During our third session, which commences now, we will consider Ireland's EU Presidency priorities. I am very happy to introduce Deputy Dick Roche, the Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs. Deputy Roche has played a very important role in the development of the draft EU constitution. He was the Government's representative at the Convention. He was also co-ordinator of the response of the small and medium-sized nations involved in that debate in an attempt to keep balance in the proposals. He has been deeply involved and he continues to be actively involved in everything that relates to the European Union. It is a privilege for us to have him with us. I invite him to make his contribution.
Ireland’s EU Presidency Priorities: Statements.
I am delighted to be here to discuss Ireland's Presidency priorities in the field of external relations. It is unusual for me to be in Ireland for a whole day, such are the duties and responsibilities attached to the Presidency.
It is particularly apt that this conference takes place at the exact mid-point of the Presidency. We have an excellent opportunity to review where we are at in terms of the Presidency and its priorities in the field of external relations. Many people are familiar with the key strategic themes that inform our approach in the field of external relations; support for effective multilateralism; the transatlantic relationship; human rights; the EU's relationship with Africa and the implementation of the EU security strategy. In addition, we have stressed throughout our Presidency the importance of the Union being coherent in its policies and effective in its actions. The EU is only serious and will only be taken seriously as a global player when its representatives speak with one voice.
We are not in the business of using these six months to advance specific, narrowly-defined national interests. As one of my colleagues from the United Kingdom said, one of the reasons the Irish Presidency is so popular is that we are not taken as having any particular vested interests. That is how the Presidency should be. We are working hard to define and project a common EU stance on issues of global importance. By and large we are achieving the level of cohesiveness and co-operation that we aimed for at the outset. In the external relations arena, as in other areas, we are reflecting our Presidency theme: Europeans - Working Together.
The external affairs agenda of the Union is now truly global in its scope. In the time available it is not possible to give a full account of our programme across the entire global spectrum. What I would like to do, however, is give a sense of the progress we are making in the key strategic areas which we have identified as being of particular importance.
The first of these is the relationship between the European Union and the United Nations. I have already mentioned some strategic themes that resonate throughout our Presidency. Support for effective multilateralism is at the top of that list. It is at the heart of the European Union's security strategy. We believe in multilateral solutions because we believe unilateral action cannot provide solutions to problems as complex and multifaceted as those we face.
The United Nations is the pivotal actor in the maintenance of global peace and security and we are committed to working more closely with the UN to promote shared values and achieve shared goals. It has been a central aim of our Presidency to harness the EU's substantial and growing political weight to strengthen the United Nations so it is equipped with the necessary legitimacy and authority to fulfil its unique role.
Last September, the Secretary General, Mr. Annan, gave the membership a clear critique of the problems facing the UN. He highlighted the inefficient working methods of the General Assembly and the need for the Security Council to regain the confidence of states by demonstrating its ability to deal effectively with the most difficult issues.
On the first aspect, the Union has been actively engaged at the UN in pressing for the implementation of the important resolution adopted last December on revitalising the work of the General Assembly. On the more fundamental question of boosting the effectiveness of, and trust in, the collective system of security, the Secretary General established last November a high-level panel on threats, challenges and change which will report at the end of this year. In our Presidency role, we are co-ordinating the EU's contribution to the work of this panel, to assist it in its important task of analysing current as well as future threats to peace and security and assessing how best collective resolve can meet these threats.
This will not be about grandiose plans to reinvent the UN or change it beyond recognition. It will be about fashioning a coherent view on comprehensive, integrated and early responses to the threats facing countries at risk of instability, whether those threats come in the familiar form of HIV/AIDS, chronic poverty or the more recent threats of terrorism or the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
A second important aspect of the Union's support for effective multilateralism has been to mainstream the issue into our contact with other regions. In addition to the Union's practical support for building African peacekeeping capacity, the EU and the African Union have been engaged in the preparation of a joint declaration on effective multilateralism which is expected to be adopted by the EU-African Union ministerial troika on 1 April.
The theme of effective multilateralism will also feature prominently in the EU-Latin America and Caribbean summit in Mexico in May, the EU-Japan summit in Tokyo in June and at the Asia-Europe meeting's foreign ministerial meeting, known as ASEM, in Ireland in April.
Another key element of our support for an effective multilateral system is EU-UN peacekeeping and crisis management. We are working with the UN to implement our joint declaration on co-operation in crisis management, particularly in terms of practical co-operation in training and planning for peacekeeping operations. As most people are aware, the Italian Presidency signed the declaration. The focus of the Irish Presidency is on giving practical effect to it.
We are also co-operating closely on establishing an EU rapid reaction capability to assist in the establishment of a new UN peacekeeping operation or in tasks temporarily beyond the capacity of the standing UN mission. Rapid reaction capability is an area on which the Secretary General, Mr. Annan, laid particular emphasis in his meeting with the Minister, Deputy Cowen, in January.
