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JOINT COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 11 Feb 2009

Situation in Gaza: Discussion with Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign.

I welcome from the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign, Ms Marie Crawley, chairperson, Mr. David Morrison, political officer, and Mr. Philip O'Connor, media officer. The delegation is accompanied by Professor Ilan Pappé, chair of the department of history, University of Exeter, who is in Ireland as a guest of the IPSC. He is most welcome.

This is the latest in a series of meetings since the beginning of the year on the crisis in Gaza. Since the beginning of the year the joint committee has discussed the crisis with the Israeli ambassador to Ireland, together with the delegate general of Palestine to Ireland, the Iranian ambassador to Ireland, visiting Members of the Israeli Parliament and the Israeli Minister for Education, Ms Yuli Tamir. At this point, members should wish Israel every success in forming a government. The committee has had a keen interest in Israeli-Palestinian relations and the Middle East peace process for a number of years and a delegation from it visited Israel and the West Bank last March. The invitation to the delegates to attend today was made in that context.

The humanitarian position for the civilian population of Gaza, in the aftermath of the Israeli military intervention, is appalling. More than 1,300 people are dead, more than 5,000 are injured and approximately 40,000 are homeless. Access to Gaza for goods and humanitarian personnel continues to be highly restricted. The theft of humanitarian supplies by Hamas supporters has hampered matters further. Agricultural lands and schools, including a UN school and the American school, as well as thousands of businesses, have been destroyed.

Yesterday the Israeli people went to the polls to elect a new government. Whether this election will bring about a new opportunity to secure a permanent ceasefire and enable the focus to return to peace talks aimed at resolving the wider Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains to be seen. Israeli citizens also have suffered in recent years and have as much right to peace and security as do Palestinians in Gaza but not more of a right to either. Ireland is a long-standing supporter of a just and negotiated settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on a viable two-state solution and will support any new Israeli Government which is willing to work towards that end.

Before we commence, I advise that whereas Members of the Houses enjoy absolute privilege in respect of utterances made in committee, witnesses do not enjoy absolute privilege. Accordingly, caution should be exercised, particularly with regard to references of a personal nature. In respect of a letter from Deputy Timmins that members will discuss further in private session, I ask the delegation to limit its presentation to not more than 15 minutes and members to respond with questions for no longer than five minutes. I invite Ms Crawley and the delegation to speak before taking questions from members.

Ms Maria Crawley

On behalf of the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign, IPSC, I thank members for the invitation to address the joint committee. As the Chairman outlined, I am accompanied by Mr. Philip O'Connor, IPSC media officer, and Mr. David Morrison, political officer. We are delighted to welcome as part of our delegation, Professor Ilan Pappé, the renowned Israeli historian and academic.

Before making our presentation, I commend, in particular, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Martin, and the Minister of State at that Department, Deputy Roche, on their strong statements of condemnation of the Israeli attacks on Gaza in recent weeks. We have used every public opportunity to commend the strong position of the Government, which we greatly welcome.

Professor Pappé will talk about what is happening in Gaza in the context of it being the latest phase in plan D. Mr. Morrison will speak on the breakdown of the ceasefire and I will conclude by outlining some measures we would like the joint committee to recommend to the Dáil.

Professor Ilan Pappé

I thank members for inviting me. It is an honour and a pleasure to appear before the joint committee. I would like to attract members' attention to two dimensions which, for good reasons, usually are absent from any political involvement in Europe on the issue of Palestine and Israel. One dimension is ideological and the other, historical. For good reasons, political involvement in the face of catastrophes such as the one that unfolded in Gaza neither likes to confront the historical context nor is interested in dealing with the ideological dimension. However, the history of the failed attempt to reconcile matters in Palestine should awaken one to the possibility that perhaps one must pay some attention to both the ideology of the state of Israel and the history of its relationship with the Palestinian people and to see what has happened in Gaza in this context.

One good example of the aforementioned two dimensions was provided by the debate members have just had and to which I had the privilege to listen. I do not know how many members realise that most Palestinians, most people in the Arab world and, I dare say, most people in the Muslim world would shudder were they to witness members' almost religious attention to the paradigm of parity or the need to balance. I need not tell members that almost all their Israeli Jewish listeners would be delighted to hear how much they pay attention to the need for balance. In the eyes of Palestinians, most people in the Arab and Muslim worlds and those few conscientious Israelis whom I represent before the joint committee today the history of the conflict in Palestine is not a paradigm of parity and a story that must be balanced.

There was a colonialist movement and a colonised people. Between 1882 and 1948 we had both a colonialist project and an anti-colonialist movement. The fact that no one in the West or in Israel talks in these terms is attributed in Israel to the fear people in Europe have of being accused of anti-Semitism, not because any one thinks this is not an historical fact. Colonialist movements should not necessarily be demonised and anti-colonialist movements should not necessarily be idealised, as one can see in the past century in Israel and Palestine. However, it is a matter of fact that one does not seek paradigms of parity and one does not balance the colonialists and the colonised.

In 1948 the state of Israel expelled almost 1 million Palestinians, in what today we would call ethnic cleansing, as part of an intentional systematic plan. One does not balance the intentional expulsion of an indigenous people and the expelled people. However, it seems to everyone on the Palestinian and Arab side that, for some reason, in this historical case study of things that happened in Europe in the 1930s and 1940s Europeans wish to balance the expelled Palestinians and the expellers. In a similar way the next historical juncture is not a historical juncture that requires balancing. Israel occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip but the West Bank and the Gaza Strip did not occupy Israel. Occupation and anti-occupation are not balanced and do not require a paradigm of parity. We need to end an occupation to liberate the occupied. Yet, it seems that the international effort since 1967 is not to liberate the occupied territories but to find a balance between the needs of the occupier and the rights of the occupied. I cannot recall any case in history where those who were occupied were asked to share the concern of the occupier.

This point of view relates to the fact that people, for understandable reasons, do not want to look at the ideological departure point of the state of Israel that is behind these acts of ethnic cleansing in 1948, occupation in 1967 and the refusal to allow Palestinian independence or sovereignty ever since. Zionist ideology has been the hegemonic ideology of the State of Israel; most of us in Israel accept that. The basic parameter of the ideology is that in whatever would constitute the Jewish state, in what used to be historical Palestine, Jews must have the absolute majority. Any means possible should be employed to ensure this absolute majority.

