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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 25 Jul 1951

Vol. 39 No. 18

Appropriation Bill, 1951— ( Certified Money Bill )— Second and Subsequent Stages.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

As the House is aware, this Bill is an annual feature and is in standardised form. It has three purposes—first, to authorise the issue from the Central Fund of the balance of the amount granted for the Supply Services for 1951-52, that is to say, the full amount less that already authorised by the Central Fund Act of this year; secondly, to authorise the Minister for Finance to borrow up to the limit of the issues provided under (1); and, thirdly, to appropriate to the several Supply Services the sum granted by the Dáil since the Appropriation Act of 1950. I think that with that explanation of the purposes of the Bill the Seanad will be content, as I assume that any particular point that Senators may desire to raise can be raised more appropriately on the Committee Stage of the Bill.

However, before I sit down, I should like to take this opportunity of announcing the results of the recent conversion and redemption operation of the four national loans, of the 5th July, 1951. The House is probably aware that the total outstanding stock of the four loans was £20.7 millions. Though we have not the final figures available at the moment, it is clear that the amount converted into 3½ per cent. Exchequer Bonds will reach £16,000,000 approximately. There are some stockholders who have not indicated whether they desire that their holding should be redeemed or converted and we would appeal to those particular individuals to signify their wishes at the earliest possible moment.

In making this announcement, I should also like to express my gratitude to the stockholders who have signified their intention or their desire; the banks, particularly the Bank of Ireland; the stock exchanges; and all those who helped to carry out this important financial operation.

The Minister referred to the Committee Stage. Possibly he overlooked the fact that it is the practice of this House to debate the general questions relating to administration on the Appropriation Bill, on the Second Stage. It is much more convenient than tying yourself to the Committee Stage in which you have to take each particular Vote separately.

This is probably the last Bill that will come before the present Seanad. I am not prepared to prophesy the result of the election, but it is fairly safe to say that some us will be here on the next occasion and quite a number will not. I think we may look back on the last three years with a certain amount of satisfaction. Good work has been done. Our debates have been conducted with good temper and widely divergent views have been expressed without any personal bitterness. As a general rule, criticism of Bills has been constructive, as is to be expected in a Second Chamber whose main purpose is that of revision.

Because of the complicated system of nomination and election, it is the usual thing during a Seanad election to have all sorts of unpleasant things said about the Seanad, and if no one else will say a good word for it we may as well say it for ourselves. I am not going to defend the system of election—I doubt personally if it can be adequately defended—but I would like to say that, because of it or in spite of it, there always has been quite a number of able men and women in this House who conducted the business on the highest possible standard of debate and that altogether the general personal relationships have been such that we can be proud of them. That goes for all Parties and all sides of the House.

The inter-Party Government revived a practice under which a number of Government Bills were introduced first into the Seanad. I think experience has shown that for a certain type of Bill that has a number of advantages, and I very much hope that it will be continued by the present Government. It saves time, particularly in the case of Bills which are not of a highly controversial character, and it has a tendency to prevent what used to be the practice, in which we found it extremely difficult to get through our business before the end of July, and sometimes had to run into August.

A number of very interesting speeches were made in the Dáil during the debates on the Estimates. To my mind, the most interesting from the Government Benches was that made by the Minister for Industry and Commerce. I find myself in very substantial agreement with that portion of his speech which dealt with prices and profits. He seemed to me to have adopted a common-sense and realistic attitude towards this difficult problem, and if he bases his policy on the lines indicated in his speech he is pretty certain to receive support from opponents as well as from supporters of the Government.

I spoke at some length on this subject in March last during the debate on the Central Fund Bill, and I do not propose to repeat what I said on that occasion, as I have not changed my mind since. The Minister for Industry and Commerce was wise when he said that we must face up to the fact that when the cost of materials and rates of wages are rising, prices will rise also. There has always been, confusion in the public mind between price control and control of profits. As I have on more than one occasion pointed out in this House, we have had profit control on almost all commodities in common use for quite a long period. The system may not be perfect, but everyone in business knows that it has been effective in reducing profits. As a result of this restriction of profits it is quite impracticable for manufacturers or traders generally to meet rises in wages or materials without increasing prices to the public.

Price control has been in operation for a long period over a limited number of articles, but as the Minister for Industry and Commerce rightly pointed out, if the price fixed is below the economic price at which an article can be produced and sold, it simply means that after a short time the article will disappear and no longer be available for sale.

The Minister stated that the rises in wholesale and import prices and wages have not yet been fully reflected in retail price levels in this country. This is quite true, and I think it important that it should be generally appreciated by the public. There is a danger that the production of certain classes of goods may be reduced, with resultant unemployment, due to an erroneous belief that prices will drop below their present levels at an early date. As the Minister for Industry and Commerce stated, there are reasons to hope that the peak has been passed in the rise in raw materials throughout the world, but this does not mean that in Ireland we have any grounds for expecting lower retail prices in the near future because of the fact that prices here were never based—as regards the general run of commodities concerned—on the peak prices.

The Minister also said there were grounds for supposing that the price position internationally might become stabilised before the end of the year. I agree, but I am afraid that as long as the international political situation is uncertain and uneasy, we are likely to have uncertainty in trade with price fluctuations. I am particularly interested to see that the British Government has suggested to the O.E.E.C. that international action should be taken to regulate the prices of raw materials. I do not know whether this is practicable or not, but if it could be done effectively so as to avoid sudden fluctuations in price, it would be, I think, of very great benefit to this country, probably to other countries, but particularly to small countries. Unless and until some form of international price control can be devised, our manufacturers and traders will have to face difficulties in the purchase of raw materials. If they are to maintain the maximum supplies and employment, they must be prepared to take risks. I think the majority recognise this and are willing to take these risks provided they are allowed a fair profit and have no unnecessary interference from the State. If the State wants to interfere unduly—I am not suggesting it does—it will have to take its share of the loss.

There is, I think, pretty general agreement that it would be undesirable to deplete stocks or to stop imports at the present time. If the State engages in stockpiling and if prices fall, the taxpayer bears the loss, but if the private manufacturer or trader maintains high stocks, he must stand the loss if prices fall. I believe that any attempt on the part of the Government —I am not suggesting there is going to be an attempt. It would not appear so from the Minister's speech—to cut profit margins, many of which are lower than in England, would, in my opinion, only increase the buyers' resistance which is already in evidence in some trades. If that happens you are bound to have unemployment.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce stated that it was the policy of the Government to maintain price control over commodities which are scarce or likely to become scarce. Nobody will object or could possibly object to that policy, but I think that if the Minister examines the position he will find that price control has been maintained over quite a number of commodities which are not in short supply or likely to be in short supply unless the Government restricts production on importation. I think it is a fallacy to assume that price control of goods which are in plentiful supply will keep down prices. It is quite possible that it may have the opposite effect. Of course, every individual wants to buy his requirements at the lowest possible price, but in certain conditions it may not be good policy for the State to fix prices at too low a level. With the international situation as it is, I would prefer to see prices on the high side with full employment than see a sudden fall with our factories closed and our warehouses empty because traders were afraid to replenish their stocks.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce stated that he proposed to retain the Industrial Development Authority, but to confine its activities to the promotion of new industries of a kind which do not exist now or are not likely to be brought into being by private enterprise. I am very glad of this decision which, I think, is a wise one, although I am by no means clear as to how the distinction will be made between industries not likely to be promoted by private initiative and those which might be started by private enterprise if there was Government encouragement. I am particularly glad to find it is proposed to remove from the scope of the work of the Industrial Development Authority things such as quotas and other details which are far more inclined to hamper its work.

It seems, therefore, pretty clear from the speech of the Minister for Industry and Commerce that the Government envisages further capital expenditure for industrial development. After reading his speech, I feel satisfied that there would be no attempt on his part to stop the programme of development of our resources which was so important a part of the programme of the previous Government. I find it rather difficult, however, to reconcile the attitude of the Minister for Industry and Commerce with the speech of the Minister for Finance on his Estimate in the Dáil. That speech received very considerable publicity and has created considerable uneasiness. I am afraid that it may have a depressing effect on trade and industry. Rightly or wrongly, it has been understood to mean that the present Government policy is one of high taxation and re striction of capital development. If that is a wrong impression, as I think it may be, the Minister should correct it as soon as he can by a detailed explanation of what is his policy and in what respect it will be different from that of the previous Government.

The aim of the inter-Party Government was to secure a steadily expanding national income which would lead to an automatic increase in the annual revenue of the State without an increase in the level of taxation. The previous Government was, I believe, justified in its claim that during the last three years the general standard of living had improved and that agricultural production had increased so that there was practically full employment in rural Ireland. The figures produced by the Director of Statistics show that the national income taken as a whole had increased and that there was more employment in industry than ever before.

It is probably natural for the new Minister for Finance in a speech to run down or discredit the policy of his predecessor. I suppose that is good Party politics, but I am afraid that the Minister's speech did more than that. He created an impression amongst many people that the whole financial position of this country was serious, but he did not at the same time set out any clear policy of his own.

I think it was Deputy Costello who said that the policy of his Government was to use every moment of the peace to build up our economic strength. Surely that is a wise policy. I should imagine that, although he may differ as to details, the Minister will not dispute it. The Minister, in his speech in the Dáil, referred in rather general terms to what he called "the problem presented by an unwieldy programme of capital expenditure". In another phrase he referred to "the rapid dissipation of our external assets". I wish, respectfully, to suggest to the Minister that vague phrases of this kind can do a lot of harm. Destructive criticism of the policy of the previous Government can be a dangerous thing if it is not accompanied by clear, constructive proposals designed to remedy the real or supposed defects of that policy. Personally, I do not believe our financial position is anything like as bad as one might assume from reading the Minister's speech and more so from reading the headlines in the newspapers. Admittedly, we have reduced the value of the sterling assets built up during the years 1941 to 1946. I think they amounted to something in the neighbourhood of £160,000,000. I do not know what the present figure is, but I believe it is considerably higher than what it was in 1940.

The Minister is, of course, entitled to say that the programme of capital expenditure is too large; it may be, but I suggest to him that he should not make that statement without indicating in what manner it should be reduced and how he proposes to reduce it.

It may be that the Minister believes that it can be reduced without injury to the national interests. If so, he should tell us how it can be done.

Towards the end of his speech in the Dáil the Minister set out a number of propositions on which he said there is general agreement and demonstrated by a number of very interesting quotations that these propositions were generally accepted by his predecessor in office. The whole burden of his speech was that Deputy McGilligan did not carry out in practice the principles in which he believed. In my opinion, he failed entirely to prove his case. I would suggest to him that it is dangerous to make these assertions, dangerous to criticise what, after all, was State policy at the time, except stating at the same time what is to be State policy in future so that there may be public confidence.

In the debate on the Finance Bill a few weeks ago I suggested that it was absurd for an independent Irish State in the year 1951 to base its income-tax practice on the British Act of 1918. I urged him to set up a committee or commission to examine into the whole question of income-tax in Ireland with a view to recommending a code which not only would be our own, but which would have been based on Irish needs and Irish experience since 1922.

I have often been surprised by statements made by the Minister, but I doubt if I was ever more astonished than at the answer he gave to my suggestion. I will quote the words he used (Official Report. Volume 39, No. 16, paragraph 1174). He said:—

"There may be a great deal to be said for the plea for an inquiry as to what is the general incidence of the income-tax. An inquiry of that sort is being undertaken at the present moment in Great Britain where the income-tax code is very much the same as ours and it might, I think, be advantageous for us to await the result of that inquiry to see to what extent its findings are applicable to our own case. I know, of course, that people will say: ‘Why should we wait on Great Britain?', but the reason is that there is no use in duplicating the task and in duplicating the expense and in involving, in particular, our taxpayers in expenditure which can be avoided if we only have the patience to wait until the inquiry now on foot has been concluded."

The Minister seems to think that anything we can do they can do better. He admits that a great deal can be said for an inquiry but in order to save expense we are to wait until a British inquiry has been completed and see if we like it. This is desirable, he says, because the income-tax code in Great Britain is very much the same as ours.

It is quite obvious that he has completely failed to appreciate the case for an Irish inquiry. To my mind the fact that our income-tax code is much the same as Great Britain's is the strongest reason why we should hold our own inquiry, and very definitely should not wait until the British committee has reported. I suggest that conditions here are very different. This is essentially an agricultural country. We have only a few long-established industries. We are slowly but steadily strengthening our economic position by the building up of industry. I am not satisfied that a code established for a country that is mainly industrial is necessarily suitable for a country that is mainly agricultural.

I think that methods of taxation suitable for established industries may not be equally suitable for industries in the early days of development. But the essential difference is that Great Britain has a Socialist Government which is slowly but steadily nationalising industry in that country. Both the present Government and its predecessor are committed to the principle of private enterprise, and are only in favour of nationalised industry where the industry is of such a nature that it cannot be undertaken by private enterprise in a small country.

The Minister admits that changes may be necessary and desirable, but he thinks we should wait for the report of a commission set up by a Socialist Government. I beg to differ with him. My view is that we have little to learn from Socialist example and that we should have the courage and common sense to take our own line. We have plenty of experienced accountants and men of business experience who with the assistance of revenue officials would be quite competent to form an Irish commission of inquiry, and I am convinced that the expense which would not be very large would be fully justified.

I want to raise a matter which although not very large is important at the present time, a matter connected with the Board of Works. The reason I mention the Board of Works is that they have the physical control of Dublin Castle. It is a very large block of buildings in a very busy part of the city. I think it would probably rank as one of the half-dozen largest areas in the city. At present there are, I think, three sets of gates and those gates are closed apparently capriciously from time to time. There is a certain amount of through traffic, but that traffic can never depend on finding gates at each end of the Castle open. It is a very busy part of the city and, I think, so long ago as Professor Abercrombie's sketch development plan of the city a thoroughfare was proposed through the Castle. I should like to plead that at the present time, when the traffic problem of the whole city is such an important one, the Government or, I suppose, the Office of Public Works should give serious attention to co-ordinating the traffic thoroughfares through the Castle with the ordinary thoroughfares of the city.