It is essential that the Union has the ability to deploy peacekeeping missions rapidly in situations where an immediate presence on the ground may be key to averting conflict and bloodshed. As we approach the tenth anniversary of the genocide in Rwanda, the need for timely and appropriate intervention in such circumstances is rightly receiving our close attention.
Crisis management has always been at the heart of the European Union's security and defence policy. Work in this area is central to our Presidency approach of supporting and strengthening effective multilateral means of dealing with conflict and challenges to global security.
A multilateral approach is also key to countering the threat of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and in promoting disarmament. This is reflected in the EU weapons of mass destruction strategy which was adopted by the European Council in December 2003. In our Presidency role, we have been concentrating our efforts to implement this strategy on strengthening the international system of non-proliferation, pursuing universalisation of multilateral agreements and reinforcing strict implementation and compliance with these agreements.
In the human rights field, throughout our Presidency, we have been aiming to be practical and imaginative in promoting human rights around the globe. An initiative on which we are particularly focused is the adoption of EU guidelines in support of human rights defenders. As a former UN human rights fellow, I believe this is a particularly significant area for attention during our Presidency. While the Union has always attached importance to the protection of human rights defenders, support has largely been on an ad hoc basis. The Irish Presidency is developing specific policy guidelines in order to strengthen the EU’s support for human rights defenders and we expect these will be adopted before the end of our Presidency.
An inevitable overarching priority throughout our Presidency has been and will continue to be the Middle East. The European Union continues to believe that the path to peace is set out in the road map drawn up by the US, the EU, the UN and Russia. However, as is all too obvious from recent events on the ground, the implementation of the road map is yet to come about. In fact, it is some way off.
There can be no doubt that the extra-judicial killing of Hamas leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin and seven other Palestinians by Israeli forces a week ago today has exacerbated an already difficult situation. It will make more difficult our efforts to bring about progress in the peace process. However, there is no realistic alternative to the provisions contained in the road map. Unilateral separation will not bring a just, lasting and secure peace. As holders of the Presidency, we have promoted the idea of taking a series of small but concrete and visible steps which the two sides could implement together. It is better to make progress on an incremental basis than to make none at all.
The Taoiseach, who will address delegates later this afternoon, was to have attended the Arab League summit in Tunis today. The last-minute cancellation of the summit is regrettable. We had planned to use the opportunity to urge support from Arab partners for our overall approach. However, we remain in close contact with the leaders of the principal Arab states to ensure that momentum in the peace process is not lost. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, is visiting Cairo and Damascus this week and will emphasise the need for a concerted effort to advance our common goals of peace and security in the region through a just resolution of the conflict.
We had also planned in Tunis to start the process of active consultation with the countries of the region on the Union's strategic partnership towards the Mediterranean and the Middle East region. As foreseen by the European security strategy, the Union is committed to developing a more strategic approach to our relationship with the Middle East region. Last week, both Foreign Ministers and Heads of Government welcomed the Presidency's interim report on the strategic partnership.
We remain committed to developing our strategic approach and consultation with Arab partners is a core element of this process. The Union does not see itself as lecturing the region to embrace greater levels of democracy, press freedom and so forth. Although we wish to see such developments come about, we can only advance matters in the desired direction through continuous consultation and partnership in the region.
Let me turn from cross-cutting thematic priorities to our relationships with key bilateral partners, including the USA. Clearly, the transatlantic relationship is central to the Union's external relations agenda and continues to be a core element of our Presidency programme. We in Ireland have made clear our view that the European Union needs to adhere to the basic foreign policy triangle of a reinforced common foreign and security policy, a firm attachment to the UN and a strong transatlantic relationship.
There is no doubt that close, ongoing and pragmatic co-operation between the European Union and the United States is indispensable if we are both to advance the many foreign policy objectives that we share. As a group of nations with over 40% of the world's GDP and a similar share of world trade, we have an absolute responsibility to exercise our roles as global players responsibly in support of peace, security and prosperity.
The EU-US partnership stands at the heart of the developing international reality, as it has done for 50 years. The enduring strength of our relationship, which has weathered dips and troughs over the years and will continue to do so, is greater than any single dispute that we may encounter, whether political or economic.
While holding the Presidency, we see it as our role to continue to rebuild and restore the transatlantic relationship after the divisions experienced last year over Iraq. We have been working closely with the US on a wide range of issues, including Afghanistan, Iraq, co-operation on counter-terrorism, non-proliferation of weapons and our strategic approach to the Middle East. The EU-US foreign ministerial troika in Washington earlier this month, co-chaired by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, and the US Secretary of State, Colin Powell, was an important milestone in this co-operation and has set the tone for what I expect to be a very successful and fruitful EU-US summit in Ireland in June.
Relations with Canada have also progressed substantially during our Presidency, with the adoption this month of a new EU-Canada partnership agenda at the EU-Canada summit in Ottawa. This will further enhance our co-operation in the areas of foreign and security policy, justice and home affairs and, importantly, tacking global issues including climate change and poverty in developing countries. Canada and the EU share fundamental values including democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. We now have a mechanism for co-operation in bringing forward practical initiatives in support of these values.