There are two ways to approach this. One is to tell the world honestly that every possible means should be allowed to ensure there is a vast Jewish majority in most parts of historical Palestine. This is why Avigdor Lieberman's party has such an appeal in Israel. Most Israeli politicians, however, are more pragmatic and cautious, preferring to avoid this discourse, although that does not mean they do not subscribe to the basic mainstream Zionist perception of reality, which is that Israel cannot survive or thrive if it does not control most of what was historical Palestine and if it does not aspire to have in that area as few Palestinians as possible.

The means to achieve this have changed over time. Since the second intifada in 2000, we can see an escalation of the means through the creation of enclaves for the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank in two bantustans, the main means deemed necessary and acceptable by most Zionist parties in Israel. There is a willingness to call these enclaves a state and an enthusiastic tendency to involve the world in the creation of that solution under the guise of the peace process but the basic idea is that the Palestinians must be contained in enclaves so full separation and segregation between Israel and the Palestinians and total Israeli control of historical Palestine, from the Mediterranean to the River Jordan is ensured.

The resistance of the Palestinians, be it militant, Islamic and at times violent, is the last obstacle from an Israeli perspective to the imposition of this solution on Israel and Palestine. Since 11 September it has been helpful that there has been a tendency to associate Islamic militancy and Palestinian resistance, to put them together in one package. The crux of the matter is that long before Israel helped to found Hamas as a counterbalance to Fatah in the 1970s, Christians, Muslims, secularists and militants in the Palestinian movement resisted the idea that all they could aspire to was expulsion from their homeland or life in one of two bantustans. They would continue to resist that and their resistance at times would be violent.

The Israeli response historically has been to escalate this in every round and that response will continue in the future. What we saw in Gaza in January was an introduction to a far worse catastrophe that awaits us. The discourse of parity and the need to balance, with continuing talk about a peace process, only allows the Israelis to prepare themselves for the next round and plants in the Palestinian mind additional seeds of despair that will produce, in turn, desperate and violent resistance. It is a futile exercise in trying to bring peace.

I hope people begin to realise this and stop thinking about balance and parity and start to think in terms of colonialism, occupation, ethnic cleansing, victimisers and victims and that they send a message to the Israeli Government and people that such victimisation, oppression and atrocities are not tolerated, especially on the part of a state that wishes to be a member of the community of civilised nations.

Mr. David Morrison

I wish to say a few words about the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas last year and how it came to an end.

The ceasefire lasted from 19 June until 4 November 2008. During that period — and I suspect this will come as news to many people here — Hamas fired no rockets or mortars out of Gaza into Israel. None. Only a small amount of firing by groups other than Hamas occurred. During that period no Israeli civilians died due to fire from Gaza. Israeli spokesman Marc Regev was interviewed about the ceasefire on More4 News on 9 January. It was put to him that "before 4 November there were no Hamas rockets for four months." He replied, "That is correct." A video clip of the interview is available on YouTube.

Under the ceasefire agreement, brokered by Egypt, in exchange for Hamas and other Palestinian groups stopping the firing of rockets and mortars out of Gaza, Israel undertook to end both its economic blockade of Gaza and its military operations against Gaza. From the outset, Israel failed to honour its commitment to lift the economic blockade and, on 4 November, while the world was watching the election of Barak Obama, Israel made a military incursion into Gaza and killed six members of Hamas.

After this incursion, the first since the ceasefire began, Hamas restarted rocket and mortar fire into Israel. The committee should have seen a bar chart showing the dramatic decline in rocket and mortar fire after the ceasefire came into being on 19 June. It is taken from the website of the Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, an Israeli organisation regularly quoted by the Israeli Government, so it is the truth. During the ceasefire the frequency of rocket and mortar fire fell by 98% on average compared with the earlier part of 2008. Only one rocket and three mortars were fired in September, and two rockets and no mortars in October, compared with 153 rockets and 84 mortars in the first 18 days of June before the ceasefire came into operation.

Until 4 November, the ceasefire arrangements had been successful in reducing the threat to Israeli civilians. An Israeli Government that had the safety of its civilians as its first priority would have been extremely careful to avoid action that might disturb this very successful ceasefire. It might even have taken action to bolster the ceasefire by, for instance, lifting the economic blockade of Gaza, as it was supposed to do under the ceasefire arrangements, and under international law. It did the opposite, it took action that was guaranteed to bring the ceasefire to an end and, by so doing, made its civilians less safe. It made a military incursion into Gaza and killed six members of Hamas.

Israel has constantly claimed that it was forced to mount its assault on Gaza, beginning on 27 December, to protect its civilians from rocket and mortar fire out of Gaza. That claim is completely bogus. All it had to do to protect its civilians from rocket and mortar fire out of Gaza was to stick to the terms of the ceasefire agreement that had worked so well for the four months up to 4 November. Israel chose not to do so.

Thank you, Mr. Morrison.

Ms Marie Crawley

May I conclude with our recommendations? I wish to outline what the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign is calling for; it relates to Ilan Pappé's comments on the context of the oppression and victimisation of the people of Palestine.

The Irish Government must state publicly that the Euro-Mediterranean agreement should be suspended and it should seek to persuade the EU to put the suspension into effect. The Government should veto any proposed upgrade in EU relations with Israel and publicly call on Israel to implement Security Council resolutions demanding that it reverse the building of settlements and annexation. The Government should use its influence in international fora to bring this about. The State should cease purchasing Israeli military products and services and publicly call on international support for an arms embargo on Israel.

Why should the Irish Government adopt these recommendations? They are supported by the Irish people and this was most recently demonstrated by a full-page statement in The Irish Times signed and paid for by hundreds of people representing the broad spectrum of Irish society. I’m sure many committee members saw this. In the statement the signatories supported the calls we have made today and we could have filled the entire newspaper with the names of signatories, such was the support we had.

The second referendum on Lisbon is approaching and foreign policy will be a significant factor in the debate. By acting on our calls to suspend the Euro-Mediterranean agreement and to veto any proposed upgrade in relations with Israel the Irish Government would actively demonstrate it is willing to stand out and exercise an independent foreign policy in the EU.

If we do not act, history will judge us and be shocked that we stood idly by. A country in the western world must demonstrate leadership and courage and impose sanctions against the State of Israel for its actions. The people of Palestine look to Ireland for leadership because there are similarities in our history, such as occupation, plantation and land theft. We are ideally placed to take a leadership position in Europe. We in the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign believe the Irish Government, with the support of its people, has the moral and political courage to take the diplomatic steps we have outlined and, in so doing, issue the strongest possible statement that Ireland will not collude in the brutal oppression of the Palestinian people.