Another matter arising out of that is that I think the Government can put up whatever buildings they like in the Castle, independent of any town planning that is carried on by the corporation. The corporation do a certain amount in the way of trying to improve the thoroughfares of the city— some of it very wisely and other parts of it perhaps not so wisely. I should like to suggest to the Minister that there is an area enclosed in the Castle, comprising acres, which could be used either for a parking place or for improving the traffic thoroughfares of the city. We have heard a good deal about the difficulties——

Will the Senator explain how his remarks arise on the Appropriation Bill?

I understood that we were discussing the Board of Works.

Is it not the Vote on Account?

No. It is the Appropriation Bill. I thought that the Senator was coming to some point, but I am afraid that he is out of order.

May I respectfully suggest that the administration of the Castle does come under this Bill, but that the parking of cars does not?

I do not wish to press the point. I understood that it was relevant under this heading. If the Chair rules that I am out of order I do not wish to continue. At the same time, I should like to suggest to the Minister that perhaps we can go into-the matter on another occasion, though I do not suppose we shall have that opportunity this Session.

I do not see how the Senator can discuss the matter on the Appropriation Bill.

I have not ever heard that Senator Douglas held a reputation for telling funny stories but, having listened to his remarks in this House to-day, I think he is heading in that direction. At least, he is making a bold attempt to qualify for such a reputation. It must be amusing to most people in this House, and certainly it would be a source of amusement to a lot of people in the country, to hear it suggested that it would be a good thing if our present Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Seán Lemass, did not change the policy of his predecessors with regard to the establishment of industry. It is scarcely necessary for me to say anything about the record of the present Minister for Industry and Commerce so far as the establishment of industry is concerned. Without fear or hesitation, I say that Deputy Lemass has monuments erected to his memory in practically every town of any importance in this country. He has established industries in the North, South, East and West of this State and he has established them in the face of violent opposition from the people who now form the Party represented in this House, as far as I know, by Senator Douglas. I feel quite sure that the representatives of Irish industry, regardless of class, creed or politics, got on their toes and cheered when they heard that Deputy Seán Lemass was re-elected and reappointed Minister for Industry and Commerce. Deputy Lemass has a record of ability as Minister for Industry and Commerce second to that of no man who has been in that Department since this State was formed.

I would remind the Senator that we are not discussing the record of the Minister for Industry and Commerce and that the matter before the House is the Appropriation Bill.

I am sorry if I have crossed the line, but if somebody criticises a Minister by innuendo I take it that it is up to somebody else to defend him—not that it is necessary to defend Deputy Lemass, the Minister for Industry and Commerce. The present Minister for Finance too, has the reputation of being able to defend himself.

May I say that I think it is ridiculous for any Senator to point out to the Minister for Finance that destructive criticism of a previous Government can do harm nationally? That type of remark comes very badly from Senator Douglas's side of the House. We do not want to go back on the various charges of bribery and corruption which were made against the previous Fianna Fáil Government, both before and since it went out of office, and against individual Fianna Fáil Ministers. When people throw stones they should make sure that they are not in glass-houses. I suggest that there ought to be an end of the type of behaviour where if it is not done by direct shocks it is done by innuendo to suggest that certain things were wrong. We heard promises during the last election that certain other scandals— and I emphasise "other scandals"— would be unearthed by the people who formed the late Government. If they were not able to dig up anything during the three years they were in office, and during which time they did little else than fumble through the official files—and they even made a bad job of that, as has been proved by the recent controversy—they ought to leave the matter alone and not try to justify what they did in the past.

We have been told that it is dangerous to criticise what was State policy at the time. We have had a change of Government because the people of the country criticised the policy of the last Government. I see no reason whatever why anybody on this side of the House or anybody who is associated with the people who now form the Government should not criticise what was done by the last Government. Unless you criticise what was done in the past and unless you benefit by the mistakes of a previous Government, it is very difficult to plan successfully for the future. I have the greatest confidence in the world that the Minister for Finance and the other members of the present Government will benefit not alone by the experience gained by them when they were in office previously—and ran their Departments successfully, so far as the average person could judge—but that they will benefit still further by the mistakes made by their predecessors in office who, according to Senator Douglas, are at present budding wings; they will need them, in my opinion, before they finish.

There is not much to say with regard to the Bill generally. As the Minister has pointed out, it is an annual feature. Somebody asked me to-day how long the debate would last and I replied truthfully that I had no idea. I said that it would all depend on what any one person would say whether the debate would last for one hour, two hours or four hours. The reply we got from the other side of the House was that it would all depend on what the Minister would say in his opening speech. That being so, the debate will not last long.

The Minister was criticised because he found fault with what might be termed indiscriminate borrowing by his predecessors. In my opinion, indiscriminate borrowing is bad for the nation, just as it is bad for the individual. An individual who would borrow indiscriminately on the possible earnings of his son or grandson would be a bad businessman. As far as I could judge, the previous Government were borrowing indiscriminately on the possible earnings of unborn generations. If the Minister is accused of doing something wrong when he warns the people against such a policy, I think that the accusation is quite unreasonable.

There are a few matters which might be mentioned in a debate of this kind. The first relates to the necessity for increasing our export trade and for being more particular than ever with regard to the things which we export. We are exporting a considerable number of commodities at the present time. Anyone in public life knows that there are numerous complaints against all the Government regulations in regard to the commodities which we export. I believe that the greatest possible care should be taken, and if it is our intention to continue our present standard of living, or improve it, which may be either possible or desirable, we must definitely increase our exports; and in order to do that we must increase production.

One of our biggest exports at the present time is the export of beef. I think that is a very important industry and I believe that the meat which is exported should be prepared by the most up-to-date concerns. It is only by having animals killed and prepared in up-to-date abattoirs, slaughterhouses, or whatever you like to call them, that we can get the best results. There are numerous reasons why we should endeavour to achieve that apart from the fact that it is essential and desirable to export on a foreign market only the best possible material. It is only in up-to-date concerns, too, that the various by-products can be made proper use of. Even in our most up-to-date concerns at the present time the importance of some of the by-products is overlooked. I understand that there are one or two concerns which deal with the extraction of gland secretions from the animals slaughtered. We all know that very valuable medicines can be obtained from these glands. At the present time we are importing a considerable quantity of insulin. With the proper machinery, proper facilities and proper supervision insulin could be manufactured here out of the animals slaughtered for beef exports.

The problem of cold storage is crying out for attention. Unless there are proper cold storage facilities definite limitations will be imposed on our exports of beef. If the information I have is correct, there is nothing like sufficient cold storage accommodation to deal with the amount of beef which could be exported and for which a market could be found. I would ask the Minister to go into this matter very carefully or bring it to the attention of whatever Minister is charged with responsibility for it, probably the Minister for Agriculture working in co-operation with the Minister for Industry and Commerce.

Transport is a matter of the utmost importance and if we are to survive and continue to develop our industries our transport system must get a complete overhaul. Time and again I have spoken of the desirability of maintaining a nucleus of horse-drawn traffic. May I again draw the Minister's attention to that? I have gone carefully into this matter with people in the haulage business in the city and they assure me that while they are paying the highest price possible for food, litter, wages, equipment and everything else, including horses, they are still quite satisfied that motor transport cannot compete with horse transport on short hauls. I suppose New York is the most highly mechanised city in the world. In New York they still have thousands of horses engaged on short haulage. I suggest that the necessary steps should be taken now to ensure that as far as possible horses will be used for short haulage in cities like Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Galway, Waterford and elsewhere.

I do not say that a law should be passed insisting that certain business people should use horses, but there are various ways of inducing people to use horses. I think such an inducement would be a tremendous advantage from the national point of view as against the present indiscriminate use of mechanised transport. As I pointed out before everything that goes towards the upkeep of horses, including harness, carts, wagons, food, shoeing and general attention represents money put into circulation at home. On the other hand, practically all the money spent on mechanised transport leaves the country that night.

I have another suggestion to make in relation to transport. It may be a harebrained idea but there is no harm in making the suggestion. For a number of years past haulage over distances of 100 to 200 miles has been done by means of lorries. Instead of running lorries that distance over the roads I think it might be feasible to run them on to a flat truck on the railway and thereby transport the lorry, load and all, to its destination, where it can be run off the truck in the same way as it was originally run on. Whether that is or is not a harebrained idea I do not know, but if we are to protect our transport system in the event of another world war some steps will definitely have to be taken now towards that end.

Some years ago we used to meet bicycles in great numbers on the roadways. We are now reaching the stage when we meet a considerable number of people driving light tractors. The drivers may be going for cigarettes, or from one field to another, or even for a drink. I do not know where they are going, but the present trend is all in that direction. Some people may think it is a joke. I do not think it is so very funny when a young fellow who wants to go to the crossroads a quarter of a mile away goes there in a light tractor. The only way we can provide against the ill-effects of another war is to ensure that in so far as it is possible and practicable our transport will derive to the fullest extent from our own native sources.

I think a considerable amount remains to be done in connection with forestry. Lest I might be treading on anybody's toes I shall not refer to the previous Government at all in this connection, but I think that in so far as forestry is concerned we have merely been fiddling with the problem for a number of years. I am not an expert on forestry. I do not know what is wrong.

While we all admire the stretches of forestry on the sides of Slievenamon, the Galtees and the Knockmealdown Mountains, and various others which I do not pass so often, I think a good deal remains to be done. I think the work in that direction needs a complete overhaul. Possibly the acquisition of sufficiently large tracts of land is one of the biggest stumbling blocks. I think something could be done in that connection by leasing land from certain farmers instead of actually buying it outright. I know there is a precedent for that where a certain individual leased land for afforestation purposes.

I am not quite sure what the actual scheme is, but I believe the owner retains his ownership of the land. Possibly that could be extended to other areas and the owner could be assured of some part of the profits if and when the timber becomes available. Timber is a very important matter in connection with housing and housing is such a very important matter I think it should be looked at only from the long term point of view. At the present time a very considerable portion of the expense involved in building arises from the necessity to get the quantity of timber required. During the war, one of the principal excuses for the lack of building activity was the difficulty experienced in importing timber.

We all know that a few hundred years ago there was a considerable amount of timber grown in the country and that the country was denuded of timber during the various wars that followed. That only goes to prove that timber can be grown in this country. I am well aware that timber planted by people in our life-time would probably not be available for use in building operations for many years to come. Some of it would, but, taking the long view, in my opinion it is our duty to ensure that our successors, our children or grandchildren, in future generations will be provided with the timber necessary for the building of houses and the various other activities for which timber is required.

I thought the Senator said we should not borrow for the benefit of our sons and grandsons.

I am not suggesting that we should borrow for the benefit of our sons and grandsons. What I said was that we should not borrow on the possible earnings of our grandsons. I do not say that if I have any money to leave when I am dying, which is very doubtful, that I should not leave it to my son or grandson. If I have money or timber to leave when I am dying, there is no reason why I should not leave it to my son or grandson. If Senator Douglas is in the same position, as I hope he will be, his successors will be in a very desirable position. If we are in a position to build up reserves of forestry for future generations, they will have an advantage of which we in our time were deprived. By developing forestry now we shall pass on to future generations something which was unheard of in this country in the recent past. In my opinion, the difficulties which we encountered arose from the method of developing forestry. I believe a great improvement could be brought about if only we could get the co-operation of people who seem to be always prepared to criticise. I believe our methods were prehistoric. The last Government gave us pictures of forests on thousands and thousands of acres but they were merely fiddling with the question. So far as native timber was concerned, they were tinkering with the problem. We got a lot of wild promises during the election and, worse still, after the election—all froth and no beer—from the previous Government. God help us if people are not entitled to criticise when they think criticism is justified.

The only other matter to which I should like to draw the attention of the Minister is the question of increasing military service pensions and wound pensions. I think some increase should be given in these pensions in proportion to the increase in the cost of living. Various other classes have got increases to meet the cost of living, but many of these pensioners, who are now in the evening of their lives, are thrown back on the small pensions they got for services rendered to the country. While their pensions may have been sufficient to keep them in frugal comfort some short number of years ago, a time has now arrived when the pensions which they are receiving are not sufficient to keep them even in that frugal state of comfort to which they were accustomed.

In addition, some of these men were capable of doing a certain amount of work of a light character up to recently, but now that they are getting older—some of them are shoving on to 60 or even more—they are not as capable of work as men of the same age who had taken care of their health during their early lives. I believe that in all fairness these men should get some increase in their pensions. I believe that the people would not grudge them an increase in proportion to the increased cost of living and in proportion to the services which they rendered to the country at a time when it had very few friends.

I have given the Minister notice of my intention to raise a matter connected with public administration. I have said that I desire to be informed as to the causes of the delay in reporting the findings of the Local Government Inquiry into the administration of the affairs of the Cavan County Council by the county manager and when it is expected that the findings of the tribunal will be made public. I am asking that because of a public statement made in connection with this matter by one of the Minister's colleagues and, beyond that, I am not going into the question now. We have had a contribution from Senator Quirke which, I suggest, was not very constructive.

Is that right? I thought it was great.

I do not think we need be astonished at that. He started his speech evidently animated by a feeling that he had to stand up in defence of the Minister for Industry and Commerce who apparently, he thought, was being attacked by Senator Douglas. He seemed to have the idea that Senator Douglas should be numbered amongst those who during their lives opposed very vigorously the establishment of Irish industries here and accordingly should come under the lash of the Senator's tongue.

He should be the last man to raise the Fine Gael flag.

I think the Senator ought to remain in the House until he hears what I have to say; his conduct in leaving the House now is typical. What I want to say is that Senator Douglas was in Irish industry and was promoting Irish industry years before the present Minister for Industry and Commerce came into office. I am making no criticism of the labours or activities of the Minister for Industry and Commerce. In fact, I do not mind saying that I have considerable admiration for his energy and ability but I have also considerable respect for the truth.

The Senator who has just left the House never likes to take the medicine that he requires a little more of; he prefers to move away from it. He spoke of the evil that came from criticising previous Governments and then said that the reason we had a change of Government recently was that people criticised the policy of the last Government. I should like to point out that the reason we had a change of Government was because Deputy Peadar Cowan and Deputy Dr. Browne decided to change from one side of the House to the other. If they had remained on the side which they occupied before the change of Government, there would have been no change of Government, but they tried to wring concessions from the previous Administration which the members of that Administration were not prepared to make. They are making no apologies for that. There was no lowering of the flag.