I have pointed out several times that one of the key priorities of the Irish Presidency was to elevate the position of Africa on the EU agenda. Africa has been high on the agenda of the Presidency and the coming weeks will see a sustained period of engagement with our African partners. Next week will see the EU-African Union troika and the EU-South Africa troika meetings at ministerial level here in Dublin. This will be followed by a visit by the Minister, Deputy Cowen, to Ethiopia, Eritrea, Rwanda and Burundi. Key elements of our discussions with African partners will be support for African peacekeeping and conflict prevention, debt and effective multilateralism.
The attendance of the South African Foreign Minister, Ms Zuma, at the troika in Dublin will provide us with an occasion to celebrate with her the tenth anniversary of the ending of apartheid. In a world in which the challenges we face sometimes seem intractable, this is a welcome opportunity to recall that conflicts do end, that injustice can be rectified, that reconciliation is achievable and that the future can be bright, provided people show the political will to make it thus.
We have also been working hard to enhance the Union's strategic relationship with Asia. The EU troika, led by the Minister, Deputy Cowen, visited India, Pakistan and Afghanistan last month. The troika expressed the Union's support for the positive steps India and Pakistan have been taking towards resuming dialogue and co-operation in recent weeks. The visit was also an opportunity to stress the Union's firm commitment to Afghanistan's reconstruction needs. This commitment will be evident next week at the international conference on Afghanistan in Berlin, at which the Union will pledge continued assistance to Afghanistan in its transition to a secure, stable and just society.
As most delegates know, the EU has already earmarked substantial funds for Afghanistan. I was talking to Mr. Chris Patten in the last two hours and he informed me that the EU has already exceeded its expenditure targets. The Union is a main player in that region.
Mid-April brings the 15 EU Foreign Ministers and Commissioner Patten together with the ten Asian Foreign Ministers at the ASEM Foreign Ministers' meeting in Ireland. The Presidency is working to energise this process, which is the principal forum for dialogue between the EU and its Asian partners. We are encouraged by the interest of the members in re-invigorating ASEM and are confident that with serious engagement by both sides we will address important issues of substance such as the enlargement of ASEM. Some concerns were expressed regarding the drop-off in ministerial attendance from Europe at previous ASEM meetings. The Presidency has put a particular emphasis on the highest possible level of representation from member states and has been successful in this regard.
There are complex issues facing the EU-Asia relationship which we must resolve. These include: how best to ensure the future of ASEM and its enlargement; how to strengthen our relationship with Asian partners; and how to manage issues of concern such as the review of the EU arms embargo on China. The Union's relationship with Asia is vital and we will continue to work consistently and transparently with our partners in the region to establish robust and honest co-operation.
Moving nearer home, it is clear that enlargement of the European Union from 15 to 25 member states gives an added impetus to the relationship between the Union and Russia. We are committed to building a strategic partnership with Russia based not just on common values and interests but also on an open and frank dialogue.
The assessment report on EU-Russia relations was adopted by the General Affairs and External Relations Council last month and provides us with a sound basis to work towards the EU-Russia summit in Moscow at the end of May. With the Commission, as Presidency, we are working extremely hard to ensure the partnership and co-operation agreement with Russia is extended to all of the new member states by 1 May without preconditions or distinctions.
Furthermore, we are determined to ensure we will extend the zone of peace, security and prosperity that is the European Union to the 385 million people who will be our next-door neighbours when the Union enlarges to 25 member states. Enlargement must not be allowed to create new dividing lines in Europe. We need to get our relationships with our neighbours, new and old, right. In this, the experience and insights of many of the acceding states hold the key. The new member states have been next-door neighbours for a long time.
The European Union has reached a juncture where our shared understanding with the countries of the western Balkans is that their future lies within the European Union. As Presidency, we are committed to the full implementation of the agenda agreed last June at the EU-western Balkans summit in Thessaloníki. We strongly support the efforts of the countries of the region as they pursue a wide-ranging, difficult and sometimes painful reform process. The challenges are significant as events in Kosovo in recent weeks made abundantly clear. What is also clear is that we now have a well defined path for eventual full integration of the countries in question into the EU family. The political perspective provides the context within which peaceful and prosperous societies can emerge from the dark days of inter-communal and ethnic violence.
I have given a brief and broad outline of our thinking and actions in the external relations field but have by no means covered everything. I would welcome the comments and feedback of delegates on the overall conduct of the European Union's foreign policy by our Presidency. Europeans working together is the overreaching sentiment that will continue to inform our work. It is a union of 25 equal member states and 450 million people with 25% of the world's GDP. The European Union is now indisputably a global player. We must play our role with greater cohesiveness and unity of purpose by retaining faith in the principles and values which have served the Union so well for half a century or more.
I thank the Minister of State. We have three questioners and the list has now closed because time is almost up. I call Mr. Gustavo Selva from Italy.