I welcome the delegation and thank Professor Pappé for his presentation; I know he travelled here from England and I think his presence is important. We have had several presentations from witnesses representing views across the spectrum. This helps to inform us and we can also inform groups such as the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign. I have had the pleasure of dealing with the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign over the past six months.

My question for Professor Pappé relates to balance. He strongly suggested there is an imbalance between the occupier and the occupied and Ireland has historical experience of this. This committee and the Oireachtas, across parties, has been very critical of Israel's actions, when required, but balance is needed to find a solution. In Ireland this was evident in the North, where a state was involved and the occupier and the occupied were able to come together to put wrongs done to both communities behind them. I want Professor Pappé's view on the solution.

We had a presentation, if it could be called that, from the Iranian ambassador a couple of weeks ago. The Iranians see a one state solution and we all know what that means. No one can deny that more than 5 million Israelis live in Israel and that most of the lands are former Palestinian lands. I wish to hear Professor Pappé's view in that regard.

The calls of the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign are reasonable and I am happy to be one of the aforementioned signatories but this does not change the fact that a solution will require balance.

I thank the Chairman and Professor Pappé. I was interested in the professor's presentation because it reminded me of my youth in Northern Ireland. We heard much of colonialism and I held the simplistic view growing up that a plebiscite of all the people of Ireland would solve the problem. I felt this would lead to a united Ireland and all of the problems would be solved. As I grew older and heard many good politicians speak I slowly learned the minority on the island must be accommodated. There are similarities between Ireland and Palestine in this regard.

I deplore the violence that has gone on for years, I deplore the disproportionate violence used in Gaza and I condemn the firing of rockets into Israel. Everyone is entitled to live in peace and have their human dignity respected but, for a variety of reasons, this is not happening. We are very concerned about the lack of humanitarian support for Gaza. A settlement must be reached and we must move from where we are, regardless of where we would like to be. We must recognise the rights of Israel and Palestine to exist as states.

The involvement of Senator George Mitchell will provide an opportunity to move things forward. He spent two years getting the two sides in Northern Ireland to sit down together. It is amazing how much they agreed on when they did sit down together; constitutional issues were pushed to the back burner and we were able to reach a settlement that ended the violence and allowed a parity of esteem.

While I support the objectives of the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign outlined by Ms Crawley, I would like to hear Professor Pappé's view on a settlement. How can a solution be reached whereby the people of Israel can have their own country and live in peace with their dignity respected?

I very much welcome the presence of Professor Ilan Pappé; he is a distinguished historian and I have quoted his work in debates. His arrival here was heralded by a flood of letters telling me what an unscrupulous and dishonest liar he is; I suppose many members received such correspondence. The letters suggested he has no reputation but did not impress me at all. I am impressed, rather, by the moral stature of a person who is prepared to stand up and be critical of his deepest roots; that takes profound moral courage.

I agree with the professor that seeking parity can be a mistake; he referred to this as the paradigm of parity. I previously made that point in this committee but, to make an advance today and encourage the Government to continue in the direction it has taken, it is politically advisable for Deputy Higgins, the seconder, and I, the sponsor, to accept an alteration to the motion. I agree with it in the sense that, even with regard to the right to enjoy peace and security, it is a great deal to ask of people who have been violently invaded and ruthlessly extirpated from the land to encompass, intellectually and emotionally, the notion that the invaders are entitled to enjoy the land that has been usurped from them in the same peace and quiet as the original inhabitants. The Palestinian people are paying the price for European crimes. What was not mentioned when discrete references were made to the 1930s and 1940s was the Holocaust. The Holocaust was an unparalleled crime of quite extraordinary horror, but it is such an extraordinary and unexampled event that it has become part of the universal inheritance of mankind. The overwhelming preponderance of those against whom this evil thing was directed were Jewish, but they were not uniquely Jewish. There were other groups, on the fringes in many ways. It is inappropriate, and I believe the Israeli authorities sometimes do this, to use the Holocaust as a shield for the awful things that have been perpetrated against their neighbours. I say that, despite the fact that I know it is a very delicate matter.

With regard to the recommendations, I agree with Ms Crawley on the Euro-Med agreement. I have been putting down motions here and in the Seanad on that issue for at least three or four years, more modest than what the delegates require, and they have got nowhere. It makes a complete mockery of human rights to attach human rights protocols as a condition to international trade agreements and then not even monitor them. We do not even want to know. There is no question or doubt that horrors have happened, human rights have been violated in a substantiated way. As mentioned by Deputy Michael D. Higgins, Amnesty International delegates have found indisputable evidence of widespread use of the chemical white phosphorous against Palestinian civilians in very densely populated residential areas in Gaza. Delegates were told by the head of the burns unit of Gaza's main hospital that patients, including children, were brought in with white phosphorous burns that refused to heal. The repeated use of white phosphorous in an inherently indiscriminate manner is a war crime. I do not believe Amnesty International has an axe to grind except the axe of human rights. I to not believe it is anti-Semitic. Any attempt to get these human rights attachments even looked at, not to mention implemented, is stymied partly, I believe, because of the Germans. However, the Palestinians should not have to pay for the guilty conscience of the Germans and they need to be rescued.

With regard to the internal situation in Israel and Palestine, and I know that wonderful country, once again we must be realistic. I was very pleased to hear Professor Pappé put on the record that Hamas was partially sponsored and funded by the Israeli authorities. That was confirmed to me by senior officials in the foreign ministry in Jerusalem some years ago and people here found it very difficult to believe. What happened is exactly the same as what the Americans did with Osama Bin Laden. It was an attempt to divide and conquer. Now they are practically making a saint of Yasser Arafat. At the time, however, there were posters all over Israel depicting him with horns and flames coming out of his mouth. I remember the constantly repeated phrase that he was not a partner for peace. The Israeli authorities then helped to create Hamas. Then there were claims about the greenhouses and exhortations to the Palestinians to get on with exporting. How can people make these claims. The Israelis might have left a few greenhouses, but I have also seen the mountains of rotting fruit. The Israeli authorities ask why the Palestinians do not get on and do something. They are not able to. They are being completely and absolutely strangled.