Senator Quirke—I do not know whether he was taking his cue from the Minister's speech or not—criticised what he called indiscriminate borrowing on the possible earnings of future generations. That was in the beginning of his speech and it was indicative of the Senator's contradictions and inconsistencies that towards the end of his speech, as if he had forgotten what he said earlier, he urged that an afforestation policy should be undertaken now for the benefit of future generations. If you have got savings from past earnings or if you have capital to invest, you can expend it on the planting of trees and in two or three generations you will have forests, but if you have not such savings or capital, the only way to provide forests is to borrow for that purpose. There has been a certain amount of that done.

Future generations will reap the benefit of the forests which are being planted to-day. We on this side of the House saw nothing wrong in a Government policy of borrowing for the development of forestry in the country. Because even though such a policy was being operated on the possible earnings of future generations, capital was being provided at the same time for these future generations.

The Minister in some of his speeches in the other House went to considerable pains to point to what he called the deficits which were accruing as a result of the Budget produced by his predecessor in office. One realises that the Minister, in his position, will try to make the best possible political arguments, but we know him well enough to realise that he has sufficient intelligence to appreciate the very considerable ability and talents of his predecessor. I imagine that, outside this House, no one would be a stronger defender of the ability of his predecessor in office, Deputy McGilligan, than the present Minister would be, and he knows that he would be standing on solid ground. The talents which Deputy McGilligan placed at the disposal of this country are of such high order that there are few countries in the world to-day that have produced anybody, either in the shape of a Minister for Finance, or of any other Minister, who had more ability to place at the service of his country. The Minister bemoans his fate that he has to make provision for expenditure for which, he says, the revenue will not provide. That remains to be seen.

The Minister can recall, as we recall, that when his Government went out of power, they had imposed what some regard as considerable penal taxes. They had raised the taxation, or made provision to raise the taxation, on beer, cigarettes and tobacco to the equivalent of £7,000,000, I think, in a year. Those who later became the inter-Party Government declared throughout the election campaign in 1948, that if they were returned to power they would remove those taxes, and they did. They kept their word, but they did more. Before the Fianna Fáil Government went out of office at all, many demands were made upon them in the Dáil. They were called upon to increase old age pensions. We recall that the teachers walked the streets of this city for months making demands for an increase in pay, and we remember the controversy about the increases for the Civil Service. None of these increases could be provided by the present Government when they were last in office.

Despite the fact that they increased taxation they were making no provision for the many sections of the community who were expecting a betterment of their position. When the inter-Party Government came into office they removed the taxes to which I have referred, and then they went on to dispense advantages to the old, to the blind, to teachers, to civil servants and to many other sections of the community. They held office for three and a quarter years without increasing the charges in taxation levied against the community. If the Minister cannot see how the accomplishments of his predecessor can be effected by himself, the only comment one can make is that his predecessor knew how, and to a greater degree than the people who are in office to-day.

The Minister has been very critical about the borrowing policy. We will wait and see what changes will be wrought in that policy. I pointed to the inconsistency of the line pursued by Senator Quirke. We must just watch with interest what the Minister himself will do. When he was in opposition, he and his colleagues gave no indication of the line of Government policy, where there was capital investment going on, with which they disagreed. We are in the dark as to what developments already planned here are going to be held up for want of capital.

It is true that we have been drawing on our savings. As was pointed out to the Minister, devaluation drew upon them to a considerable extent. We all can visualise the position. We see people down the country, people perhaps in possession of 200 or 300 acres of land—a family grown old. They are known over the countryside as people having considerable savings, looked on as wealthy. Where are these savings? They are not stored up in anything in Ireland. They are securities held across the water and, perhaps, at the same time that these securities are being held and, as they think, very closely and very carefully guarded, they are all the time depreciating in value, while possibly a magnificent house—or a house which was at one time magnificent—may be falling in on top of these old people and they will not bring home any of their savings to put them into the reconstruction of that dwelling. Their farm may be going derelict around them; there may be young people who want homes built up so that they may live and produce families in the country; and those people and their likes will do nothing about such matters.

Is that the sort of thing which the Minister for Finance to-day wants us to accept as good national policy? I think it is altogether faulty. If that is the line to be pursued by the Minister, he will stir up considerable dissatisfaction and displeasure, and great numbers of people will be leaving the country. That would be a most unhappy development. I know that people are going, people have gone and, I suppose, people will go, but the policy which the Minister for Finance in this country pursues makes a better contribution to the export of our people than anything else. We cannot build up a nation on the basis of exporting our capital and our people after it.

Senator Quirke had something to say, not very much, about agriculture and agricultural policy. I have a few things that I want to dilate on for a few minutes. We have not the opportunity of having the Minister for Agriculture here, but we have one of his colleagues, and the Minister for Finance always has a great deal to say with regard to agricultural policy. On Sunday last, I think, at a gathering of the Young Farmers in Dundalk, a number of Ministers addressed themselves to the agricultural problems that concern us. I am not taking so much notice of what the Minister for Agriculture said because, after all, he is new to the Ministry; one has to be patient and give a new Minister a chance. But I was very interested and considerably impressed by the contribution from his colleague, the now Minister for External Affairs.

He said something—I have not got the quotation here—which in essence meant that we have now reached the position that there is no difference between the political Parties in this State as to what the agricultural policy ought to be. I welcome that statement. It is a statement which I made on many occasions. I think it is time that we should have reached that condition of things. As far as one can observe from many statements that have been made, there is no intention of making any change in the policy that was being pursued by the last Minister for Agriculture when he was in office.

Apparently, the Minister for External Affairs, from his remark of what we are now to do with the land of this country, admits, in the first instance, that we have rejected compulsion in so far as its application to our farming is concerned in days of peace. We are agreed on that. That is a change since Fianna Fáil went out of office. Up to the time when the inter-Party Government took possession we had compulsion and it was being applied— I am not going to repeat the words of the now Minister for Local Government—rather ruthlessly, with any number of inspectors. I think it is wise that the present situation has developed. As far as one can see, the present Minister intends to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor. On the whole, I think that, too, is very wise. There may be changes here and there, but in essence and in principle we are going to continue what we have been doing for the past few years.

I sincerely hope not.

Senator Gibbons will have an opportunity of indicating to us where he thinks the present Government will depart from the policy pursued by Deputy Dillon when in office.

They will not kill the creamery industry.

I shall answer these comments. I suppose I can claim to know as much about the creamery industry as the Senator. I am sending milk to a creamery and, therefore, I ought to know a little about it. The land rehabilitation project was challenged. There is no evidence that that is not going to continue, nor do I know any of the other branches of our farming industry in regard to which we are going to make changes. We have been growing beet, wheat, barley, oats, potatoes and other root crops. We are not going to be compelled to grow any crop. We are going to be free to grow whatever we, as farmers, decide we ought to grow. That is the way it ought to be.

As far as I can judge, we are going to have a price incentive applied so that the farmer will be encouraged, if the price will encourage him, to grow a particular crop or crops which the Minister in charge of the nation's administrative arm for the moment regards as the crop or crops which the nation requires most. That is wise. It may not be possible, however, even by price incentive to achieve what the Minister desires to achieve. There are many other difficulties which a Minister has to face in achieving his objective.

Senator Ó Buachalla interrupted to say that the present Government will not kill the creamery industry. He poses as being a bit of a statistician. Does he not lecture in economics in the University? Can he not discover whether the production of butter in creameries increased during the years of office of Deputy Dillon on what it was during the years of his predecessor? It is possible for the Senator to discover that. Anyhow, he knows how unjust and untrue it is to suggest, by no matter what technique, that it was the desire of the former Minister to kill the creamery industry. That is not true. The present Minister appears to have done something for the creamery industry—appears, I say, because that is all it is. It is true that he advanced the price of milk at the creameries by 1d. per gallon since he came into office; that is, during the past few weeks. But since last week the wages of agricultural workers have gone up by 7/6 a week, plus the addition which farmers will have to pay for the weekly half-holiday, and that is not going to be much less than 15/- per worker per week. As a statistician, the Senator can apply himself to seeing how much extra milk at an increase of 1d. per gallon the farmer will require to send to the creamery to be as well off as he was before the increase took place.

From the farmers' point of view, there is very little advantage in increasing the price of a commodity and at the same time increasing the cost of production of that commodity. That is what the dairy farmer is getting. I know Senator Gibbons is interested in dairying, but so far as the growers of root crops, the growers of beet, the growers of wheat are concerned, they will have to pay this increase and I do not see that there has been any increase in the price which they are to receive for their products to meet that increased demand which labour is entitled to make on them. These are the facts and it would be better to face the facts, because we can only get something concrete and sensible by realising what the facts are.

Personally, I think that what the Minister for Agriculture is doing ought to be examined fairly and impartially and, as far as possible, objectively. That is the attitude which I will adopt to the present Minister. Any contribution which I can make or any criticism which I can make that will be of any help, I will try to do it fairly. It is very interesting, however, to see that no words spoken by any member of the present Government or by any of their supporters indicate that we are to have any change from the policy pursued by Deputy Dillon when in office. I regret, however, that there should have been such vicious attacks on Deputy Dillon when he was in office. I do not subscribe to everything Deputy Dillon did; I said that in this House and I said it to Deputy Dillon. But I think it is terribly unjust, as nothing which he was doing is to be changed, that it is only when he has gone out of office that you should recognise what he did was right. That is what you are doing, because the Minister for External Affairs, Deputy Aiken, said that we are apparently all agreed on this. Perhaps I shall hear from Senator Gibbons where there is disagreement. I do not see where it is. We are going to grow all the crops which are being grown at the moment. There may be a change in the incentive in regard to the production of a particular crop. There may be a slight inflection in regard to the price so as to encourage a man to grow more wheat than barley or to produce more milk than meat. But it is the responsibility of everybody on every side of the House, and it ought to be the aim of the Minister for Finance, to see that we produce more of everything on every acre of land we have. That is the problem we have to face.

We hear a great deal of talk about the production of wheat. That is something about which the former Minister has been abused. But his predecessor in office, when making out the programme which was sent to the E.C.A. for the 1950-51 season, gave an area under wheat of 247,000 acres, while actually during that period under the former Minister the area was 366,000 acres. You could presumably get a much greater area under wheat by a very considerable increase in price. I suggest, however, and I put it to Senator O'Dwyer, that there are farmers who have land which will grow wheat, but no matter what price you pay for a bushel of wheat or a barrel of wheat you will find difficulty in encouraging them to produce it.

The Minister in the other House produced a set of figures of our net agricultural production and made comparisons between certain years, 1943, 1944, 1945 and the years of office of the inter-Party Government. I suggest to the Minister that there were certain defects in the calculations. I have not the figure before me, but I have looked into the matter. He indicated that the figures showed that the net production in a certain period during the régime of Fianna Fáil was actually greater than in the years of their successors. I suggest that the truth is that during those years the net production figures were arrived at after making calculations as to what the farmers spent in production. He spoke of years when practically nothing could be spent on imported artificial manures, imported machinery or all the essential commodities and accoutrements requisite for agricultural production. We produced them by mining the land. That is the truth and every intelligent farmer knows that we had to do it. We just had to go on and we did, and we got production. If the season was particularly favourable, if nature favoured us, we did much better than we had expected, just as, apparently, it is favouring us to-day, thanks be to God.

That sort of a calculation will not get us anywhere. We have got to face what the facts are, and what the truth is. The Minister made a comparison in regard to the years 1947, 1948, 1949 and 1950. If he would look at what we expended on manures and on equipment and would make a comparison between these sums and what was spent in the earlier years, he would get the answer. Actually, the problem for all of us who are on the land is, and has been for years past, to try and build up what we took away, what we were compelled to take away, from it. We had no alternative during the war years but to do that, because our people and our animals had to be fed. Whatever the consequences were to be that programme had to be carried out.

During the last few weeks I have been around the country a good deal, like other Senators, doing our obvious duty to ourselves. As a result of what I saw in the course of my travels, certain impressions stand out so far as farming is concerned. We may talk about the crops we produce, about the growing of wheat and of barley and so on, but, when all is said and done, one can say that the tillage area in this country is only a fragment of our total acreage. The bigger proportion by far will continue to remain in grass. Senator Quirke is one of the people who has talked loudest and longest in this House about the production of wheat. Yet, to-day we had him expounding a policy for the export of meat. I am with him on the production of meat, but what I want to say, as a result of my experience in travelling through a number of counties, is that control, as regards an improvement in the grass land of the country, is just not being attended to at all.

There is a Weeds and Seeds Act which is being operated in certain counties. In the years gone by, we thought that ragwort and thistles were the weeds that had to be attended to, but, quite obviously, to-day the buttercup and the daisy have taken possession of great areas of our grasslands. I imagine that, if an attempt were made to measure it, in many instances productivity on the good land of this country cannot be higher than 30 or 40 per cent. That is an aspect of our farming programme which, I think, has got too little attention. I suggest that the Minister for Agriculture should concentrate on it as soon as he possibly can.

There is something else. As I have said, we have over the years robbed the soil; we have stolen most of what was in it in order to feed it to our people and to export it. The phosphates and the nitrogen stored up in the bodies of our animals have gone, and we are not able to replace them, even though a large proportion of our land requires them. I put it to the Minister that he should bring to the notice of his colleague, the Minister for Agriculture, this suggestion that a certain proportion of the funds administered here under E.C.A. should be utilised in every parish in the country, especially on the poorer lands, to show what could accrue to a properly managed farm where there was a sufficient application of nitrogenous manures.

I want to commend what the Minister for Agriculture, who has gone out of office, did when he announced his scheme for the distribution of fertilisers at such a rate as to enable every farmer, who wanted to do so, to bring his land up to full health, and of putting the cost of that to the land annuities. I think myself that if that scheme were embraced it would do more to increase productivity, and do more to restore confidence in the future of our land, than anything else.

Senator Quirke referred to the dead-meat industry here and its development. In the debate in the Dáil, the former Minister for External Affairs dwelt at some length on the possibility of developing that trade. I think myself that nothing like sufficient attention was given to that in the past. I think we should welcome the enterprise and the efforts of those people who went into this industry recently, and who are trying to build up an export trade. I am quite satisfied that, no matter what we may say about the production of tillage crops, the lives and the future of the people of this country will depend to a greater extent than ever before on an increase in our live stock, and in the development of the livestock industry. We are agreed, I think, that the extent to which we make purchases from abroad makes it imperative that we should be able to increase our exports, and the most valuable exports that we have to-day, and that we are likely to have for the years to come, will be exports of meat. The supplies of it are becoming smaller throughout the civilised world.

