key aspects of the election process. The report welcomed the commitment of the Sudanese people to democracy and acknowledged that the elections paved the way for democratic progress. I do not wish to paraphrase a previous election slogan — A lot done, more to do — but that is probably the case.

The report also welcomed the involvement of Sudanese civil society in domestic observation of the elections. The referendum in southern Sudan is a key event which we are monitoring closely. It is an enormous country and progress has been made. During our engagement with Sudan last year on the kidnapping issue we met many interlocutors, especially from the Darfur region. Sudan has not yet reached the situation where we would like it to be, but it is fair to say progress has been made in some areas. We hope the referendum can be held peacefully and that the aftermath will be handled with sensitivity and common sense.

A question was asked about the cargoes removed from ships. Is it still in storage in Israel or has any of it got through to Gaza?

Hamas stopped much of the cargo arriving at the other side. We continue to put on pressure to ensure all cargo, especially on the Rachel Corrie and other ships is sent to Gaza. We hope that will happen but difficulties have arisen.

Crisps and fizzy drinks were added to the list of permissible items yesterday.

They are not good for you anyway.

The Senator did not say that in his former days when he sold them by the truckload.

I am now worried about obesity.

I agree with what the Chairman said about the EU-Cuba agreement. Things move on. That has been my position. I have supported dialogue between the European Union and Cuba. We hope to sign a memorandum of agreement which would be a framework for a bilateral relationship with Cuba. Some interesting things are happening on the cultural front in terms of music and literature. We had a visit from a group of Cuban musicians and a project known as Una Corda has been set up between Irish musicians and Cuba whereby equipment is supplied to Cuban musicians to rebuild pianos. An Irish film festival was held last autumn in Havana.

We have looked at potential for a joint approach to development aid in terms of Africa and elsewhere in one or two health-related projects given that Cuban doctors are located in Africa in significant numbers. We are working to see whether we can do something jointly in that respect. We are also considering joint projects in the area of biotechnology. There are interesting biotechnology facilities in Havana and other places in Cuba. Public health is an interesting area in that Cuba's database is probably unrivalled in so far as there is a GP for every 300 people. Every child is registered from birth.

I will digress for a moment to an area in which I formerly held a portfolio. It came to light recently that Dr. Wakefield had put forward a flawed and unsubstantiated thesis that there was a link between the MMR vaccine and autism which had an impact on the uptake of MMR. I met representatives of the biotechnology institute in Cuba who said that no one had asked about the experience in Cuba where the vaccination rate for MMR was 100%. Cuba has one of the lowest autism rates in the world. Cuba has developed vaccines. I am not a medical expert. A vaccine has been developed not just for meningitis C but for meningitis B. The response might be that this is just Cuba and that one could not apply its approach. Meningitis B is still a desperate killer and pharmaceutical companies have not found a solution to it. We introduced a vaccine for meningitis C which has meant it is virtually eliminated. There is ample room for collaboration with Cuba on public health and other health issues. Cuba can bring something of value to the table in terms of research and science. Some doctors from Beaumont have visited Cuba to investigate biopharmaceutical and biotechnology as well as other issues. We could develop useful bilateral contacts. Canada has made significant investments in terms of oil and the Spanish have a big interest in terms of tourism. We are committed to forging closer links.

Deputy Higgins raised significant issues in terms of development. I accept his point on the exploitation of extractive industries. One of the great tragedies of natural resources in Africa is that they have been an enduring source of conflict, external exploitation and manipulation. Broadly speaking, the more indigenous capacities one can develop the better in any situation but I accept Deputy Higgins's point about the silence on transaction taxes. We will feed that back into our position. We generally share that commitment and consistency.

Our understanding is that there have been efforts, initiated by Switzerland, in terms of convening the Fourth Geneva Convention. We support that on an informal basis. We support the poverty targets of the Europe 2020 strategy. We are equally supportive regarding education although we have nearly achieved the targets in Ireland. Our school completion rate is now at 89%. A decade ago it was approximately 82%. We are making progress in this regard but obviously must aspire to a target higher than that of the EU. We must relate the EU-wide generic targets to our national targets. We are very close to meeting the tertiary education target of 40%. Over the next five years, perhaps our objectives should be more ambitious in some areas.

What about the northern Cyprus issue?

I will revert to Deputy Timmins regarding the exact volume of trade. There is not much from northern Cyprus. It is likely to come through Turkey or Larnaca. We can deal with the proposed direct trade regulation on another day if the Chairman wishes——

I do not believe it is going anywhere too fast within the Union. The Commission sent a range of outstanding items and regulations to the European Parliament that remain to be fulfilled. Cyprus is very concerned about the utilisation of Article 133, or Article 207 of the new treaty, which is a post-Lisbon treaty dealing with trade between the European Union and third countries. The Council legal service believes that is incorrect and that Protocol 10 to the accession treaty of 2003 should be used. The Cypriot Government agrees with the Council's legal secretariat. The legal conflict that has featured for quite some time remains and it is unlikely that it will be progressed. The peace issues must be dealt with and any gauche intervention by the Commission could distort or undermine the negotiation processes that are under way, which are difficult in any event after an election.

We note that the Haiti disaster response and the lessons learned therefrom will arise in the next month or so. They will probably feature more at our next meeting. Members of the committee have expressed an interest in these matters. The Minister is likely to pursue them with a view to ascertaining the lessons learned from disaster management and the co-ordinated EU response.

The joint committee went into private session at 1.45 p.m. and adjourned at 2.05 p.m. until 2.45 p.m. on Tuesday, 15 June 2010.
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