Mr. Gustavo Selva
I will be very brief. I agree entirely with the analysis the Minister of State has carried out and the suggestions he has made in regard to the international relations of the European Union. If I have a small reservation, more formal than substantive, it would be about the killing of the leader of Hamas, Ahmed Yassin. I think we all agree that he was not just any citizen, he was not a citizen of peace. He was the ideological and actual leader of Hamas, an organisation which the European Union has deemed to be terrorist. If the Minister of State thinks his killing may exacerbate the situation, I suppose I would agree with him but if he also thinks we should be hard on those who kill civilians, including women and children, using the vilest and most murderous instruments of terrorism, I would agree 100%. I agree entirely with the remainder of what he said and have a question for him.
I understand the Irish Presidency was not able to include among its priorities the approval of the constitutional treaty by the Intergovernmental Conference. I also understand it to be a mark of respect for the absence of success by the Italian Presidency on that point but it would be very interesting to see whether Spain, for example, especially after the elections, has changed its stance and if Poland would follow suit. For us, it is very important that this subject is placed again on the agenda to arrive at a final conclusion during Ireland's six month Presidency.
Mr. Josef Jarab
I want to let the Minister of State know that the Czech delegation is present and, of course, joins our colleagues in thanking the host and expressing our appreciation for being invited to attend this conference and of the Irish Presidency which is bringing expected and yet very appealing results.
We have heard about what I rightly expected to be the priorities in respect of political, economic and security issues. It has often been said that the taking in of further countries beyond the first ten would create a very different European Union. Already we have ten new members coming in and it seems to be a very different European Union, as we have seen this morning. This is good because the European Union brings together the divided Europe.
I stress that, whatever about politically, economically and otherwise and despite being divided by the Iron Curtain and so on, culturally we feel very much part of Europe in Prague, Warsaw and Budapest. Culturally, we probably feel more part of Europe than people living in, say, Madrid, Paris or London. I say this because usually culture is only included as a footnote, the last thing to be mentioned. However, from a longer-term perspective, cultural exchange and knowledge of each other are of great importance. Culture was the glue of Europeanism initially and should remain and be cultivated as such. Let us look, for instance, at the report of the European Audiovisual Observatory in Strasbourg. We are informed that not even 1% of films shown in western Europe are from central and eastern Europe. Should something be done about this? These films show people in western Europe what life is like in eastern Europe, which will soon be part of the EU. We must examine further what can be done for enhancing such exchanges.
To encourage democracy in both western and eastern Europe, public service broadcasting must also be encouraged. Legislation can be introduced Europe wide to prevent broadcasting coming under private political and economic control and interference. Public broadcasting is an important element of democracy.
There is much happening with the Roma minority in eastern Europe, particularly in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. I believe that the political, cultural and social elements of the Roma issue should become a European one.
Ms. Genowefa Grabowska
I congratulate the Irish Presidency of the EU on its good work.
My first point concerns the painful events of 11 March in Madrid. The Irish Presidency reacted swiftly and wisely. A statement was received in our national parliament from the Irish Presidency in which we found not only words, but also a remedy to these events. The Presidency has proposed to appoint a European security co-ordinator with the responsibility for sharing and managing intelligence activity. How will such a security co-ordinator be related to the Ministers for Foreign Affairs? How will such a post be reconciled with a proposed European Union constitution? How will this position be related to those posts held by Javier Solana and Chris Patten? The scope of activity contained in those posts seems similar.
I attended the European Convention and saw the final result of its work. I am happy that we are close to reaching a compromise on the constitution. As always, compromise is a good solution but the danger lies in the details. I believe that the Irish Presidency will face the most important and difficult of the discussions and negotiations on the constitution. When the Polish prime minister returned to Poland after the last discussions, he announced that the EU constitution will be decided in Poland by referendum. Referendums can be dangerous in Poland, not only because of the dislike of voting in Polish society. A referendum would also create high expectations for those who vote for its acceptance. It must be remembered that the final result should be elaborated in such a way that the constitution can be accepted by all member states of the EU, including Poland.
My last point concerns the current ratification of the accession treaty. As far as I am aware, the treaty has been ratified by most contracting parties, including all the accession states. However, what about the remaining member states of the EU that have not ratified it? Does this pose a threat to enlargement on 1 May? As the procedures are now completed, I would like to have more details on the whole issue of ratification.
I will now ask the Minister for State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Roche, to answer some of these questions.
With regard to the assassination of Sheikh Yassin, the EU has argued that it is not equivocating between one horror and another; it cannot be the politics of the last atrocity. The European Council for General Affairs and External Relations stated that extra-judicial killings are unacceptable and not the way to make progress, as it is part of the problem and not the solution. That is not to say that one does not sympathise with the Israeli State, as it must protect its citizens.