We are not getting a price for it, thanks to your 1948 agreement.

We are getting more for it to-day than we got in 1936, 1937 or 1938. Anyhow, the Minister will be able to amend the agreement now.

You would not sell it to the people who would pay you for it. They were called "fly-by-nights".

The Minister will recall many of his own declarations about the people to whom he now wants to sell it.

I have not any to sell.

You searched the world for markets and you could not find them. In the end you paid the British for a number of years to take your meat when you could not get anybody else to take it off you. I repeat what I said here before, that I remember standing on the fair-green in Cavan and seeing men there buying bulls to send to Morocco. They were offering farmers a price for them which would not pay the farmers to take the animals from their own homesteads to the town. That was the achievement of the Minister and of his colleagues in those days. I do not want to go back and talk about the past, nor do I want to talk about the prices which we are being offered to-day.

Talk about the 1948 agreement.

All I will say is this, that, following the change of Government which took place in 1948, every beast that we had in the country went up in value by £5, £6, £7 or £8 a head.

And we got nothing for them except paper.

That is true that we got nothing for them except paper, the paper which the Minister now wants to store up in Britain and not reinvest in this country. These are the sort of contradictions which confront us in this House. The Minister, apparently, feels that he is handicapped by the 1948 agreement. There was no one who denounced the 1948 agreement more than the Minister did when it was made.

I say you did, but you are not a farmer and you had not any cattle to sell.

I had some foresight.

You had not any interest in the people who had cattle to sell. As I have said, when the 1948 agreement was made, every beast that we had in the country went up in value from £5 to £8 a head. That is on the records of this House. It cannot be challenged. It is the truth. I challenge any farmer who has ever stood on a fair with cattle to contradict what I say. I know it is true, and I am speaking from practical experience. The Minister feels that he is tied by the 1948 agreement. He will not be tied by it very much longer if he remains on the Government Front Bench. Some say that he is not going to remain. I do not know, but if he is still in office he will have the opportunity of altering it very soon.

I do not feel that we are under any particular obligation to sell to anybody except those who are going to give us the best price. At one time one country may give us a better price than another. At another time, some other country may be better able to pay.

The Minister knows quite well that the Germans and the Continentals were not able to pay when he was trying to sell to them. Conditions did improve on the Continent, and have altered, especially in the United States. I am not the sort of person who will not sell to the British Minister for Food if he is prepared to pay the full value of the commodity, but the time is coming now for a reconsideration of the position and an alteration of the terms of trade between us and Britain.

The Minister, his colleagues and his predecessors in office have the experience, as I understand it, that the British exporters are not prepared to keep their agreement with us in regard to exports to us of coal. Apparently we are in the position of having to go to America to make up the deficits in coal which Britain is not prepared to make good. How are we to pay for this American coal? Meat is a commodity which we can sell to America profitably. If Britain will not keep her agreement with us in regard to coal, are we absolutely tied to keeping our agreement with Britain in regard to beef? That is a poser for the Minister and his colleagues.

The people who made it should know.

When the people who make an agreement with you default, it seems to me that it is open to you at least to say that you are not obliged to keep your side of the bargain.

I meant the people on our side here—the previous Minister.

The previous Minister is not here. I am just discussing my point of view on this matter and I suggest to the Minister that we have a product which we can exchange with America for coal and if Britain will not give us what we require and what she undertook to give us we ought to feel free to sell our beef to America in exchange for the coal we require.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

It would be better if the Senator were allowed to continue without interruption.

You would hardly call that an interruption. I never take much notice when it comes from that quarter. I said earlier that the people who engage in this trade should get every encouragement. The development of the dead-meat industry is long overdue. It will provide us with the most efficient method of getting the last penny out of our beasts and with considerable quantities of raw materials for new industries that can be developed here. I said that in the House when I was on the other side. I suggest to the Ministry, however, that if we are to sell dead meat in America our consulate there should have someone attached to it who understands this trade. The men whom we send, no doubt, are very competent in their own domain but the production, manufacture and processing of meat and the sale of meat is a trade in itself.

If our people are to get the fullest value from the product which they are exporting to America, they want a technician on the spot who can inform and advise them about the market, who knows how to get into the market —because they have to overcome prejudices there—and who is able to come back and advise the people at home on the technical handling of the industry. I suggest that right from the start that is most important and that attention should be given to that matter now.

Undoubtedly, in regard to the handling and processing of the byproducts, in which there is the basis of a tremendous industry, technical advice should be sought by the Ministry as to the most efficient method of handling, from the point of view of this country.

I think I have given the points that occur to me. As far as we on this side of the House are concerned, those who are interested in the development of the agricultural industry are glad to recognise from the statement of the Minister for External Affairs that there is general agreement now in regard to the agricultural policy and that he accepts that, no matter to what political Party people may belong, there is acceptance of national agricultural policy. That is the way it ought to be. I have always argued that the soil never responds to a political agricultural policy. It never did and it never can.

The job of a Minister for Agriculture in this country is difficult. He is entitled to fair play, to justice and to have the truth spoken about him. His activities and efforts ought to be valued for what they are and the fruits that they bear. He has a very complex cross-section of human nature to deal with, every man of them an individual, influenced very largely by the size of his own farm, its dimensions, its capacity to produce. The Minister for Agriculture has to try to do what is best for all these.

In such a situation, as far as possible we ought to try to have harmony about the goal at which we are aiming and the methods that we are to adopt and the road that we are to travel. As far as we on this side of the House are concerned, far from being unduly critical of the man for what he is or what he was or what he is not, we are anxious to give him a fair chance and to wish him well. We know that he has difficulties. We know that from the efforts which he has to make the economic strength of this country and its future are, very largely, to be determined.

There is no point whatever in talking about a successful development of our industries unless agriculture is built up and strengthened. To the extent that any of us by word or act can contribute to that we are doing a great deal to further the development of industry as well as agriculture and, above all, are making it possible that a Minister for Finance will have such industrial and agricultural development and output as will ensure a decent revenue that will make it possible for him to do for the country the things that the people require to have done.

I do not think I will deal with the agricultural question at present. It seems for some reason to have become more inflammatory than even the international situation. There is a point which I would like to raise and to call the Minister's attention to it, that is, the question of port development on the western coast of Ireland, which I think is being sadly neglected. As we all know, port development has always been on the eastern side, in Dublin and the other eastern ports. The reason was very understandable because nearly all our trade was with England, both export and import, and, in addition, the goods which we brought from America and other countries were nearly always brought to Liverpool and other English ports, transhipped to Dublin and sent by rail to the various towns in Ireland. We hope that that situation has gone for ever and that for the future we can look forward to an ever-growing trade with America and with European countries that will give an opportunity for the development of the western ports that did not exist up to the present.

We can see for ourselves what a loss it has been to the country in general that Limerick port has not been developed to its full extent. If you look at a map you will see from the position of Limerick at the Shannon that there is an opening there for vessels to come as far as Limerick and that it would be quite possible to develop the upper reaches of the Shannon so as to provide transport by motor boats or larger vessels almost as far as Athlone. I am informed that it had been developed at the time of the Shannon scheme, that the Germans used the river for the purpose of that scheme. There could also be connection with the canal so as to make transport available to Dublin. That would open a waterway right through the centre of the country which would provide for Connacht and the Midlands, as the Danube provides for Central Europe. It is a matter which would be well worth the study of the Minister.

Galway port, one of the finest in the country, is being developed, but not to the extent to which it should be, but the development of Galway, Limerick and other western ports would open up a great future for the western part of the country. The main good which would be brought about by the development of these ports is that it would arrest the drift of the population to Dublin and the east coast. The most serious problem facing the country, a problem which is even more serious than emigration, is the flight of the people from the land into the large towns, and especially Dublin. The reason for that is not far to seek—the growing prosperity of Dublin attracts the people from the less prosperous parts of the country—and if we are to reverse that process, we must build up the prosperity of the south and west. In that way, we will keep the people in these areas and in the course of time, will draw them back again in some measure from the capital. If something like that is not done, some very desperate measures will have to be taken in the course of time to prevent the complete depopulation of the country districts.

The system up to the present is a system by which the Government provide a grant to help the local authority to develop these ports, but I want to point out that that system is not at all sufficient. Take the position of the port of Limerick. At the present there is a scheme by which the Government are to provide £100,000 and the local authorities will have to raise £200,000. That scheme will be effective to a certain extent, but not sufficiently. The trouble with Limerick port—the same probably applies to other ports— is that only the smaller vessels can come in there, and these smaller vessels on the Atlantic trade routes are going out of fashion at present. The smaller vessels are becoming uneconomic and larger vessels are taking their place. These larger vessels are not able to use the port in present conditions. It would require a very large sum to dredge the port, to deepen and widen it, for the reception of these larger vessels, a sum of money which would be altogether beyond the capacity of the local bodies in charge of the port. The same would apply more or less to the other ports on the western coast.

It is a mistake to think that the development of a port is a matter for the local bodies. It is a matter for the nation in general because the development of a port in any part of the country is an addition to the nation's economy and should be regarded as such. If it is left to the local bodies, out of their own resources, to develop these ports, it means that the development cannot take place and that they must remain in the condition of decay in which they are at present. Even if they could raise sufficient money to develop the ports, the charges which would have to be imposed on vessels using them would be prohibitive, whereas the best policy for the country would be to make these charges as light as possible so as to encourage vessels to use these ports.

I saw that a year ago Spain provided a sum of £70,000,000 to be expended over ten years on the development of Spanish ports. Spain, as we all know, is not a very wealthy country, but that decision shows how much they appreciate the importance of developing international trade. We all recognise how necessary the development of agriculture here is, but we must also realise that the development of our international trade comes very close in importance to it. It would be money well expended and we would be justified in borrowing money for the purpose of developing these ports, because, without them, there is no means of developing international trade to the extent we require it. The development of these ports would also be a help in the development of agriculture, and I should like the Minister to bring this very serious matter to the notice of his colleague, the Minister for Industry and Commerce, because it is a matter which cannot be allowed to be delayed. These ports are decaying and the sooner the country wakes up to the necessity for having them developed to the fullest extent, the better it will be.

Captain Orpen

I want to make one or two observations on the rather depressing speech which the Minister made in the Dáil when introducing the Estimate for his Department. I say that his speech was somewhat depressing, because the greater part of it dealt with the problem of the balance of payments. He stressed on more than one occasion that he felt disappointed that the increase in productive capacity had not been manifested in our basic industry, agriculture, but had been manifested in those industries which depended mainly upon heavy State subsidies, for instance, the industries ancillary to the building of houses. I wonder whether the Minister could legitimately expect, in the course of a few years, to find a rapid increase in the volume of production in agriculture.

As Senator Baxter pointed out, over the war years, for obvious reasons— trying to feed the country as best we could in very difficult circumstances— we had continuously to draw from the land. The year 1947—there was possibly a little in 1946—was the first year in which the opportunity presented itself of beginning to put something back into the land after a period of almost nine years of war and a rather disturbed period of eight years prior to that. Throughout all that time we who were engaged in agriculture were tending to draw more out of the land than we put back. I think the Minister was a little sanguine when he talked of being able to see a rapid expansion in the volume of output of an industry such as agriculture in these circumstances.

As he probably knows to his cost, 1947 was a peculiarly unfortunate year as far as the weather was concerned, so that any response that might have accrued in that year with the coming into this country of fertilisers was counteracted by the weather. There has been a slight increase in the gross output of agricultural produce. The Minister, possibly unknowingly, I think, accepted the net figure and deduced from that that the productivity was going down. The net figures, as Senator Baxter pointed out, must be used with caution, because what appears as an expenditure in one year may not be effective in increasing the volume for two, three or four years afterwards. One has to be very careful in making deductions from the net figure, which, I admit, is very important.

May I correct the Senator? He is under a complete misapprehension. I did not use the net figure: I used the gross figure.

Captain Orpen

Then it is my mistake and I apologise. May I repeat that one has to be careful of any net figure, because of the time lag in some of the things? If you use the gross figure, you must make a little allowance for the fact that in the gross figure, for some reason or another, turf is included as an agricultural product. It may have some effect on it: I do not know the amount by which it would affect the index number.

I would refer again to that gloomy statement, and I wonder if the Minister is quite fair to agriculture when, later on in his speech, as reported in Volume 126, No. 12, column 1896, in dealing with the vesting of £30,000,000, after some calculations he appears to be convinced that, in the process, for "some £18,000,000 of our external resources which were realised and spent there is nothing to show". I would like very much if, when replying, he would go a little more into this question of the increase of stocks which he puts here as £5,500,000. I was under the impression that the increase of stocks in that year was very considerably greater.

Captain Orpen

Perhaps he would go into that matter. If, as he claims I think from that remark, that £18,000,000 was spent on consumer goods of presumably a non-essential character, it is rather a large sum of money.

Continuing in that Report, down near the bottom of column 1896, he says:—

"An increase, of course, in agricultural output is much to be desired, and that is the justification for paying to the farmer a price that will enable him and induce him to increase his output and meet these ever-mounting costs that have been piled upon him by the defunct Coalition."

I want to take the Minister up on that. What are these "ever-increasing costs that have been piled on the farmer by the defunct Coalition"? The chief costs that come to my mind are the increase in agricultural wages, the increase in rates and increases in various items that the farmer has to import, most of these items not being under our control.

Let us take this case of agricultural wages. Over the period from 1938 to to-day, roughly speaking, 50,000 persons, males, who formerly were employed in agriculture, have found employment elsewhere; and over that same period the employment of males in industry has increased by something like 47,000—in other words, there has been a transfer from agriculture to industry of about 50,000 males. Does the Minister not think, perhaps, that if these costs "piled on the agricultural industry by the defunct Coalition" had not included a rise in agricultural wages—and a very considerable rise; there was a lag which had to be made up—possibly there might have been even a bigger transfer of agricultural labour to other work than merely the 50,000 in 12 years?

I do not think one can blame the previous Government for the substantial increase in rates. I am afraid rates seem to be always increasing, no matter what the Government is. I feel that, after making a statement like that, it is incumbent on the Minister to let us know in detail what are these "ever-mounting costs" to which he refers. I admit there are ever-mounting costs, but I am afraid that most of them are inevitable.