It is very important that we hear critical voices from inside Israel. I am not anti-Semitic, despite what some of my more fevered commentators say. I lived as an Israeli on and off for nearly 30 years. That is about as good an indicator of lack of anti-Semitism as one could possibly have. What I say I say out of concern for the spiritual well-being of Israel. It is horrifying to notice the careful bureaucratic planning, the very brutal language that comes, for example, from women like Tzipi Livni, the corruption of and abandonment of the whole spiritual idea and the idea of a universal humanity. That is why it is terribly important that we listen to voices like that of Professor Pappé; of Michael Sfard who is a lawyer with the Volunteers for Human Rights in Tel Aviv who says that we are witnessing a moral corrosion that is destroying everything at a fantastic pace and that we have reached a threshold of insensitivity that we had never reached in the past; of Ari Shavit who says the offensive on Gaza may be squeezing Hamas but it is destroying Israel, destroying its soul and its image, destroying it on world television screens, in the living rooms of the international community and most importantly, in Obama's America, and also that wars must be just and proportional because without being just, Israel cannot triumph on the battlefield.

One of the problems for the Israeli people, understandably, because it is an unbearable prospect like Denning's appalling vista, is having to confront that kind of appalling vista in which their own cultural heritage is implicated. It will take real courage to do that, but that is what Israel must do. Otherwise we will again see those horrible scenes I remember seeing on television recently when I was in the Middle East of a Palestinian doctor who was completely apolitical and had treated Israelis in Israeli and Palestinian hospitals and appeared nightly on Kol Israel television giving reports of what it was like and one evening his three daughters were blown to pieces in front of his eyes. He was reduced to an animal howling and beating his head but the Israeli commentator, a man of great humanity, immediately abandoned the studio and got on the telephone — one could see him on the screen — and managed to get ambulances in to help to rescue the surviving children. The really chilling thing is that the next day that doctor was in Israel speaking Hebrew at a press conference and into the press conference barged some highly motivated Israeli citizens who abused, shouted at and harangued a man who had just lost his three daughters and said it must be his fault, that he must have been firing from his home. That level of denial requires that people of moral courage such as Professor Pappé stand up. I wish there were more of them. I wish there was less denial and I wish there were more courageous people like our Jewish fellow citizens who signed a letter to The Irish Times distancing themselves from what happened. If we do not get to a point where the government in Israel is made accountable for these crimes they will get worse. As Professor Pappé foretold, things will get more bitter, more military, more mechanised, more dehumanised, and more destructive of human rights not just for the Palestinians but for everyone, including the Israeli Jewish citizens.

Thank you, Senator. Deputy Michael D. Higgins.

I hesitate to interrupt Deputy Higgins, but I am conscious of a difficulty which arises all the time, namely, that these meetings are ordered to coincide with the meeting of the Committee on Health and Children.

Before Deputy Higgins or I contribute, it would be interesting to hear a response to the three issues that have been raised. Otherwise we are all just talking at each other.

We have heard from three members so far. Perhaps Professor Pappé would like to respond to them.

Professor Ilan Pappé

I thank the members for their comments which I regard very seriously. They raise very important questions. I would like to distinguish between two issues. One is in regard to an urgent solution. The escalation that takes place on the ground will not be stopped by what some members refer to as a solution or settlement. In other words, any serious negotiations as to how Jews and Palestinians should live in Israel and Palestine will involve such a lengthy process that escalation would continue in the meantime. The escalation would continue for the same reason the Israeli electorate, during the recent election, had no interest in the positions of the different parties on finding a solution: there was very little difference in the platforms of the major parties that contended the election. Therefore, Israel will continue to react to any resistance by Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip and those inside Israel who wish to show solidarity with those resisting in the occupied territories. Israel will react with the same righteous fury it showed in Gaza; it will escalate its reaction and, in doing so, violate almost every international law on human and civil rights.

The question is: what will Europe do? Will it support Israel's right to defend itself in the face of Palestinian resistance? Or will it say that Israel's actions have nothing to do with the right of a state to defend itself because they are crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in the guise of self defence. A campaign will say: despite Palestinian resistance, the Israeli reaction is not acceptable. This is not a substitute for a solution; it is a substitute for what Palestinians see as the passivity of the European community. People in the Arab world and my colleagues in Israel and I also have this view of Europe because we would like a tougher European position. Otherwise, even more vicious violence lies around the corner.

The question of a solution is very important but there are problems with the paradigm of parity that guides current peace efforts. One problem relates to the effects of the paradigm on the ground and another relates to admitting whether one supports a two state solution. I am sure Senator George Mitchell will abide by this paradigm, rather than introduce anything new. Effects on the ground are such that it is impossible to see the creation of a viable, sovereign Palestinian state without dismantling a large number of Israeli settlements. The number of settlements involved is so large that it does not stand to reason that any Israeli Government would contemplate such a transfer of population as part of a solution. Therefore, it would be demanded that Palestinians accept a state that excludes the huge blocks of settlements. This is the position of Kadima, the Labour Party and even Meretz, the party to the left of the Labour Party that did very badly in the last election. In other words, the final point of departure for mainstream Zionist parties in Israel on a Palestinian state is a state that any political science textbook on statehood would not recognise as such. Not even the most moderate Palestinian would accept this. These are the facts on the ground as they have developed since 1967.

Another problem is that on the Palestinian side there is a growing recognition that in the past 40 years, during which much Palestinian energy was invested in enhancing the chances of peace, the question of Palestine was confined geographically and demographically to unbearable proportions. In the eyes of Palestinians, the Arab world and the Muslim world, Palestine is not just the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Palestinians do not live solely in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip; they live in Israel and in refugee camps and any exclusion of these Palestinians is an attempt to bypass the root of the Israel-Palestine question. Ignorance of the place of Palestinians all over what was once Palestine will also bypass this. Diplomatic efforts since 1967 have ignored these groups and issues.

I am not saying it will be easy to find the right political outfit to hold the Jewish right to self-determination, the right of return of Palestinian refugees and the right of Palestinians to live as normal people, a right denied by the perception of reality held by Zionist ideology. I do not have a magic formula to bring about a solution. However, to begin a constructive dialogue containing all these issues, we must understand that the paradigm offered by the international community to the two sides is acceptable only to one side, Israel. It will always be rejected by the Palestinians, and rightly so.

We must not repeat the mistake of the UN in 1947. Whether the solution it proposed was good or bad does not matter; it was not accepted by the vast majority of the indigenous people of Palestine. At the time Palestinians comprised 66% of the population; the Jews were newcomers, most of whom had arrived three years earlier. The UN said that if one side did not accept what it deemed to be a fair solution, that side would have to accept the solution by force. This approach does not work. We must be prepared to reopen our minds and change our dictionaries to include all Palestinians and Palestinian issues that were not part of the old agenda. Ignoring them will not enhance the chances of peace; it will make things far worse in years to come.