The situation with the IGC and the constitutional treaty is more optimistic. I was a member of the Convention and I believe that the draft constitutional treaty was an infinitely superior document to any previous treaty. It is written in a clear manner, clarifying who does what within the Union and what subsidarity involves. The draft treaty is no threat to any member state and I am impatient with politicians who spin it as such. Most importantly, it incorporates a bill of rights. I am hopeful that it will be formally adopted during the course of the Irish Presidency. The European Council decided last week to mandate the Irish Presidency to complete the work on the IGC by the end of June and we are ambitious to do so.
However, we also acknowledge there are significant outstanding issues. It was not just about voting rights or Spain or Poland's position that caused the breakdown in negotiations last December. Moreover, the political will was simply not there. It is unfair to blame the four states that were frequently mentioned in the context of the breakdown. They were defending individual interests in the same way as any other member state would in other circumstances.
The reality is that as of Friday last there is certainly a political will. We will have to do a great deal of work during the Irish Presidency to reach agreement on the outstanding issues but I am confident that with a little luck we can achieve it. Certainly we have managed during the course of this Presidency to reactivate the issue, to move away from the dark days in December when the humour was just not there for compromise. The humour and willingness is there now, not only because of the horrific atrocities committed on the Spanish people but because the mood changed over the three months.
I agree with the point about culture made by our friend from the Czech Republic. One of the magical outcomes of what will happen in Europe on 1 May is that the Union will witness the biggest ever enlargement. Europe has been divided by a century of horror. It was one of the worst centuries in Europe's long history. It was a century which saw Europeans turn on each other, effectively in two European civil wars. It was a century which saw tens of millions of people killed and countless horrors perpetrated. Europeans saw civilisation turn its back on itself and the darkest days of Europe.
One of the truly remarkable aspects about the European Union is that in the past 50 years it has created a situation in which war between the peoples of Europe is now unthinkable and, in fact, undoable. We have become so integrated that it can never happen again.
The magic of 1 May is something we all should celebrate. The great point about 1 May, certainly as far as the Presidency is concerned and truly in so far as every member state is concerned, is that the ten new member states are re-joining Europe, not coming in for the first time. The delegate's point about Prague being at the very heart of Europe is well taken.
I agree also with the comment about culture. Cultural activity, cultural exchange and the celebration of our wide-ranging diversity of culture is something that the European Union does not do well enough. I had hoped that we would have been able to take an initiative in that area during the Irish Presidency but there were too many other issues on the agenda.
The point about the Madrid bombing and the follow-up was well made. The Union acted well in response to Madrid. However, it would be wrong to suggest that the appointment Gijs de Vries as EU co-ordinator or the decision to bring forward the enactment of the solidarity clause, or the other range of measures which we adopted, was simply a reaction to the Madrid bombing. It was not, because in December last the European Council identified terrorism as one of the key challenges facing the Union. We must realise that terrorism knows no boundaries. Terrorism is truly multinational and the response must be multinational.
The measures agreed on Friday week last by the Justice and Home Affairs Ministers, which were completed by the General Affairs and External Relations Council and subsequently endorsed by the European Council, make good sense. The idea is not that we should invent new processes for justice and home affairs but that we should put into effect the resolutions which the European Union had already put in place. We should get on with the job of completing the ratification process for the European arrest warrant. We should have the full co-operation by the task force of deputy chiefs. We should have the multinational investigation teams. We should complete all of those programmes. We should have better information exchange.
The appointment of Gijs de Vries, another hard-working member of the Convention on the Future of Europe, is sensible. The position on the relationship between it and the Patten post and the new European Foreign Minister is as follows. Gijs de Vries is appointed on Javier Solana's recommendation. He works to Solana. It is a natural extension of the Solana post and therefore it will move across with the Solana post under the new European Foreign Minister.
The final point the delegate made was the one I made several times during the course of the Convention. Sometimes I irritated the Convention's chairman, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, when I pointed out that agreeing a constitutional treaty was just step one and ratification of the constitutional treaty was the important step. We do face a challenge. There are 25 member states. Some, such as Ireland, will hold a referendum. Others will have different constitutional processes. My personal view is that it is up to us all, if we really believe that Europe is worth struggling for, to put our back to the wheel on this occasion. We must ensure that the ratification process goes ahead as smoothly, as efficiently and as quickly as possible. We must certainly help to keep the momentum and I think we will do that. I thank the delegates for their questions.
I have great pleasure in introducing the Taoiseach, the Prime Minister of Ireland, who is currently President of the European Union. As you will have noticed, he is a particularly busy man. He is full of energy and never stops going. He attends every possible function and we are very happy that he has come to attend our function. I do not know how he does it. I think bananas have something to do with it. If one eats enough bananas, one gets great energy and can keep going.
He has been a member of the Dáil for the same length of time as I, since 1977. Together we have contested nine general elections, most of which we have won. We have been through stirring times with all the developments in Ireland that we have spoken about.
The Taoiseach's first Cabinet post was as Minister for Labour. That gave him a great insight into negotiation, at which he is particularly well qualified. He has been outstanding in his work in that respect. He was subsequently Minister for Finance. He watches the pennies but he also has a heart. I suppose that really meant he should not have been in Finance at all and that is how he was moved on to the office of Taoiseach, or Prime Minister. He has a very good sense of balance which is particularly important for us in the developments taking place in Europe.