If we go on to column 1899, the Minister gives a series of items which he thinks will tend to ameliorate the unfortunate adverse balance of payments, item (5) being:—

"An increase in production for export, particularly in agriculture, is urgently needed to reduce the trade deficit."

I quite agree but I should like to know why it should always be assumed that agriculture alone should be asked to make the main contribution towards redressing an adverse trade balance, more especially if one tries to make out a sort of give-and-take balance sheet and see how that adverse trade balance accumulated and how it grew.

Let us take a simplified view of the picture. In 1950, roughly speaking, our agricultural exports were about three times the value of those of industry. I will be contradicted on that because that is not exactly the figure as given in the Statistical Abstract. I have included in agriculture certain items that are normally credited entirely to industry, such as that fraction of Guinness that can be attributed to barley, and so on, which, I think, is only fair. After all, you cannot make Guinness out of water alone. I think it is true to say that agricultural exports would be about three times the value of what one may call industrial exports.

We see a far different picture in regard to imports. The imports for purely agricultural purposes are relatively small as compared with the imports of all other goods. That is as one might expect it should be, but why is it always expected by the community that agriculture is the only producing mechanism that we have sufficiently efficient to face world competition with the exception of one or two large industrial concerns? Have none of our infant industries which we have brought up at considerable expense and with which we have had a lot of trouble yet reached the growing stage when they can bear their share in trying to counterbalance the burden on this country? How much longer have these infant industries to be assisted? Tariffs, quotas, restrictions and other devices were very necessary while these infant industries were cutting their teeth but surely some of them ought to be able to stand on their own feet, or at any rate soon be able to do so.

I feel that the Minister for Finance was asking rather a lot of agriculture that it should be expected to be the main factor in redressing this adverse trade balance by a rapid expansion. He did not seem to ask anybody to do anything much about it. He complained—I think rightly so—that, in his opinion, a certain amount of imports for the past few years may have been in respect of goods of a luxury nature which were not essential to the wellbeing of the community. Senator Baxter said to-day that going around the country he was rather horrified to find the presence of a lot of noxious weeds. He complained that he saw fields full of buttercups and fields full of daisies. I wish he had gone rather further and mentioned the fact that while the buttercup had some nutritional and flavour value, the one-eye daisy was probably the very best indicator of a very low state of fertility and the complete absence of phosphates. Anybody who has one-eye daisies growing in his fields knows what the answer should be and that is to put in phosphates.

The world to-day is in rather a disturbed state. On the Appropriation Bill last year, I think, the complaint was made by the then Opposition that provision should be made against an emergency by accumulation of large stocks of this, that and the other. It seems to me that that is not the best way of stocking the larder. The best way of stocking the larder of an agricultural country is to raise the fertility of the land. You can then, to a large extent, draw upon that in time of necessity. I want to suggest to our new Minister for Agriculture—he probably knows as well as I do that the land of Ireland is still in a very low state of fertility—that every effort should be made to restore the fertility of that land to what it was some 40 or 50 years ago. When I was a youngster the fertility of the land was very much better. I want to suggest that, given land in which the lime state is correct, you can reasonably well store both phosphates and potash and leave them locked up until such time as they are wanted. Of course, if the lime state is all wrong, you are simply wasting your phosphates. You will never get them back again.

There is a difficulty, however, in the case of nitrogen. You cannot store nitrogen very easily in the land and certainly you cannot store it directly. It is easily lost and the drainage water goes up in the air as ammonia, but you can to some extent lock it up in the grass sward, especially if you have your clovers functioning properly. From time to time back to 1930 there have been proposals that we should set up a nitrogen fixation plant. It first came up at the time of the Shannon scheme and Siemen's had some tentative proposals. Later on in the mid 1930's the Minister for Industry and Commerce, Deputy Lemass, was contemplating something of that sort and in recent years Deputy Major de Valera has been directing our attention to this matter.

Of course, it is very easy to say that a small country like this cannot afford a nitrogen plant and that we can always buy our nitrogen more cheaply than we can make it. The only trouble is that when you most urgently want it—which is in time of emergency—if you have not got your own plant you cannot get any nitrogen. Therefore, as we have not got a plant we must build up reserves in the soil through the sward and the clovers. There is no other way of doing it very satisfactorily. It is the root nodule on the legume and it may take a little extra nitrogen to do it well.

It may be thought that going into some of these agricultural details is outside the scope even of the Appropriation Bill, but we are always apt to think when goods flow freely into the country: that is grand; we need not bother our heads about making capital provision for the future. I would suggest that as we are an agricultural country very largely dependent on agriculture—as I quoted, the Minister for Finance asks our agriculture to do most of the work in meeting the deficit in the balance of payments—we should think that there are times when our agriculture becomes very vulnerable. We have got a perishable product which cannot easily be stored and cannot be held over. Many difficulties confront the industry in times of a world surplus of agricultural goods. To-day, of course, there is not a world surplus but rather a world shortage and it is just when there is a world shortage that we should be in the best position to build up the capital equipment required to bring our agricultural industry into a state of great security.

Before the change of Government, I understand there was a proposal to augment largely the facilities in this country for agricultural research and the extension of our knowledge of agriculture. I do not think that there is any way in which money could earn a larger dividend than in increased knowledge. We are rather apt to carry out a few scattered experiments, rather half-baked experiments sometimes, and then say that that applies to the whole country. Unfortunately the land of this country is in an astonishing state of diversification. What happens in one place does not apply elsewhere, and we want a much more intimate knowledge of the requirements of this soil type or that soil type before we can say with absolute certainty to the farmer: There is what you have got to do; if you do that you will get such and such results. Our agricultural advisers should be able to say quite definitely: do this, that or the other and a certain result will follow—there are some who say it and the results do not follow. We have not as yet got sufficient accurate knowledge.

I want to see greater certainty brought into one of the most uncertain of occupations. Recently I had the opportunity of seeing some of these high production farms in Northern Ireland. There are a few of them there on which the output is being measured, and by that I mean the output of the whole farm. One is a small farm with 25 acres in grass and about four acres of mixed oats and tare. This was a little dairy farm and judging by the neighbouring land it was a poor farm, but that man with intensive production got an output of 23.4 cwt. starch equivalent per statute acre. That is a very high figure. I think that the average taken over the whole country of agricultural land and leaving out other land is about 5 cwt. That small farm showed what could be done with intensification.

On this side of the Border one often hears small farmers complaining: "If only my farm was bigger I could do better." Could we not possibly try out in one or two selected cases a programme of intensification and see whether, with an adequately fed farm of 25 acres, we could not get an output equivalent to at least a starch equivalent of one ton per acre? That is nothing like the best of these measured farms. There are about five in Northern Ireland and about 30 in England. Some of them are yielding over 33 cwt. starch equivalent per acre, the starch equivalent being a ton of barley. That shows what you can get from grass intensively fed.

I should like our Minister for Agriculture, who is asked by the Minister for Finance to get increased output, to let us try and demonstrate what we know to be technically possible. What we do not know is whether, within our price system, it is economically possible to raise the level of output to anything like the figures I have just mentioned.

That brings us to a question that seems to be exercising the mind of the Minister for Agriculture at the moment. He seems to be inclined to try to find out the cost of production of various commodities. This, of course, is a subject that has been brought up many times and it is a very difficult subject. I should like to suggest to the Minister that in entering a very difficult subject like costings on the farm there are two things which he has got to bear in mind. One is what we all know, that the costs vary very widely from farm to farm. Therefore, while a costings investigation is going on, it is essential to try to find out why the very wide variations take place.

It is very simple just to turn round and say that it is because of differences in soil. That is only the excuse. It may be management or it may be dozens of things. If we can really study and get detailed costings, under all sorts of circumstances of production, of various items of agriculture, we also want the costings of all produce over a farm—in other words, there is always a great danger in itemised costings. It is what the whole thing must add up to on a farm—otherwise there will be all sorts of maintenance items that will be put down as a bulk figure and which do not add up to the total expenditure. Therefore, when our Minister gets on to this question of costings, we must have the whole farm costings as well as the itemised ones. It is only when we have got the whole farm costings that the itemised costings become of any real value.

I should like to say one last word on these costings and that is that to be of any use we have got to have the feeling that they are unbiased costings which were carried out to discover the truth and not for any ulterior purposes. I am going to suggest that some outside independent body be set up to arrive at these costings and that they should seek the advice of bodies in regions where this sort of work has been done, especially in the United States, which is far ahead of us on that matter, possibly in the eastern counties of England where a costings system has been going on over a number of farms, and in various other places where something along these lines has been done. Their experience should be sought and investigations made into the best possible methods. However, I suggest that an independent body of accountants should do the work—and then we can all study the costings with confidence, and tear them to pieces if necessary.

There are a couple of other matters which I wanted to raise on this occasion, one of which is defence. It is rather unfortunate that in this Oireachtas, and especially in the Seanad, we seldom have an opportunity of talking of defence—and possibly when the comprehensive and permanent Defence Forces Bill becomes an Act we shall have even fewer opportunities. Several times when we discussed defence in this House the debate centred on whether we should have an army of 8,000 or 12,000 men, and so forth. In other words, the debate has centred on the question of the number of men we should have in the Army. I do not think that, to-day, that matters a row of pins. What matters to-day is the extent to which we can get modern equipment for our men so that our Defence Force can be trained in the use of modern equipment and so that, should difficulties arise, not only have we sufficient equipment for our 8,000 or 12,000 men, or whatever the number recruited may be, but that we have equipment for the F.C.A. which these 8,000 men are supposed to train.

A modern army depends on its equipment. Without equipment, it is in a very serious position. I know that in the past modern equipment has been a difficulty but I do not think that to-day the number of men is of very great importance unless we can fully equip that number of men with whatever equipment they require together with all the ancillaries which it is necessary for them to have under modern circumstances. It may not be desirable to go into the question of what equipment exists at present—and, quite likely, it is better left unsaid: I do not know— but I do think that every effort should be made to integrate the working of the Army with the F.C.A. In other words, have as many, perhaps on quite a small scale, combined operations between a unit of the Army and the local F.C.A. in two or three counties as possible. Get them operating together so that they understand field operations on a reasonable scale.

The fortnight's or three weeks' training in camp every year is helpful, but to my mind nothing is as good as having operations, especially when people know the area in which they are operating so that they can make use of every natural obstacle and make use of the terrain. Looking back on the past, I think we have had too few field operations such as I have suggested. I know they are troublesome but I do not think there is any better way of keeping enthusiasm alive in our volunteer force.

I regret that in the first few weeks following on the change of Government a new and untried Minister for Agriculture, who had barely had time to sit at his desk, thought fit to remove from the control of the Minister for Agriculture the import of wheat and feeding stuffs. I am not blaming the Minister for Agriculture at all. Possibly his first reaction was: "Here I have a terrific job and it is a relief to me to have that section gone from under my control." But I think that was a mistake. The Minister for Agriculture must plan to provide our people and our live stock with food. Part of his function entails the procuring of food within the country or importing it from abroad, both intergrated under his control. I think it is wrong to revert to a method under which these two are separated as if they were wholly unconnected. I would prefer if the Minister for Agriculture had been given time to find his feet and if, after that, he thought it wise to separate these having fully considered all aspects, well and good. Then we could argue the matter. But I do think it is regrettable that he should have yielded up these controls. I think it is a retrograde step.

Obviously, any increase in agricultural output must be a slow process. As we all know from our textbooks agriculture is an industry which suffers from a diminishing return. I do not say that we have reached that stage, but I do think that there are only a few things in which we can expand quickly. Indeed, they are very few. If we have to supply all the necessary ingredients for expansion out of our own resources, progress will be slow. One can expand the pig population fairly rapidly if someone else grows the grain. That is quite obvious. Expansion in the cow population will be very slow.

Perhaps the Minister, when he is replying, would indicate in what directions he would like to see an expansion in the volume of agricultural output. Perhaps he would indicate what inducements he thinks it would be necessary to offer in order to get that expansion. Wheat is a very controversial subject. We have land that gives a good wheat yield and we have land that gives a poor yield. I think it is quite possible to get an increased yield from poor land by means of treatment, but treatment costs money and it is an expensive process. If the Minister for Agriculture wants to extend the area under wheat to those lands that do not naturally yield a good return, I think he will have to resort to a system of acreage payment —that is a special payment on what I shall describe as marginal wheat lands —in order to provide farmers with an inducement to grow wheat on such lands and up to such a level as will yield results. Obviously, where one can get 20 cwt. to the statute acre the present price is reasonably good; but where one gets only 6, 7 or 8 cwt. to the acre the return is under half while the costs are exactly the same. If the Minister wants to get more land under wheat—and that brings him to the lighter lands more suitable for the growing of barley and oats—in order to save importation and conserve dollars he will have to resort to some system of acreage payment. In that way he may quite possibly get the extra wheat necessary.

If the Minister will indicate in what direction he thinks expansion is likely to prove profitable both to the producer and to the nation as a whole, it might be very helpful. He does not seem to have as hopeful a view in relation to our live stock as some of us have. He seems to fear that other countries may think that cheap meat can and must be got. I do not agree that that is so. I think we should be able to expand the region into which our live stock goes. After all, we have sent consignments of bacon to the United States of America. I do not know whether that export is likely to develop to any considerable extent, but while there is a world shortage of live stock and live-stock products we have an unlimited opportunity of searching for new markets. Now is the time to find out whether there is a possibility of further development, so that in the future we may not find ourselves, as we have been in the past, dependent on one market.

Business suspended at 6.15 p.m. and resumed at 7 p.m.

Nuair bhí mé ag teacht chuig an Seanad don chruinniú seo, ní raibh fúm aon tagairt a dhéanamh d'abhair ar bith ach poinnte nó dhó a bhaineas le Condae na Gaillimhe. Ceisteanna áitiúla is mó na ceisteanna a raibh spéis agam ionntu agus caithfidh mé a rá gurb iad is mó, fós, ba mhaith liom a phlé. Ach dúradh roinnt tráthnóna agus níor mhaith liom gan rud éigin a dhéanamh ina dtaobh.