I welcome the Professor and feel it is important we hear this narrative. I will try to be very brief because I am pessimistic about our capacity to listen to different narratives. When I visited Gaza and the West Bank for the first time in the mid 1980s they were very different to how they are now; thinkers and those who spoke of the future were mostly secularists. When I visited in 2005 with Andreas van Agt and others, secularists no longer led the discourse.

I visited two weeks after the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and many in the international community spoke ignorantly of Gaza as a Palestinian state. Even the most moderate of who travelled there and saw the situation on the ground spoke of a contiguous, viable Palestinian state. It seemed contiguous in the sense that it was simply two cantons, Gaza and the West Bank, separated from each other. However, other issues were involved.

Professor Pappé mentioned the necessary requirements of a state and I do not wish to go back over that. The withdrawal from Gaza in 2005 left control of the sea, borders and air space with the Israeli authorities. There was a huge gap between what was conceded and what might constitute the semblance of a state.

I do not think I will be able to convince some of the people who wrote to me in a vitriolic way of my next point. One might wish to take up Professor Pappé's point on the extent to which it is possible to unroll the carpet of history; how far back should one go? Those of us who have travelled several times to Israel, Gaza and the West Bank and spent some time in Jerusalem found that towards the end of a night of conversation nearly everyone agreed that we had to go back to at least a pre-1967 position. Frankly, however, I do not have much hope in what the European Union is achieving. I ask questions in the Dáil, for example, about the expansion of settlements beyond Ma'ali Adomim and elsewhere. I look at the process of what was then called the thickening of settlements. I mention the limitations on communication and the right to move. One finds that we discuss all these issues but it does not appear very clearly in the final statement. One finds there will be a great deal of rhetoric about the necessity of achieving peace. I would like to see peace in the general area of Palestine, of which we are all in favour. However, there has not been any serious engagement by the European Union on implementing the human rights conditions attached to the existing Euro-Med agreement, not to speak of deepening it.

I tried to maintain some semblance of hope as I listened to Professor Pappé's presentation. Like Senator Norris, I received the letter informing me what an outrageous distorting historian he was and, inevitably, Benny Morris's review of Professor Pappé's book was quoted. However, I want to move on. Those of us who struggle within a parliamentary system in searching for peace and emphasise the pre-1967 boundaries and the capacity of a contiguous viable state with the functions of a state are not deaf or blind to the Palestinian narrative. There is a debate in a recent book in which the participants are Noam Chomsky and another writer talking about whom one would make an agreement with. The two writers differ on the question of whether, for example, if one made an agreement with Palestinians on the West Bank, in Jerusalem and Gaza, one would have to have it endorsed by those Palestinians in refugee camps in neighbouring countries. Some in Ireland would say that is lunatic stuff. However, the settlements in Northern Ireland, as the Chairman and others continually remind us, involved a process of consultation with the people in general. If we are invoking parallels, we should realise this. I am very conscious of the reality of occupation, but I am also interested in the dilemma of history and the capacity for peaceful existence of a present and future generation. Everything has changed between the last time I visited and the first time I visited in the 1980s. The position in Gaza has got worse because as people have not been able to build behind or to the side of their houses, they have built up. Those who said it did not matter, that they were given a few minutes to leave their houses, did not realise that three or four generations would have to be brought from a block accommodating them. That is how it is. There is no point in dodging the issue that what was involved was collective punishment. People in Gaza are being punished because they voted for Hamas and the European Union adding Hamas to a list in 2004-05 was totally unhelpful.

We could go into all of this but I want to stick with Professor Pappé's point. If things changed, it was because of the hopelessness, the lack of attention in Europe to the Palestinian issue, the lack of recognition. It has allowed the issue to be driven in a particular way with religious overtones in terms of the Islamisation of the entire conflict. Equally, on several occasions when I visited the Knesset, what was striking in 2008 — Professor Pappé would find this too — was that it was difficult to meet people. The peace corps was there. The people who wanted to talk about narratives in the 1980s are entirely gone. The competition when we visited last year was a competition in militarisms. One was not listened to if one spoke about anything else. That is how desperately the situation has deteriorated.

On the European contribution, I asked a question last week about the value of armaments sold and exported to the Middle East by the member states of the European Union between 2003 and 2007. It was €9,162,816,875, with €4 billion in 2004 alone. Europe has been more interested in sending the results of its armaments industry to the Middle East than it has been in seeking to understand the complexity of all of this. I am interested in a complexity that is just. One cannot undo historical facts to satisfy an ideological demand. I referred one time to the children of Abraham and was terribly abused for doing so. The fact is that on the space that is Palestine there have been different peoples for a very long time, including people whose religious beliefs I respect. However, Europe does not have the capacity to actually engage with narratives any more. I hope Professor Pappé disagrees with me, but when I last met Edward Said, I found in his writings what I thought was a great depression and despair about the future because of the inability of parliaments to discuss the issue with any sense of dignity or fairness.

My last word relates to those who are writing to me and those of us who hold different views from theirs. What they have sacrificed is the slightest semblance of dignity that was left in the discourse. I have had more than 30 years in Parliament, nine years in the Seanad and 22 years in the Dáil, and have not encountered such offensive correspondence during that time as I have received since Christmas.

I will be brief because we have travelled this route so much in the past few weeks. We have passed a motion today which will be of assistance to the committee in where it is headed. I have to leave soon as this meeting coincides with a meeting of the Joint Committee on Health and Children.

I have listened to what has been said and nothing that has been said surprises me. I find it all extremely disappointing. Professor Pappé has had a position in this area for a very long time and I am familiar with his writings. He has been less than frank with members of the committee who have never met him before and do not know anything about his writings. Perhaps it would have been fair to them, some of whom have had to attend other business, if he had been more forthright about his views.

I will not waste the time of the committee in pointing out the historical inaccuracies in which Professor Pappé has engaged. He is aware of them. He exaggerates statistics and distorts information because he comes to this conflict with an ideological perspective within which he wishes to fit the past. That is his approach to the issue. He has freely accepted that one cannot deal with history based on facts. One must apply the narrative one receives from others and one's own ideological perspective and then so present it. There is something that is of more relevance to the committee and the conflict — I say this openly to the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign. I had to laugh at Deputy Higgins's comments about some of the correspondence he had received. I have received a fair whack of correspondence from members of the campaign and its supporters. Much of it is not only inaccurate but also grossly offensive.