We have had a good conference so far. There has been good participation and interesting discussions. The ten new member states are represented, as are the candidate states, Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey.
We are looking forward to visiting Farmleigh this evening. The Taoiseach took the decision to buy the premises when they became available. It was a first-class decision which will be of benefit, not only to the nation but also to all of us this evening and on other occasions.
It is a great privilege for me to introduce the Taoiseach and ask him to give us his views.
Thank you, Chairman. Ladies and gentlemen, it is an honour to be here. The Irish Presidency is pleased that the Conference of Chairmen of Foreign Affairs Committees of the European Parliaments is here with us in Dublin. I thank my colleague and friend, Deputy Michael Woods. For a long time he has been looking forward to this conference and making the organisational arrangements. He has taken a great interest in making sure that everything is done properly.
It is a particular pleasure to address this conference in Dublin during Ireland's sixth Presidency of the European Union. Foreign Affairs committees have a crucial role to play in our democracies and we must ensure that international issues are fed into national political processes. These committees are a pivotal entry point for global issues on the national agenda. It is likely that the committees' role will become more important as the European Union enlarges, which is evident from the attendance at this conference, as the world becomes more globalised and as we try to cope with the many complexities with which we all must deal.
I take the opportunity to brief the delegates on the outcome of the European Council in Brussels last week. We had a successful meeting and I propose to concentrate in my remarks to the delegates on terrorism and the Intergovernmental Conference. I also wish to say a few words about the Middle East process and about Cyprus.
On the way into the room we saw the Ambassadors of Cyprus and Turkey talking together, which really lifted my heart. Things are being sorted out in Dublin, if not in Switzerland, so I know everything will be OK with our colleagues working hard on the situation.
The European Council last week took place in the aftermath of the horrific attacks in Madrid, which were an assault against the fundamental principles underlying the European Union. The Irish Presidency asked for and received a swift response to these attacks on the part of the European Union. At the European Council last Thursday, exactly two weeks after the Madrid bombings, we agreed a comprehensive package of concrete measures. They strike an appropriate balance between taking immediate action to ensure the security of our citizens and developing new strategies to deal with the threat of terrorism.
While we have been swift in bringing the package forward it is not, I stress, a hasty response because the Irish Presidency has been working on the implementation of the overall European security strategy with member states since December 2003. This included measures to enhance the European Union's counter-terrorism capacity. The bombings in Madrid accelerated the completion of the proposals which were already in train. That is how we were able to bring forward these proposals so quickly.
Some of the specific measures include improved intelligence gathering and sharing. High Representative Solana has been mandated to present concrete proposals in June. We still have to work on how we are to co-ordinate all the bodies involved, including Europol. We must try to get better co-ordination on the gathering of information. This was a big concern of so many of our colleagues because most countries do not have sophisticated international intelligence security operations of their own. Only eight of the 25 countries do.
Full implementation of already agreed measures for improving police and judicial co-operation were approved. We established the position of a counter-terrorism co-ordinator, a role to be taken up Gijs de Vries, who will have the job of bringing together the different processes at European Union level and reporting regularly to the Council. Enhanced measures were agreed on preventing the financing of terrorism and protection of citizens and transport systems. They were the main issues included in our package.
Europe must be seen to be acting in a unified way in the face of the terrorist threat. The European Council also adopted the declaration on security against terrorism. This is an important demonstration of our political commitment to work effectively together. Terrorists must be left in no doubt that an attack on one member state will be taken as an attack on them all. That is what the resolution is about. While ensuring the security of European citizens is our immediate priority, in the longer term we need to address the reasons people engage in terrorism.
We had a long discussion the other day about what are commonly known as the root causes of terrorism. Proposals to deal with wider factors contributing to terrorism will also be brought before the June European Council. This is obviously a bigger, more complicated issue but one that we must work on together to find what the root causes are and how we can understand them and try to address them. It does not in any way mean that we have any support, acknowledgement or sympathy for any of these terrorist acts, but to solve something one must try to understand it, and we must do more on that.
I particularly welcome the opportunity to talk about a positive and encouraging outcome of discussions on the Intergovernmental Conference at the European Council. As delegates know, in December 2003 the incoming Presidency was asked to reflect on, consult on and assess the prospects for further progress on the IGC. We have been working on that since January. We undertook a very intensive series of consultations. For example, I have spoken to all of the participants in the IGC at least once since January, some two or three times. We listened to the views of all and gained the best possible understanding of the concerns that everyone had.
While most of these consultations took place with individual members of the IGC at both political and official level, we also sought to maintain the collective nature of the process. As a result, the Minister for Foreign Affairs chaired an informal discussion of the IGC on the margins of the General Affairs and External Relations Council back in January. We also had a number of meetings between the IGC officials in each member state. These consultations led me to the firm conclusion that there existed a strong shared desire to make progress on the IGC as soon as possible.