Le trí bliana anuas, nuair tháinig muid go dtí an Bille seo, bhíomar anmhí-shásta agus níor spáráil muid an tAire Airgeadais ná níor spáráil muid an Rialtas a raibh sé páirteach ann. Sílim go raibh údar maith againn le bheith mí-shásta. Dá mhéid dá gcuirimid eolas ar imeachtaí an Rialtais sin, i rith na trí bliana go leith a bhí siad i réim, sea is mó an t-údar atá againn a bheith mí-shásta.

Thugadar geallúintí, geallúintí glana díreacha soiléire, go ndéanfaidís seo agus go ndéanfaidís súd agus níl aimhreas dá laghad orm gur mealladh na mílte daoine ins an tír de bharr na ngeallúintí sin. Bualadh bob ar na daoine agus bualadh job gránna ar na daoine. Ní dearnadh faic an fhaid a bhíodar istigh leis na geallúintí a thugadar do na daoine a chómhlíonadh. Ní haon ionadh go rabhamar mí-shásta.

Ní féidir linn inniu a rá go bhfuilmid sásta ach tá an t-údar sin againn bheith sásta: go bhfuil athrú Rialtais ann anois agus go bhfuil daoine i bhfeighil na tíre a bhfuil muinín againn astu, daoine a chruthaigh an éirim atá acu, an tuiscint atá acu, agus an dúil atá acu ina gcuid oibre, daoine a chruthaigh go raibh siad i ndon beart fóanta a dhéanamh ar son na tíre. Is maith linn iad a bheith ar ais arís. Beidh an méid sin sásaimh againn munar féidir an Bille seo againn a mholadh.

When I set out for this meeting of the Seanad, I intended to refer just to one or two matters of some local interest, none the less important for being matters of local interest, but certain remarks were made in the course of the debate this evening and before I come to the particular matters that I have in mind, I should like to reply to matters raised by some Senators on the other side. Senator Quirke thought that Senator Douglas was being funny in the speech he made this evening. I wish we could feel that there was some fun in what Senator Douglas had to say and in his approach to this Bill. Senator Douglas taxes us for describing the position of the country at the present time as serious. He does not believe it is serious. I do not intend spending any time dealing with the activities or inactivities of the last Government but I think anybody who gives any little thought to the Government and its activities during the last three and a half years and considers the position of the country at the present time will have to admit, if he has any sense of responsibility, that the position is serious. At least the change of Government has, I believe, done this: it has brought back honesty and decency into public life. Men will now face facts, unpleasant though the facts may be; the public will be told the truth, however unpleasant it may be for the public to know the truth.

I wonder does Senator Douglas seriously suggest that the position with regard to agriculture in this country is not serious, particularly in view of world conditions? Does Senator Douglas think that the condition into which the country has been allowed to get in the matter of fuel is not serious? Does he not think it was serious that the country was deceived during last autumn and last winter by responsible spokesmen for the Government? Does he not think that it is very serious that not alone should we be in the position we are with regard to fuel but that the statements which were made should have been made by responsible spokesmen? Yet, Senator Douglas says the position is not serious! We have been arguing and trying to bring home to the Government for the last three and a half years the seriousness of emigration. We mentioned time and again statements made by Ministers of the last Government with regard to the solutions they had ready for the emigration problem. What solution had they? The appointment of a commission which has not issued even an interim report notwithstanding the gravity of that problem.

The country has lost in or about 50,000 people during the régime of the last Government. Does Senator Douglas think that is not a serious matter? Does he not think it a serious matter that men should stand up and say they had a solution for emigration and then never raise a hand to solve it but, on the contrary, by their treatment and their attacks on the industries established by the previous Government, should have driven thousands of workers from Donegal to Cork and Waterford out of the country? Does he not think that serious? I do not want to go into different items of sabotage, literally, for which the previous Government were responsible in the matter of industry. Does he not think it serious that the ex-Minister for Industry and Commerce should have neglected to make some arrangements to bring about an increase in the output of cement which is such an important item in the country's economy? The way was clear for doing it; the money was there for doing it. Does he not think it serious that the Minister should have fallen down on his job to the extent to which he did?

Does Senator Douglas not think that the mishandling of the whole transport problem of the country is a matter that is very serious? He knows the way this House was treated by the then Minister in regard to this problem. He knows the extent to which we pleaded with the Minister that he should indicate to us the steps which he proposed to take to ease the position and his failure to give us any indication of what his policy in that regard was. Does he not think that the Minister for Industry and Commerce, and the Government of which he was a member, by their failure to take effective steps to deal with this problem, deserved very grave censure from the people? Does the Senator not realise the failure of the Government, in face of the present emergency throughout the world, to take steps to deal with that emergency?

Does he not think it a very serious matter that Budgets were presented to this country without proper provision being made to meet the cost of government? It is not a matter of speculation; it is a matter of fact as to whether the amount provided for anticipated expenditure for the current financial year is sufficient. Is it not true that the Budget does not provide for the calculated expenditures? People will have their own views as to whether it is true or not that the Government deliberately set out to cook the accounts presented to the nation on the occasion of Budget day. Are not these matters that are of very grave importance? Do they not all show us a very serious state of affairs in the country?

Senator Douglas must understand, as well as every one of us, the extent to which the country has gone into debt, the extent to which the national debt has increased, the extent to which we have gone into debt to the United States. Does he not understand, as do the rest of us, that we must start next June to liquidate that debt? Does he understand the extent to which we shall be in a position to meet our commitments as soon as the due date arrives? Is it not a very serious matter whether or not we shall be in a position to meet these commitments? Did the last Government not realise what they were doing, that they were not going the right way about the job and that they were landing the country into serious difficulties, economic and financial?

Senator Baxter made one of the most inconsistent statements that I have heard from Senator Baxter and he has made some very inconsistent statements here from time to time. He waxed eloquent on this question of the Supplementary Budget. By dropping it, Senator Baxter would have us believe that the Government had saved the people of the country £7,000,000 a year. Is that true? We know that the Budget of 1947-48 was in or about £52,000,000. We know that the Budget of the present day is in or about £84,000,000. Is that of no consequence? We are told that the country escaped taxation, but did it? Were not the taxes piled on? Was not industry taxed? For instance, petrol was taxed twice. Were we not taxed directly and indirectly? Were we not taxed, as I mentioned on more than one occasion here, through the increase in rating over a good deal of the country? Have we not been taxed due to this policy of double prices?

There is no need to go through the whole list. Senator Baxter must be very innocent if he thinks that the money that was required to carry on the Government was got without imposing a burden on the people, call it taxes or call it what you like. We know that, if the Supplementary Budget was not carried out by the Coalition Government, the people had to pay nevertheless. Did they not have to pay due to the appalling rise in the cost of living? Did not the dairying industry, for instance, have to pay, and pay heavily? According to the statements of responsible leaders of that industry, the members of the industry were driven into debt, head, neck and heels during the last three and a half years. I read statements published in the newspapers by the executive of a certain dairying organisation, and these statements have not been challenged.

Senator Baxter held forth on the qualities of the ex-Minister for Agriculture. As a gentleman he can be paid all the tributes possible, but if ever a Minister for Agriculture was a failure on this earth, Deputy Dillon certainly was one.

Who said he was a gentleman anyhow?

Senator Baxter suggested that I have some knowledge of statistics. It is because I have some knowledge of statistics that I am always very careful about using them. The trouble is that most people using statistics do not know enough about them. The more one gets to know about a subject the more one realises the need for care. The more one studies a problem, the more one realises how little one knows about it. I wish Senator Baxter would take that to heart. Whatever about formal statistics, surely we are capable of observing what is taking place throughout the country, just as he himself observed buttercups and daisies after three and a half years of reign of the ex-Minister for Agriculture. Is it not true that we have not, and that we had not for some time, sufficient butter to meet the needs of the country? Is it not true that the Minister for Agriculture, who was so lauded here this evening, declared time and again, that he would drown, not alone the people here, but the people of Britain in butter, milk, eggs, poultry, bacon and so on? What is the position at the present time after three and a half years?

He never said that at all. All those statements are exaggerations. No one takes notice of them except Senator Ó Buachalla.

Of course he said it.

Senator Baxter will probably say it is not true that the Minister for Agriculture declared that he would like to see families of 21 in the country, and 20 of them faring forth to the four corners of the earth.

I am talking about what you said before that. It is not true.

It is true, and the Senator knows it.

I challenge you to produce the statement where he said it.

Senator Ó Buachalla will proceed with his speech.

Senator Baxter made a statement here this evening. He was challenged about it and he did not say that he would produce the evidence. If we had to produce evidence for every tittle-tattle that we said, it would be impossible to get on with the business of the House at all. It is true that the ex-Minister for Agriculture made these statements, and it is true that he could get higher prices for certain of our produce on the Continent of Europe, but he rejected those higher prices in order that he could give the produce to the British.

You are shifting your ground now.

I am asking Senator Baxter now is it not true that butter is scarce; is it not true that dairy farmers have been very dissatisfied, that they were brought to the verge of bankruptcy due to the policy of the ex-Minister for Agriculture? Is it not true that that Minister refused to meet them?

The answer is it was not as scarce as it was in your time.

Neither the people of this country nor of Great Britain have been drowned in butter, milk, eggs, poultry or bacon. Senator Baxter thinks there will be no change in the policy of agriculture, that the policy of the present Government will be the policy of the ex-Minister——

I am only saying what the Minister for External Affairs said on Sunday last and he knows more about agriculture than you do.

Senator Baxter talked about his visits up and down the country in the last few weeks, and one of his most vivid recollections is the invasion of weeds over the grasslands of the country. He never saw buttercups or daisies to the extent that he saw them over these last few weeks.

I did not say that at all.

If we had this cross-talk stopped, the Senator could proceed with his speech.

I am only asking that the Senator will not misrepresent me.

If Senator Ó Buachalla misrepresents——

I reserve my right to contradict him.

I was about to remark that perhaps the ex-Minister for Agriculture was too busy clearing out the rocks in Connemara to find the time to start clearing out the daisies and the buttercups from the pasture-lands of the country.

They were there before he came on the scene.

We are getting very far away from the Appropriation Bill.

Perhaps I have said enough about Senator Baxter and about Senator Douglas, and I do hope——

You will say something about the Appropriation Bill now.

It is too bad that-other Senators were not reminded about that when they were making their speeches this evening. I think I have dealt as much as I want to deal with those two gentlemen. I come now to the questions I want to raise specifically. The first one has to do with matters of drainage in the West of Ireland. I got a notice some time in January inviting me to attend a conference to be held in Roscommon with regard to certain drainage problems. The people of Galway, the people of Roscommon and the people of Mayo are perturbed with regard to this question of drainage. I want somebody to give some clarification of a matter I am going to raise now and I hope it will be given this evening. I have here an extract from the Ballina Herald of the 2nd December, 1950. It is a speech made by the then Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance. This statement runs:—

"The drainage of the Moy will cost £2,250,000. But it is not to be done immediately. However, it will follow the Corrib, to be launched next year or early 1952, and will be the biggest and most spectacular in Europe—said Mr. Michael Donnellan, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance, at Mayo County Council meeting on Saturday.

He promised that certain obstructions in the Moy would be removed before the main scheme was put in hands."

That was on the 2nd December, 1950. I quote now from the Connaught Tribune of 3rd February, 1951:—

"When the Corrib drainage scheme has been completed, the engineers and machinery will be put to work on the scheme for the drainage of the River Suck.

This assurance was given by Mr. M. Donnellan, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance, to the River Suck joint drainage scheme in Roscommon on Friday last.

Mr. Donnellan, Parliamentary Secretary, said that when the engineers and machinery were finished on the Corrib they would be transferred to the Suck. If it was left in the order of priority that he found it in, their children would be dead before it was reached."

I want to ask the Minister for Finance and the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance what is the decision with regard to the drainage of the Moy and the drainage of the Suck. Will somebody explain how the Moy is to come in after the Corrib and how the Suck is to come in after the drainage of the Corrib? I want to know what decision has been taken by the drainage authority of the Department of Finance with regard to these two rivers. I want to know when the decision was made and I want to know now which of these schemes is to be taken up after the drainage of the Corrib. Incidentally, I should like to know when the Corrib drainage scheme is going to start. The people along the Moy and the people along the Suck are anxious to get this information and they expect that I will be able to do something to get it. I hope there will be some way of getting that information.

There was a long time between 1937 and 1947. What was happening all this time about that drainage?

I am quoting the specific statement made by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance. I want this problem unravelled and I should like to have it unravelled this evening if at all possible.

You are very late wakening up to it.

So much for that. I do not know what is to be the position in the absence of the Minister for Finance, but I want to say that the matter is very urgent and I should like if some arrangement could be made to get the position clarified this evening.

The next point I want to come to is with regard to a certain vocational school in the Gaeltacht. I mentioned this matter two or three times already in the Seanad. The people of the area concerned and the committee concerned are all very anxious that something should be done about it as soon as possible. I would not have been anxious to raise it in this way this evening except for the fact that the question of the school was discussed in the Dáil about a week ago and certain statements were made that require some clarification. The school I have in mind is a vocational school that was planned for Cois Fhairrge. It is one of the most densely populated areas and one of the strongest Irish-speaking areas in the country. The people of that area, I might say, would be among the most progressive people in the whole of Ireland, north, south, east or west. Since about 1934 or 1935 these people have been crying out for a vocational school and a fair amount of progress was made up to the advent of the war. We can quite understand that difficulties arose then which were hard to get over, but the time has come now when something will have to be done about it one way or the other.

I want to quote from the minutes of the meeting of the County Galway Vocational Committee, held on 21st November, 1950:—

"At the request of the presiding chairman, the extract relating to Cois Fhairrge from the minutes of the interview with the Minister on November 19th, 1948, was read. A very long discussion followed. It was pointed out that Cois Fhairrge was a most populous area and one of the strongest Gaeltacht districts in the country. All conflicting interests had been reconciled at very considerable trouble and annoyance to the committee. Estimates of the probable costs had been forwarded to the Department on 2/2/49. Yet the Committee, was still awaiting the ‘favourable consideration' promised."

I do not need to go into the details, because most of them are already on the records of the House. I brought the matter to the notice of the then Minister for Education, who gave a very unsatisfactory reply in the House. I will not go into that now. After this discussion a motion was proposed and seconded and resolved unanimously as follows:—

"That we again request the Minister and Department to give, without further delay, the ‘favourable consideration' promised to the proposals regarding the erection of a new vocational school in Cois Fhairrge area."