That is not my——

I am not suggesting it is. Nevertheless, the partisan and distorted way in which Professor Pappé addresses the issue which is designed to de-legitimise and demonise the State of Israel rather than finding a solution is an unfortunate contribution to public debate. This is an issue of great complexity. Each side has made fundamental mistakes. Far too many people have died unnecessarily during the years. We need to find a solution, not simply engage in campaigns to condemn people on one side or the other on a selective basis.

As I understand it, Professor Pappé's thesis — although not clearly presented today — is that the State of Israel should not exist and that there should be a single state of Palestine. That is a thesis to which he is entitled. Perhaps it would have been a more honest presentation to the committee. The international community and the State have adopted the view that there should be two independent states, I hope at some stage in the future living side-by-side in peace. The prospects for this depend on the extent to which there is a realistic engagement involving the parties to the conflict. Too frequently people on each side see no fault on the side for which they are acting as proponents. The State of Israel has made fundamental errors, as have the Palestinians. For many years the Arab states adjacent to the State of Israel adopted a policy based on its total destruction. That has added to the complex mix in the region.

Professor Pappé was asked what the solution was. He has a short-term solution which reflects the approach of the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign, together with academic and other boycotts of the state of Israel for which he has been advocating for many years. Extraordinarily for someone who has lived in Israel, he is apparently incapable of understanding the extent of the fear in Israel of what might happen in the future and the extent to which suicide bombings in the 1990s rapidly undermined the peace process that Mr. Rabin and Mr. Arafat had started to put in place in 1993. Apparently, he is incapable of understanding the extent to which the activities of Hamas in recent years have impacted on the Israeli psyche and the prospects for peace. Apparently, everyone opposite us today is incapable of understanding the dynamic between Fatah and Hamas. To my mind, it seems the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign supports the objectives and aims of Hamas in seeking the elimination of the state of Israel. I invite Professor Pappé to disagree with me and hope he does. It is not something I have heard him say in contributions. I would be interested to know the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign's view of the current conflict between Fatah and Hamas and what was reported in today's edition of The Irish Times that Amnesty International had published a report on the numbers of Palestinians who were murdered by Hamas in Gaza, kneecapped — something with which we became very familiar on this island — and suffered serious injuries during this conflict.

I am not raising this issue for the purpose of point scoring. I am merely trying to point out that there are problems on all sides in this conflict. For a resolution there is a need for the Israeli side to be reconciled to the fact that there needs to be an independent Palestinian state which is economically viable and can function and prosper. The Palestinian side needs to finally conclude that this awful conflict cannot be resolved by having at least a portion of the Palestinian side committed to the total destruction of the state of Israel. Professor Pappé has nothing to say about the charter of Hamas. Apparently, it is an irrelevance. There is a conflict between Fatah, which I believe is committed to a secular Palestinian state, and Hamas which wants to have a fundamentalist Islamic state. This conflict is far too complex to simply try to resolve it by de-legitimising and demonising the state of Israel.

There are many constructive things that could be done to do what we did on this island to dissuade people from engaging in violence; to co-operate with each other and engage in economic activity; to stop the rocket fire and bring the walls down, and to remove the blockades on the West Bank. The West Bank will not be economically viable while it is coping with its difficulties. However, for as long as the state of Israel and its population feel under threat from rocket fire from Gaza, suicide bombers from the West Bank or other terrorist activities, the problem will not be solved.

Senator George Mitchell's 2001 report detailed a number of necessary steps, including the end of terrorist violence and on the Israeli side the ending of the building and expansion of settlements. These are all necessary to truly advance the peace process. It is regrettable that when one tries to tease out the complexities, one is apparently accused of not recognising the plight of the Palestinian people — no doubt I may be accused of it yet again. The plight of the Palestinian people is appalling. If a settlement had been concluded many years ago and the existence of the state of Israel accepted, we would have two states by now. It is the destructive politics in which groups such as Hamas and states such as Iran have engaged that have caused the major aspect of the problem.

As Professor Pappé sniggers and laughs and no doubt comes back with another——

I would like to dissociate myself——

That is what he is doing.

—— from this very hostile approach by Deputy Shatter. It is not appropriate to abuse guests and accuse them of sniggering——

I am not willing——

Very generalised accusations have been made. It is most undignified of the Deputy. I deplore it and disassociate myself from it.

Professor Pappé finds all this extraordinarily amusing because in his distorted and inaccurate version of history the only people at fault for the conflict in the Middle East are the Israelis. Apparently, they are colonisers. Contrary to historical fact, he believes no Jews lived in Palestine until the 1940s. Jews have been living in Palestine since the preceding century; they have been living there for many centuries. Based on his historical perspective, the state of Israel was not attacked by all the Arab states surrounding it in 1948 and the sole event that occurred was the expulsion of Palestinians. The numbers who left are greatly exaggerated by him today and in his writings. There is no recognition that similar numbers of Jews left Arab states to go to the state of Israel. I have no wish to engage in an entire historical discussion on the matter. However, the difficulty is that members of the committee who do not have a detailed background knowledge are at risk of relying on the inaccurate potted history with which Professor Pappé has come up. If it is his objective that the state of Israel should cease to exist, he should come clean and say this. If it is not his view, he should tell us what his view is on the ultimate resolution of the conflict as opposed to his short-term proposals which are essentially designed to de-legitimise the state of Israel, which is a member of the United Nations and which this country recognises and believes should continue to exist.

I note a number of similar threads in the various motions for an investigation by an international body of possible human rights abuses in the most recent outbreak of violence in Gaza or the attack in Gaza, depending on which side one is listening to. I concur with Deputy Shatter that it is not a simple issue. The start of trade with Israel is one element but Iran is also a major player. I will not describe it as forcing them to the table because forcing people to the table generally does not bring a result. I am deeply pessimistic about the current situation and I do not see any player ready, willing or able to do anything to solve this in the immediate future. All we can do here is make things better to some degree. I do not know what that is but trying to help the people most affected. The most disturbing aspect is that the EU keeps putting money into replacing damaged power stations or facilities only for them to be blown up again. This is a waste of taxpayers' money and we must stop the attack in the first place. We cannot be seen to have a human rights clause in our relations with Israel that we do not enforce while at the same time the Iranian war by proxy on the State of Israel has to be addressed. How this is to be done is an issue that does not seem to be on the EU agenda and neither is the humanitarian clause with regard to our trade with Israel. I look forward to the responses to the questions posed.

I will try to be brief in my contribution and not give a lecture on the history of Palestine. I have a number of questions and I welcome Professor Pappé who was forthright in his presentation.