The European Union needed to maintain the momentum created by the work of the European Convention and, subsequently, the good work done by the Italian Presidency on the IGC. It did a huge amount of the necessary work, especially in light of the demanding agenda ahead for the European Union. As delegates know, we are into the financial perspectives debate now, which will be complex. There will be a new Commission and Parliament and many other pressing issues on the agenda, including the ongoing work in the IGC, the work in the Balkans and the greater European initiative. All these are major issues for the next few Presidencies.
If we were to allow the IGC to drift on into the Dutch or Luxembourg Presidencies there would be a danger, not through any lack of effort by them but because there are so many other items on the agenda, that we would get swamped and lose some momentum. We concluded that delaying the search for an agreement would not make the agreement any easier to complete.
In presenting my report to the European Council on Thursday my main aim was to establish that the political will existed to move the negotiations to an early conclusion. We had a frank, full and open discussion in this respect, and I was pleased by the uniformly positive reaction my report received. Of course, I touched on most of the key issues, and around the areas creating difficulty, and I was also very encouraged by the firm commitment expressed by partners to make progress.
The European Council agreed that the IGC would be reconvened according to a timetable to be proposed by the Presidency. We agreed that negotiations would be concluded no later than the June European Council. We will start at it immediately, but as delegates know there have been changes of some governments, while others have difficulties.
It was very interesting at the European Council the other day to watch how politics changes. There were three Prime Ministers there for the first time and two there for the last time. That is a 20% changeover in one Council meeting. No other profession in the world changes over like politics, particularly among Prime Ministers. I know I was glad to be there. We did not rule out the possibility of seeking agreement at an earlier date if a window of opportunity emerged. As delegates will appreciate, however, some of the changeovers mean that new Governments cannot really engage with me until after Easter and, in the case of Spain, perhaps not until the very end of April.
It will now be for Ireland, as the Presidency, to decide how best to manage the agenda of the IGC from here. We will make an assessment of whether any progress can be made on some of the less complex or sensitive issues. We will get on with that immediately. We will take full account of the views of all of the participants. A number of issues remain to be resolved. I will not go through all of those, but some of these issues are of greater complexity and sensitivity than others. With collective will and commitment I am confident that a resolution can be found that will benefit Europe.
The work of the Convention was good and it is really a good treaty. The work done by our Italian colleagues in the Naples document is also very good. If we can complete the third part of this and resolve the remaining issues we will have a very good European constitution. With that collective will and commitment I am confident that a resolution can be found.
The European Council has demonstrated its commitment to making progress. That was the important issue, and I can assure this conference that we will do everything in our power to ensure a successful outcome of the negotiations. We have been through most of the issues with our colleagues and we know fairly well where are most of the issues we can settle. There are still a few difficult issues, which we must try to complete. I will report to the European Parliament on Wednesday.
We also discussed the Middle East and the European Union's strategic partnership with the Mediterranean countries and the Middle East. The European Union and the other members of the international quartet remain committed to the road map, which remains the most likely framework within which to achieve a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We have spent a great deal of time in our Presidency, and in the lead into it, dealing with this. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, has visited Israel and Palestine twice. Today he is in the region again, with President Mubarak. He will be in Syria and in some of the other countries over the next few days.
The Palestinian Prime Minister, Abu Ala, has been here. The Foreign Minister of Palestine has been here also, as have many others. We have genuinely tried hard. I met President Bush ten days ago in Washington, trying to put momentum into it. The delegates will be aware how difficult matters are and the situation really requires ongoing attention.
The present cycle of retaliatory violence is only causing widespread suffering, taking the parties even further from a negotiated settlement. The most important step is for both sides to desist from further acts of violence. I commend the efforts of those countries, Egypt in particular, which have been working to bring about a cease-fire. They have our full support and I urge them to continue. Our Minister for Foreign Affairs will be with them today.
The wider region of the Mediterranean and the Middle East is an area of enormous strategic importance for Europe and the wider world. It faces serious challenges requiring far-reaching political, economic and social reform. It is our view that the European Union has for some time been developing its approach to the region. Last week the Presidency presented to the General Affairs and External Relations Council, and subsequently to the European Council, an interim report on the European Union's strategic partnership with the Mediterranean and the Middle East. The report suggests core elements for a strategy on a common partnership with the region. It sets out a detailed agenda for consultation with our partners in the region and provides guidance for discussions with other external parties in the coming three months. This is not us telling anyone what to do. We are simply putting forward a plan to work with people.
The principles outlined in this report will inform a period of intensive consultation with the countries in the region in the coming weeks, starting today. We continue to build on these contacts at opportunities such as the Europe-Mediterranean partnership mid-term ministerial meeting on 5 and 6 May. There is also the EU-Gulf Co-operation Council ministerial meeting on 18 May. We will do all the preliminary work for these over the next few days and during the month of April.