That favourable consideration was promised at an interview with the Minister. That favourable consideration was never given as far as we can make out or, if it were, nothing has been conveyed to us about it. The people of the district have been pressing for this school and the committee is very anxious about it. Therefore, the matter has come up again.

There were two schools in question at the time, one for Aran and one for Cois Fhairrge. Some progress has been made with regard to the Aran school. It was understood from the beginning that the two hung together. We never could understand, and we do not understand now, why favourable consideration was given to one—we are glad that it has been given—and favourable consideration has not been given to the other. We are very dissatisfied over that. But the whole thing has come to a head, as will be shown by this minute of the County Galway Vocational Committee on the 12th: December, 1950:—

"Aran: Reference min./36 (ii) 21-11-'50, read Department's explanatory letter 11-12-'50. In a long discussion following members pointed out that this was the first occasion since the receipt of Department's letter 3902-37/26-6-'37 on which the Committee had been given to understand officially that a grant under Section 103 (2) would not be forthcoming for the capital expenditure involved in the erection of the school at Cill Ronain. The Very Revd. Chairman agreed that the proposed grant for Aran in respect of teaching and maintenance was fair enough. Vocational education was one of the most practical ways to save the Gaeltacht, and he agreed entirely with the various speakers who had stressed the urgency of taking immediate practical steps to save the Gaeltacht for the nation. The Committee had always been willing and anxious to co-operate, and were still willing to do their part, provided the Department, honoured its 1937 promise as regards Knock and Kilronan. He congratulated Deputy Kitt for the unanswerable case he had made in the Dáil in putting forward the claims of the western counties."

Then follows Resolution No. 4:—

"The Very Revd. Chairman proposed and An t-Ath O'Grainne seconded, and it was unanimously agreed:—‘That we are resolved, subject to departmental sanction and implementation of the guarantee given in the last paragraph of Department's letter of the 11th inst., to raise the capital sum necessary for the erection of schools at Cnoc and at Aran, under Sec. 50 of the V.E. Act, 1930. We are further resolved to accept the offer of the Department, as per communication 6008/50/8-11-'50, and explanatory communication dated 11th December, 1950, for provision of instruction and maintenance in the proposed school at Aran subject to similar provision being made for the proposed school at Cnoc.'"

That is the end of the quotation. If the ex-Minister for Education wants to know why there has been some delay with regard to Aran, he has the case there in full. He knows the reason just as well as I do, and has known it for a very long time. I want now to beg the Minister for Finance to take up this particular matter of the vocational school at Cnoc, and to see that it gets the favourable consideration which was promised by the ex-Minister for Education almost three years ago.

The only other point that I want to make on the Bill has to do with the teachers.

Ba mhaith liom iarraidh ar an Aire áird faoi leith a thabhairt do Scéim tréanála múinteoirí le haghaidh cúrsaí gairm-oideachais. Maidir le go leor de na múinteoirí, níl aon chúis casaoide againn, ach tá cineál amháin múinteoirí agus tá sé an-deacair ar fad iad d'fháil ar chor ar bith. Ba mhaith liom a mheabrú don Aire go bhfuil deacrachtaí faoi leith ann in gcás na gcondaethe a bhfuil Gaeltacht iontu. Tá Tír Chonaill, Condae Muigheo, Gaillimh agus Condae an Chláir, buíochas le Dia, agus tá Ciarraighe, Corcigh agus Portláirge i gceist. Maidir le múinteoirí ealaíona, tá an cineál sin múinteoirí an-ghann agus is dóigh liom, agus is dóigh leis an gcoiste a bhfuil baint agamsa leis, nach bhfuil sé sáthach cáilithe, sáthach tréanalta. Ní hé amháin go dteastaíonn múinteoirí uainn a bheas ábalta ar líníocht a mhúineadh; ní hé amháin gur mian linn go mbeadh siad ábalta ar roinnt dathóireachta nó péinteoireachta a dhéanamh; ach ní foláir dóibh bheith i ndon obair eile, obair an-thábhachtach thairis sin, a dhéanamh. Ba mhaith linn go mbeidís oilte ar na ceardanna tí, ar obair leathair, ar luacha agus a leaithéidí sin. Is dóigh liom nach bhfuil an córas tréanála atá againn le haghaidh múinteoirí den tsórt seo feiliúnach. Má scrúdaitear an scéal, chífear nach bhfuil sé feiliúnach, agus más rud é go ndéantar amach nach bhfuil sé feiliúnach, annsin ba cheart athrú éigin a dhéanamh ina thaobh. Ach más mian linne ár gcuid oibre a dhéanamh i gceart in sna scoltacha gairmoideachais, ní mór dúinn múinteoirí ealaíona a bheith ar fáil againn agus ní mór dóibh a bheith oilte ní amháin ar líníocht agus ar dhathóireacht ach ar na mion-cheardanna atáa luaite agam agus ní mór dóibh a bheith i ndon an obair sin a dhéanamh i nGaeilge chomh maith agus a bheadh siad abálta é a dhéanamh i mBéarla. Munar féidir leo an obair a dhéanamh i nGhaeilge támuid ag déanamh éagóra ar na mílte daoine arb í an Ghaeilge a dteanga duchais agus támuid ag déanamh éagóra ar fad ar cheist na Gaeilge sa tslí chéanna.

Os ag caint ar sin atá mé, tá súil agam go bhféachfaidh an tAire Oideachais chuige, chomh fada agus a bhaineann le cúrsaí Samhraidh le haghaidh múinteoirí oideachais gairmbeatha, go múinfear na cúrsaí sin sa Ghaeltacht mar mhúintí fadó, agus má bhíonn scrúduithe gur ins an Gaeltacht a bheidh siad. Nach bhfuil sé greanmhar go mbeadh ar na daoine atá ag freastal ar na cúrsaí seo teacht isteach go dtí baile na Gaillimhe ag deire na míosa chun dul faoi scrúdú? Cén fáth a dtiubharfaí na daoine seo, isteach i gcóir an scrúdú san? Ba cheart do na scrúduitheoirí dul amach go dtí an Ghaeltacht féin agus an scrúdú a bheith ansin.

Senator Baxter will be glad to know that I agree with him on one thing. He referred to the advisability of devoting funds for an improvement in the techniaque of production, not only in industry generally, but in agriculture particularly, and said that we will have to do more in the matter of providing technical education for young farmers. May I make this suggestion, by way of backing up what Senator Baxter has said, that the E.C.A., or any other authority in this matter, could not do better than devote not £100,000 but a few million pounds to enable us to push ahead with the erection of vocational schools and with provision of staffs for them? If we do not attend to the technical education of the young people going into all kinds of industry, but especially into agriculture, then a good deal of the money that we are spending on improvements of various kinds is going to go down the sink, and, God knows, not a little of it has gone down the sink already.

That is about all I have to say on the Bill. We regret that it should be for a sum as great as it is. Whether there is any hope of getting a smaller bill next year, I do not know, but in any case we can bid the devil good morning when, please God, we meet again next year.

I would like to say a few words on Vote 59. This is the Vote which provides contributions "towards the expenses of the Council of Europe and of the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation and for other expenses in connection therewith." Recently, I had the experience and the privilege of seeing some of the work that is being done at the Council of Europe. Since this Vote was passed in the Dáil without any discussion— there were not 20 Deputies present before it was passed—I think I might be justified in saying a word or two in especially by Deputy Seán MacBride. We find' that the other nations of Europe are now following where Ireland took the lead.

In my opinion, Ireland's contribution to the expenses of this brave experiment in statesmanship deserves the full understanding of the Oireachtas and of the country. I think it is a little sad that the debate on the vote for the Department of External Affairs in the Dáil was, I think, almost entirely devoted to Partition as if there was no other problem in existence in the whole world. I do think that if I take a few minutes now to explain what they are trying to do in this great organisation at Strasbourg, I will not be unjustified. The object of the Council of Europe, established in 1948, is, of course, to unite the freedom loving nations of Europe under one Parliament in peace and unity. There are over a dozen nations represented there, ranging from Iceland to Turkey. Let me say at once that, in this honourable assembly at Strasbourg, the name of the Irish Republic stands very high, and here, I think, praise should be given where praise is due.

Ireland's high prestige is largely the work of the first Minister for External Affairs to represent this country there— Deputy Seán MacBride—together with his staff. The ex-Minister's linguistic gifts, together with his imaginative and constructive international statesmanship, gave a genuine lead in that Assembly of the nations of Europe. If one goes to Strasbourg to-day and visits the houses of the European Assembly, one finds that many salient features in that Assembly were introduced by the Irish representatives, and especially by Mr. Seán MacBride. We find that the other nations of Europe are now following where Ireland took the lead.

Let me give just one or two of the achievements of the Irish delegation in Strasbourg which, I think, redound greatly to the good name of this country. First, some of the most valuable clauses in the important Convention on Human Rights are due to the Irish delegation. This convention, in my opinion, may be a veritable sword of light in fighting the forces of tyranny and injustice and cruelty in Europe. It is a very great thing that our nation has helped to sharpen that sword. Again, Irish contributions to debates in Strasbourg have attracted useful publicity in the newspapers of Europe. The Irish delegates have played, and are playing, a prominent part in the committees of the Council of Europe, the cultural, the economic and the legal committees. Again, friendly relations. have been established, and are being established, with the representatives of all these great nations, not simply in, the Parliament House but in the social life of the city, and that is laying up, as it were, a treasury of merit for this country which may be very useful in the years to come.

The work of the council has been criticised very widely, and especially in the newspapers of the Europe during the last session in May, because it is moving slowly, because its debates are unspectacular and have not-got much news value and because at times the deliberations are even confused. The reason for the confusion, which, I must admit, does exist in that assembly, is largely that there you have over a dozen different parliamentary traditions coming together for the first time and trying to evolve a single European parliamentary tradition. It will take a long time, but it is worth trying, and it seems to me that, if the foundations of this great assembly are to be firmly laid, they must have plenty of time to settle slowly, and if they were doing spectacular things full of news value now, I should suspect it more than I should praise it.

Let me put in a nutshell the great achievement of that Assembly. There, for the first time in history, French and Germans are meeting together in a friendly way in one parliament; Greeks and their hereditary enemies, the Turks, are meeting together in a friendly way in one parliament; the English and the independent Irish for the first time in history are meeting in one parliament and working together at last in one assembly. I think that that, in itself, is a very considerable historical event. Thanks to the ideals that are being slowly realised at Strasbourg, we Europeans can look forward to a federation of free Europeans, a federation in which regional problems, like the political division of Ireland, will fall into a true perspective, and I believe, will be magnanimously solved, not in the context of Ireland alone but in the context of a united Europe. There, there is a genuine hope of a wider union.

I must not delay longer in explaining what lies behind this Vote 59. I say that to remind you, Sir, that I am still in order. I think the Council of Europe is on its way to doing a great work for humanity and that Ireland has already played an honourable part, and at times even a leader's part, in that Assemble. According to to-day's newspapers, the new Minister for External affairs is on his way now to the meeting of the Committee of Ministers, which is the Upper House, so to speak, of the Parliament of Europe, and I personally wish him full success in the task already welt begun, and I hope, once again keeping in order, that the Minister for Finance will continue to give generous help to Ireland's share in this, supremely important international work.

I cannot talk about high finance or anything of that kind, because I do not know enough about these matters. Knowing the difficulties which face the Government and realising all they have to do, working perhaps for years to right the things that have gone wrong, I do not like having to suggest further expenditure, but there are a couple of things I must say. I hope that the Government, as soon as possible, will do away with the two-price system in relation to butter, tea and flour. It is a very sore point with everybody, and I might say that people of every political persuasion do not like the system. It may not be possible to change it immediately, but I am sure that the Minister, with the other Ministers responsible, will see to it that something will be done about it, if not in the near future, at least as soon as it can be done.

Another matter on which I have already spoken to the Minister for Agriculture and to the former Minister is this horrifying business of exporting our horses and donkeys under very cruel circumstances. I know there are difficulties, but I am sure some method could be evolved by which they could be slaughtered here. They would be saved terrible suffering—I understand they are bad travelers as well as suffering the bad conditions. Moreover, when the carcases go, we would have left here materials for various good purposes. It hurts me terribly, because we grew up with these ideas. I know that if sorrow could reach people in Heaven it would reach Pat and Willie Pearse about this subject. Patrick Pearse was no weakling, but I did see him at 21 or 22 years of age crying over a little basket of kittens that were suffering and had to be destroyed. So, if he knew what was being done to his Irish horses and donkeys, well——

To leave the poor animals and come back to human beings, I would ask if it would not be possible to give decent pay to ordinary postmen. I do not know what they get in the city, but I know what they get in our district is appallingly small. Some of them, not part-time but whole-time, have around £3 or £3 5s. a week. That is hard to believe, but it is true. I ask the Minister, as soon as circumstances permit him, to get the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs and the Government to look into that point and see that our postmen are properly paid. They have an onerous job, doing one of the most important functions for the general public. They carry very important communications. They carry a lot of money and it is a fierce temptation for a man with a crowd of children—I know one who has seven or eight—to have very small wages. I know the Minister will look into it.

To make another change now, to nurses, I intend to speak to the Minister for Health about this but it is no harm to mention here the very low wages—salaries, they call them—paid to maternity nurses. Some of them in the country—Rathfarnham included— are in a very bad way. The country districts are worse. The idea is that a little money does, as they get private cases. They get very few private cases and even then they are badly paid. I knows of one who did her work for a week or more for a rather well-to-do family in the neighbourhood and she was offered 30/-. This woman deserved better than that. There is no provision for a little home for them. They have to look for lodgings and they get them sometimes in most unsuitable places.

The last appeal I make is that, when it is possible—the Minister would have to sanction it, of course, and I will speak to the Minister for Health about it—there should be an increase in the money granted some four years ago to the tubercular patients. It was of great use then; it is of use now, but very little, as things have become so expensive and these poor souls are trying to live on this tuberculosis money. I know one case of a husband and wife who are just managing to exist and pay the rent on what they get between them— £2 8s. Only for certain charitable people and the gifts they get, they would be hungry.

On this point I will finish. I do not want to delay the House. What I say is not very important, but still they are things which I have had in my mind and which I think over very often and I am sure the Minister will do what he can in God's good time.