He said that Hamas was created by Israel as a counterbalance to Fatah. I ask him to elaborate on that point. Does he believe that relationship still exists or is Israel by its actions still promoting Hamas in the region? Will he hazard a guess as to the reason for Israel's invasion of Gaza? Was it a case of seeking revenge or a military exercise as a result of its loss of standing from Lebanon? Was it for election purposes? Was it a wish to exert control over Gaza as a concentration camp? Was it to boost the standing of Hamas or just an expression of arrogance? It is probably impossible to know the reasons unless the Israeli military authorities tell us. What will be the impact of the results of the election, if any, in the region?

My other question may be for Mr. Morrison and Mr. O'Connor to answer. What would be the effect if the EU could achieve the suspension of the Euro-Med agreement or at the very least, the ending of the upgrade of the trade agreement which is being considered by the EU?

The statistics on attacks on Israel have been provided but the only breach of the ceasefire mentioned by Israel is the attack on 4 November. Is the delegation aware of the continuous breaches of the ceasefire by Israeli forces? There is much more I would like to ask but the time seemed to disappear.

Professor Ilan Pappé

I find it a bit odd that I have to answer a personal smear campaign by Deputy Shatter when he left the room the moment I had the opportunity to reply. I am familiar with this practice in Israel and I am not surprised that those who support it unconditionally——

I must explain that there is another meeting under way which he must attend.

Professor Ilan Pappé

That is a poor excuse. Just for the record, as an academic professor I find it an unconvincing explanation but I will accept it as it is.

He can take it from me as a practising politician.

Professor Ilan Pappé

I sniggered a bit because the position of those in Europe who support unconditionally the State of Israel and its atrocities is usually very far from what we hear in Israel. In fact the debate in Israel is not about facts any more. The narrative I presented to the committee is accepted in Israel. I agree that the moral implication of that narrative is different from mine but I do not think anyone in Israel denies any more the expulsion of the Palestinians and the fact that Zionism was a colonialist project. The difference between my position and that of the majority of Israelis is that they do not find it morally repugnant whereas as someone whose family survived the Holocaust I cannot tolerate the fact that the state to which I belong behaves in a similar way to the state that behaved against my parents. This is my motivation for doing what I do and not the kind of motivation that Deputy Shatter referred to.

This moral position is winning ground in Israel and with this committee's help by pressuring Israel this position would be enhanced further. There is a feeling in Israel that it was European licence to kill because of the Holocaust that allows Israel to do what it did, including in Gaza. It is Israelis like me who would like the Europeans to tell the Israelis that the licence is not valid any more. This would be very helpful. The narrative that Deputy Shatter responded to is only accepted by very few in Israel. The debate in Israel is between the Liebermans and me, that is, between those who say, “Yes, these are the facts, that is the kind of racist state we have, these are the kind of atrocious policies we are going to pursue because that is the only way to survive, the only way we can have a Jewish State” and those of us who say, “If this is the price for a Jewish State, we want to reconsider whether this is a worthy price”. That is the debate in Israel today not the false debate presented beforehand. The historical facts are no longer debated but rather the moral implications of these facts and in this respect my position in Israel is better than it was ten years ago because nobody has dared to challenge the facts I put in my latest book, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, but rather only the moral implications.

It was mentioned that what we should strive for from the perspective of the mainstream Israeli position is for an economically viable Palestinian state. This is not a slip of the tongue. It is as if the only thing the Palestinians need is a viable economy. This is exactly what the paradigm of parity and the balancing act that the committee is also involved in would lead to. The Israelis really believe that the EU thinks the problem is money. The problem in Palestine is not money but the racist ideology of the Jewish State and anyone, Jew or non-Jew, who is a decent person, cannot support what Israel stands for, not ideologically, not morally and not historically. As an Israeli, I say it is time you sent us a different message as you sent to apartheid South Africa. Certain ideology and certain state characteristics are not accepted and you should not be intimidated by people who tell you that this is anti-Semitism. It is anti-semitic to tell Jews they can do what they do in Israel without criticism.

It is not a complex story. Israel used the shield of complexity for too many years to tell us that only Israelis know what happens on the ground. It is a simple story after the time of colonialism. A group of European settlers colonised and settled someone else's land and dispossessed the local population. The local population then resisted, sometimes very violently, and now we are looking for a post-colonial solution. That is a simple story, not a complex one.

What is complex is finding the solution for it in the 21st century. At the beginning of the 20th century there were simple solutions for colonialist projects – the anti-colonials evicting the settlers. In this the President of Iran is wrong. In the 21st century, after generations of Israelis have lived there, one has to seek a solution. I put it to the committee, contrary to what was said before, that the only solution that I believe is possible is a political outfit that would allow equality for everyone. Maybe it would be a bi-national or a democratic state. Contrary to what was said, I do not have a clear idea of what it would look like because I cannot tell people on the ground what exactly the solution should be. I am an academic, not the leader of a movement. My idea is that if one does not respond to the need to allow for the return of the Palestinian refugees, abolish the racist ideology of Zionism and respect the right of the Jews to self-determination, there will be no solution. Is it easy to find a political outfit that would contain the right of return, the right of the Jews to self-determination and everyone to live in equality? No. It is a difficult way forward but it is the only way.

Regarding Israel's support of the founding of Hamas, in the 1970s, as is clear from Israeli documents and, as Senator Norris said, is known among Israelis, the Israeli Government was very worried by the emergence of Fatah as a secular movement. It decided to inject money into the Islamic institutions in the Gaza Strip in the hope they would counterbalance Fatah. However, the Israelis are not supporting Hamas in the way Deputy Ó Snodaigh claimed. It is more about triggering a response from Hamas that would justify Israeli punitive action. Some committee members referred to the Israeli violation of the tahdiya – the truce with Hamas – in a way everyone knew would cause Hamas to launch its primitive missiles into Israel. That by itself provided the Israeli justification for the operation in Gaza.

The genuine reasons behind the operation in Gaza are twofold. First, the Israeli military establishment felt Israel lost its power of deterrence during its poor performance against Hizbollah in Lebanon several years ago. It wanted to send a message through a brutal military operation to the Arab world at large that it is still the thug in the neighbourhood that should not be intimidated because it can react in a very powerful way. For some obscene reasons, unfortunately, most Israelis believe this objective was achieved.

They will find out later it was not and they will have to resort to another punitive action to send a message, thus creating a vicious cycle. Hamas and Hizbollah are the only non-state actors involved in active resistance to the Israeli imposition of its solution on the territory of Israel and Palestine. The Israelis believe they have the military power to eliminate those who resist them, whatever the price for innocent civilians. This twofold mission of deterrence on the one hand and elimination on the other will result in more genocidal policies by the State of Israel. If the western world continues to be silent, as it was recently, and just talks about peace processes rather than stopping Israeli punitive actions, we will see much worse in years to come.