Our relations with our partners in the region have been built on consultation. For these policies to succeed they must be based on transparency, dialogue and consultation. We have had many people from the region visit here and we will have many more. The King of Jordan was here last week. The drive and initiative to take on this challenge and to implement the necessary reforms must come from the region itself. Our goal should be to create a common zone of peace, prosperity and progress.
The European Council welcomed the report which underlined the importance of intensive consultation with the countries involved. I will not go through all of the plan but those are the elements of it. It is well worth our while putting a great deal of effort into this. With people being killed every day, it appals me to hear people stating that it is an election year in the United States and that therefore we will do nothing on the Middle East, take the rest of the year off and come back next year. That is not a policy. It is certainly not one in which I will participate.
This week we are at a critical stage in the UN-led effort to arrive at a settlement in Cyprus with the intensification of negotiations in Switzerland. I have spoken to the UN Secretary General's people on many occasions over the weekend. I have been speaking to Mr. Erdogan, President Papadopoulos and Commissioner Gunther Verheugen all of whom are back in Switzerland this morning. We have had a great deal of contact over the weekend.
We fully support the efforts of the UN Secretary General, Mr. Kofi Annan, to help the parties seize the historic opportunity to bring about a comprehensive settlement. Secretary General Annan will make his views known on Wednesday. He intends to stick to that deadline. Therefore, there are only 48 hours left. I have maintained close contacts but I will not give a blow-by-blow account because that would not be fair.
At our meeting last week, the European Council reaffirmed its strong preference for the accession of a united Cyprus to the European Union. We reiterated our readiness to accommodate the terms of such a settlement in line with the principles on which the Union is founded. We remain convinced that a just, viable and functional settlement is achievable by 1 May. All I would say to the delegates is that we urge all parties to grasp the opportunity for a successful outcome to the negotiations. I would welcome anything the delegates can do to encourage that outcome.
Ireland has an amount of work to do during its Presidency. We are playing our role in facing down the threat of terrorism, in the draft constitution for Europe, in advancing our relationship with the countries of the Middle East and in ensuring that the next enlargement will be a success for the European Union and for member states. I continue to engage closely with Romania and Bulgaria, and with our colleagues in Turkey. Last week we had a visit from Macedonia, following Croatia's application for membership in the longer term. Our part in the work on the new frontiers programme is not only in the Mediterranean area but also in the Ukraine.
We chose the slogan "Europeans - Working Together" as the theme for the Irish Presidency. As delegates will agree and as the outcomes from the Spring Council demonstrate, Europeans working together can achieve significant results and I know that the delegates do that all the time.
I wish this body and its conference well. I am glad the delegates are here and hope they enjoy the evening at Farmleigh. If they get there early enough before it gets dark, they will see that its surroundings are quite beautiful. The Chairman will supply the drink. One cannot smoke but is still allowed to drink alcohol in this country. If one wants to smoke, there are 80 acres in front of the house and one is within the law to smoke standing out in the field. I am sorry if that inconveniences some of the delegates.
It has been an interesting day. I have just finished a press conference on the first day of the implementation of this tough new law. As politicians, the delegates will be familiar with this. Members of the press stated that alcohol consumption had fallen and I replied by asking how that could be because people usually do not start drinking in Ireland until 5 o'clock. Needless to say we will have some fun with this.
The figures around Europe are not much different to those here. In this small country, 7,000 people die from smoking every year. Some 50% of people who smoke die eventually from cancer-related illnesses directly related to smoking. Some 80% of people who smoke are more likely to get strokes. In the case of lung cancer, the percentage is 60%. These are horrific figures.
I did not start out on this campaign as a great believer but when one analyses the statistics, one can see it is crazy. I became an advocate when I found that smokers were not just damaging themselves, which had not really excited me apart from the cost of €1 billion to the health services. When I realised that they were doing to me approximately three quarters of the damage they were doing to themselves, then I really became an advocate for this measure. When two smokers live together they really kill each other but when a non-smoker lives with a smoker, the non-smoker's likelihood of dying increases by 25%, or by 50% in the case of a heavy smoker. Who would want to live with a smoker? That is an argument for another day. The delegates need not worry about such measures in Europe, but we must worry about them here.
I hope the delegates enjoy the day and the evening ahead. I am grateful for this invitation and commend all involved on the conference's good work. I know that, in regard to EU parliaments and the parliaments of accession candidate states, the Conference of Chairmen of Foreign Affairs Committees undertakes an extremely important job and does it very dilligently. I commend the delegates for that and thank them for coming to Ireland.
On behalf of the delegates I express our very sincere thanks to the Taoiseach and Prime Minister for coming here to speak with us and giving us the benefit of his up to date, immediate knowledge and involvement in a very straightforward and forthright way. I thank Deputy Pat Carey for chairing a session earlier and participating with us all day. I thank each of the delegates and, finally, I would like to give the Taoiseach in particular a good round of applause.
The conference adjourned at 5.32 p.m. until 9 a.m. on 30 March 2004.