As for the recent election results, committee members should read Israelis' interpretations of their own elections as they are much more interesting than, without offending anyone, those of The Irish Times or the BBC. The basic Israeli interpretation is that the large number of Israelis who went to vote is explained by the fact that there is no difference between the major parties. They are all within the framework of a Zionist perception. It is a pyjama suit with one stripe, a rainbow with one colour. It is a facade of having all kinds of debates. The Israelis are united behind one ideological position, as they have never been before. They have found the formula to live the way they want to live. They want to contain the people in Gaza in one large prison camp and contain the people of the West Bank in a Bantustan.

All that is needed are two things – European and American legitimacy for such a solution and the elimination by force of those Palestinians who oppose it. With this they believe, and they might be right, the world will say forget about the Palestinians; it happens that people are eliminated from history and consciousness. Of course, they are wrong because the whole Arab and Muslim world is engaged in this question. People around the world would find out that the passive position of Europe and the support of America will cost the world instability on an unimaginable scale in 2009.

Thank you, Professor Pappé.

Ms Marie Crawley

I wish to respond to the allegations and questions that Deputy Shatter posed to the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign. He alleged the campaign issued him with abusive and offensive literature. The Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign has never issued abusive or offensive letters or literature. What we have produced and issued to all Oireachtas Members over the past year have been fact sheets on Palestine. These fact sheets have been verified by sources from the European Union, the United Nations and other internationally accepted sources. Just because the facts may be unpalatable to or uncomfortable with the Deputy's political position does not make them offensive.

Deputy Shatter noted the campaign has not commented on the internal conflict between Fatah and Hamas. The campaign chooses not to comment on internal Palestinian divisions because it distracts from the problem. The issue is the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestine.

Neither does the campaign comment on the outcome. As Professor Pappé outlined, the long-term outcome is a complex one, whether it is a one-state, two-state or bilateral solution. There are many factors that must be taken into account, such as the illegal settlements with their 500,000 inhabitants in the West Bank and the refugee population, which numbers between 5 million and 6 million people. We believe the outcome is with the decision of the people of the Middle East.

I take it then the campaign has no view on a solution.

Ms Marie Crawley

We may have our views but we do not have a position on what the most desirable outcome should be. That is up to the will of the people who live in the Middle East.

The campaign's perspective is simply criticising one side and that that contributes to a solution.

Ms Marie Crawley

We criticise the occupier for its violations of human rights and other abuses in the occupied territories of Palestine. It is internationally accepted there are human rights violations in Palestine. The settlements and the construction of the wall are illegal. The economic blockade of Gaza, as the Irish Government has stated, constitutes a collective punishment.

My argument is that a solution must ultimately be found. Apparently, this is not a matter Ms Crawley is prepared to discuss. In addition, her critique is entirely one sided. However, she is entitled to adopt that approach.

Ms Marie Crawley

In the context of whether a one-state or two-state solution is adopted, it is important to promote debate and dialogue on the political settlements or outcomes. However, we do not have a position.

I apologise for not being present for the entirety of these proceedings. I was obliged to leave on a number of occasions because there are other meetings taking place elsewhere.

As Ms Crawley stated, it is important that dialogue, discussion and debate take place. The Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign plays an important role in this country with regard to informing the public about human rights violations in the Palestinian territories. It is open to friends of Israeli groups, the Israeli embassy and others to put forward their take on matters. It is not necessarily the responsibility of the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign to put forward a solution. Our guests have done a good job in putting forward their points of view and in standing up for Palestinians who are oppressed.

Politics is politics, however, and a balance must be struck. I hope that one day a solution will be found to the difficulties in the Middle East. However, solutions involve compromise. Many wrongs have been perpetrated by Israel on the Palestinian people but we all want those involved to coexist in peace. As Senator Norris stated, human dignity must be respected. This has been an extremely useful discussion.

This has been a positive meeting. I particularly welcome the fact that the Members have unanimously accepted the suggested text, despite the fact that I do not agree with it in its entirety. I am reluctantly driven to make the same conclusions as Professor Pappé. I am of the view that the two-state solution for Israel is highly questionable. I doubt if it would be possible to create an economically viable state. It may take some time, but some form of federated solution will have to be arrived at. Under this, the ethnic, cultural and religious beliefs of each section would be protected. The inclusion of Iran is a complete red herring. The religions involved are completely different.

Mr. Philip O’Connor

Deputy Shatter referred to solutions. If those involved in the peace process relating to Northern Ireland had insisted that their specific solutions be adopted, the process would have gone nowhere. If a process starts in the Middle East or in Israel and Palestine, the idea of placing conditions on Hamas or anyone else would mean that the process would be fruitless.

We cannot provide a solution but we will stand up for the democratic and national rights of the Palestinian people in the process. We look forward to a peaceful process that will be just to the various communities and nations involved. Like many who defend the Israeli position, Deputy Shatter states that he is in favour of a two-state solution. I hope he also favours what the United Nations and the international community regard as a precondition for such a solution, namely, the withdrawal of the 500,000 illegal settlers living on plantations in the West Bank and east Jerusalem. If the Deputy is in support of the two-state solution, does he accept this absolute prerequisite?

There are many people who support the State of Israel. However, there are individuals — Deputy Shatter is unquestionably among their number — who support every single act Israel undertakes. Will he indicate to us what he believes are the borders of Israel and the borders he would settle for in respect of that country?

I have no intention of reopening the discussion. Mr. O'Connor put his point, as did Deputy Shatter, and we will leave it at that. I thank our guests for their presentation. As they will have observed, members hold strong views on this issue and the committee has given it priority. We visited the region on a couple of previous occasions and we hope to return in the near future.

I am pleased that, in recognition of its position as a key donor and following a recent resolution of the UN General Assembly, Ireland has been appointed as a member of UNRA's advisory commission. With the agreement of members, I propose to invite Mr. John Ging——

——head of UNRA in Gaza to come before the committee at a future date. Is that agreed? Agreed.

The clerk to the committee will prepare a message to Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann that the new motion has been agreed. This will give Deputies and Senators an opportunity to discuss the matter in both Houses. The joint committee will now go into private session to discuss some other business.

The joint committee went into private session at 6 p.m. and adjourned at 6.10 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 4 March 2009.
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