Perhaps it is well that we should all have been given a shock, as conditions in this country are not at all as they ought to be in many respects. Since 1938 every portion of the Twenty-Six Counties has been under our Irish control and under a Republican Constitution, yet when we ask ourselves did we Irish people make the most of that position I think we have to answer that we did not. I do not want to blame Governments: I want to blame the people. I think they did not appreciate what was being done for them, that in them there is something wanting, that they did not respond. After 1938, we were faced with a war and lived in fear of invasion and all our planning had to be done under threat. Then we had hardly emerged from that war when the going ominous skies gathered again and every Minister who came along had to do his planning under the shadow of that threat. Perhaps we may not have got a chance to make the most of our freedom in this part of the country, which is complete.

The Irish people might be roused to a realisation that Governments can only do a little, that the people must rouse themselves, that they must take advantage of the things provided for them that cost so much in blood and in sacrifice and that we should try and do more for ourselves. But what do we find? We find the young people leaving the country as if there were pestilence here. It is really most astonishing, at this period of history, to find that every parish is being denuded of its population. Many people are going, girls and young men especially, the life blood of the country; and the reservoir, the future, of our race is at stake. It is not the Government that has forced them to go: it is themselves. One wonders how on earth to convince them that Ireland is a place to stay at home to work in and that is worth working in, that the sacrifices of Senator Miss Pearse's brothers and all the others who died for Ireland through the centuries are going to be bartered away because the people are in pursuit of some false ideals and fly from this country as if it were plague-stricken. I think they are to get the blame and they certainly need arousing.

When one asks what is to be done about it, it seems to me that it is necessary to educate the people. We have heard some very fine and useful speeches here about agriculture, but no one made any point about the important rôle that women play in agriculture. What we need, as I said before—and I was blamed for it—is a bigger and better supply of farmers' wives. We want well-trained women, interested in our job and happy in our job because we are happy in the work of which we are mistresses. We must try and make our people what their mothers and grandmothers were— hard-working women, not afraid to face hard work, who were not in pursuit of trivial pleasures all the time, including dances and cinemas. We must try to get them to realise that they should make their homes their hobbies, as it is there that true happiness is to be found.

If we can convince the women that they should play their part and if we can rouse their patriotic feelings to stay at home, to learn their work, to be trained in their work, they will find all sorts of advantages that their mothers and grandmothers had not got. Senator Ó Buachalla has talked about vocational schools. The more we have of them the better, but where is the good if the girls will not avail themselves of them, if they think that work is degrading and that they are wasting their time at work? They are really missing a great deal of happiness and they do a great injustice to their country.

Another point I would like to bring before the Minister is, following on what Senator Martin O'Dwyer said about the development of the ports, that the last Minister assured us that Galway port was going to get a grant of £240,000. That is an important thing for development in Galway, but it is also important for the development of Connemara. Perhaps it will keep the young men at home by providing work on the harbour development and if the young men stay at home perhaps the girls will stay also. I hope the Minister will be able to give the grant soon for the development of Galway harbour and that it will not be too long delayed.

Most of the other points and problems have been discussed already by people better fitted than I am. I would like to end by saying that there must. be an appeal to the women, to make them realise that the nation is what its women make its men, as was once said. We must try to put it into their heads that Ireland is a place to stay in and work in, as a country that the patriots gave their lives to free.

I have just a few observations to make. One of them arises out of Vote 38. I am concerned at the present time with the necessity for more supervision in the matter of building houses for which liberal grants are provided. There is no doubt that very liberal grants are provided at the present time by the Government and local bodies for the erection of houses. I know that excellent work has been done in many cases as a result of these grants. There are reports, however, that the work in some instances is scamped and that proper supervision would be absolutely necessary in order to ensure that value is got for the money spent so that these houses do not need repairs within a short space of time after their erection.

There is another matter to which I should like to refer and that is the necessity for better planning in the matter of waterworks installations. I know an instance where a piped water supply was supplied to a district within the past ten years and it has now transpired that that supply is not adequate. The services of a consulting engineer have again to be requisitioned with a view to supplementing the supply. That is a problem which a proper system of planning should have visualised when the original supply was installed, and much extra expense saved.

These are the two matters to which I was anxious to draw the Minister's attention and to which I should like him to draw the attention of the Minister for Local Government—namely the necessity for extra supervision on the part of engineers and architects in the matter of houses erected by grants provided by the Government and the necessity for better planning in the matter of water installation, where piped water supplies are being given to certain districts.

Before I proceed to speak on some of the points that have been raised, it might be convenient for the Seanad—certainly it would be convenient for the Parliamentary Secretary—if I were to withdraw for a moment and allow him to address the House on a question which was raised by Senator Ó Buachalla. Would that be in order? If the House desires it might dispose of the Second and Committee Stages. On the motion for the Fifth Stage, I can make the speech and allow the Bill to proceed.

Would it not be better if the Minister concluded on the Second Stage, even if he concluded briefly?

Could we not hear the Parliamentary Secretary?

Questions were put here this evening by Senator Ó Buachalla. I was listening to the questions he put which concerned drainage in the West of Ireland. Principally, he referred to certain rivers, but as Senator Ó Buachalla and every other Senator well knows, drainage is a national problem and also a very complex one. It has been the headache of many Governments. Commissions, royal and otherwise, were established to go into it from time to time, and in the past it was dealt with in a piecemeal fashion. It was at most only what could be termed partial relief or relief of flooding. As a result of past experience, of the difficulties encountered and the lack of progress made, the Fianna Fáil Government established in 1938 what was known as the Drainage Commission. That commission was widely drawn and very expert in personnel. Various interests, including local authorities and others, were given permission and were actually requested to come before the commission and give evidence on the whole drainage problem. The commission brought in its report. There were, I think, only two reports—a majority and minority report. The minority report, I think, was a report of only one member of the commission.

On the basis of that majority report, legislation was formulated, and we had what was known as the 1945 Arterial Drainage Act. At that time there was an emergency but, in preparation, a considerable amount of work was carried out on certain catchment areas. A survey was made and, as a result of the survey on one particular catchment area, which concluded some time in 1947, it was possible to start the major operations early in 1948. Surveys were carried on almost simultaneously on other major drainage schemes, such as the Glyde and Dee and the Feale in County Kerry.

To give some illustration of the magnitude of the problem, as I have stated, it took between three and four years to complete the survey of the Brosna. Work was begun in 1948 and has continued incessantly since then and it is now in its fourth year. It will take almost 2½ years more before the Brosna scheme is completed. The Glyde and Dee scheme was commenced in the early part of last year and work on the Feale has just begun about a month ago. The survey of the Corrib was undertaken in May or June of 1948 and it is still proceeding. It is hoped that the survey will be completed at the end of this survey season, which is the end of October. Between the time the survey is completed and the time that actual working operations can commence a considerable time will elapse. A considerable amount of work has to be done between the end of the survey and the time the work starts. There is such a thing as the plotting of the scheme, the designing of it, the exhibition of it and also the hearing of objections and all the rest of it. I am advised by the Commissioners of Public Works who, after all, are the real authority as far as drainage is concerned—they are the advisers as to the schemes to be undertaken and how the work should be carried out—that it is a very hopeful forecast if the Corrib will commence in June of 1953.

Senator Ó Buachalla inquired as to the position of the Suck and the Moy. So far as the Moy is concerned, the survey work will commence in the spring of 1952. I understand that it will take at least three years to do the survey of the Moy for a comprehensive scheme and it is the intention of the commissioners to go on with a comprehensive scheme. They do not hold with the removal of certain obstacles or anything of that kind, but believe that there can be no piecemeal scheme and that means that the survey on the Moy, which is a very big scheme, will take at least or three and a half years. After that the usual designing, plotting, exhibiting and all the rest will go on, so that it is a hopeful enough forecast to say that the actual work of drainage will start about 1957. However, with the augmentation of staff and the increase in the machinery required for drainage it may be possible to put two survey staffs on the Moy, and it is also hoped that three catchment areas may be under survey at the same time.

With the increase in machinery it might be possible that at least two of the schemes could be carried on simultaneously, but that is only a hope because there is great difficulty in securing engineering staff. There is a very big difficulty in getting mechanical engineers, much more so than in recruiting civil engineers. As well, the machinery on a scheme such as the Brosna and other rivers after two or three years requires an overhaul and in some cases parts are needed and we are at a disadvantage in that parts have to be imported, so that if the world situation worsens there will be a deterioration there too. All the obstacles and difficulties of that kind would require a considerable time to explain and it is difficult to assess the time from the date the survey starts until the matter is completed.

The Suck was mentioned and Senator Ó Buachalla referred to some statements made by my predecessor. In December, 1950, he promised that the May would be the next and that promise has been redeemed. I do not know why he stated that the Suck would follow the Corrib. I do not think there were any grounds for that statement unless he was over-optimistic-with regard to survey staff and machinery at that time. Even yet there is no ground at all for optimism regarding the recruitment of sufficient staff to enable a survey of two catchment areas to proceed.

I was asked a question in the Dáil regarding the drainage of the River Suck and when it was proposed to go. on with the work. I am very interested in the River Suck. It runs through a good part of my constituency and is the boundary between the County Galway and the County Roscommon and I know, of course, the hardships and losses caused there. The Suck will be a pretty difficult river to drain because it drains into the Shannon. The Shannon is a pretty big scheme and the thought of attempting to drain it frightens nearly everybody. The Suck flows into the Shannon and the danger would be that if you open the Suck at the outfall you would have backwater instead of reducing the flow of water in the Suck. Consequently, I was notable to give a favourable answer to Deputy McQuillan, not can I give a favourable, answer now to Senator Ó Buachalla. I cannot at this stage make any promise as to when the survey on the Suck is likely to take place.

Drainage has been a headache to previous Governments and is likely to continue giving headaches unless some new system of drainage is evolved, something different from what we are doing at present and from what has been done in the past. I am not in a position to indicate what that would be and must instead leave the question to people who are more expert and have much longer experience of matters of that kind than I have. I cannot, therefore, give a more favourable reply to Senator Ó Buachalla. I am sure that he would like all attention to be given to the west, but then Senator Baxter would say something about the north.

The Erne.

Kilkenny people and representatives of other parts of the country would be anxious to have their rivers taken first on the priority list, but I want to tell Senator Ó Buachalla that the Suck is as high on the priority list now and also as low as ever it was. No change has been made since 1945 as far as the Suck is concerned. A scheme could be low on the priority list in 1945 or 1946 because you could not dream of tackling a large scheme with the machinery then available, but with the increase in machinery and in the surveying and engineering staffs it might be possible three years later to raise that scheme on the priority list. When that is the position with respect to any major scheme, it is quite possible that that precedent would be followed. I am not here, however, to give the order of schemes on the priority list and I do not think that the House expects me to do so. I thank you all.

I do not know whether I am supposed to be omniscient, omnicompetent and omnipotent, but the barrage of questions and issues raised here on a comparatively simple Bill would, I think, tax Providence itself to answer. I know that many of the addresses to which we have listened were in the nature of valedictory deliveries delivered, I suppose, because this was thought to be a glorious opportunity of demonstrating to the Minister for Finance that even Senators had the right to talk, but I suggest, if I may say so, that the general subject matter of a debate on an Appropriation Bill ought to be the global expenditure which the State is about to undertake and, as a natural corollary to that, the ability of the community to sustain that expenditure.

Of course, that has never been the practice.

I know, but I do not think it is quite right that Departments should be taken out for special discussion and that matters which would requires the attention of the Minister responsible for the administration of a particular Department should be raised here at length. I readily undertake, in so far as they have been raised, to direct the appropriate Minister's attention to departmental issues, but I am sure that neither the Seanad nor any Senator will expect me to deal in detail with many of the issues that have been raised here.

There is, however, one matter about which I can say a word because I was, perhaps, the chosen instrument through which the decisions of a Joint Committee of both Houses of the Oireachtas were given effect. I refer to the Committee which was set up to consider the method whereby the Seanad should be elected. I happened to be Minister for Local Government at the time and it fell to me to give legislative effect to the recommendations of the Joint Committee and, where these recommendations were not sufficiently detailed, to apply the principles underlying them in a practical way.

I speak on that matter because Senator Douglas—who, I gather, has shorn the quality of independence which formerly distinguished him in this House and has now become a Party politican like the rest of us— referred to the present method of electing the Seanad as an extraordinarily complicated one. I do not think that such is the case. The present method of electing the Seanad is the simplest that could be devised. We have a limited electorate and the election is conducted according to the principles of proportional representation in precisely the same way as the election to the Dáil is concerned.

We have the same principle of the transferable vote and, in so far as it is not necessary for candidates for the Seanad to get out on the hustings, the candidates can conduct their election campaign in a much more dignified and leisurely way than candidates for Dáil Éireann. I think, on the whole, that the advantage lies with the present method of electing the Seanad.

At first sight, apparently, it is not so easy to become a candidate for the Seanad unless you are chosen as a candidate and selected for nomination by a political Party. I think in that case, however, that the procedure is reasonably simple. You only require to secure the signatures or support of four members of the Oireachtas in order to become a candidate for the Seanad. I gather that on this occasion Senator Douglas has succeeded in doing that. Therefore, I do not see how he can possibly—in his case at any rate— allege that there is any extraordinary complication in the method of election to the Seanad. There remains, of course, the complication which is occasioned by the fact that the Seanad is not chosen on a territorial basis.

As we know, the Seanad is supposed to be elected upon a vocational basis. That has occasioned some departure from the normal method of selecting some of the candidates. The whole business would be extraordinarily simple if we could have the Seanad elected on the territorial basis but the Constitution, which the people have accepted, prescribed that so far as possible the principle of vocational representation will be given effect to in electing the Seanad.

It is not so very difficult either for a person to secure nomination even on a purely vocational basis. If he is a prominent member of a profession or prominent in industry or in the business life of the community he will presumably be nominated for consideration by one of the nominating bodies. These nomination bodies meet and— again by the simple method of proportional representation—decide what particular candidates are going to go forward as their representatives upon whichever of the vocational panels they are concerned with. There is no complication in that. I was going to say that surely the Law Society and the members of the chambers of commerce, at least, have sufficient intelligence and sufficient experience of public affairs to be able to follow the procedure and to carry it out and select candidates to represent them.

Unfortunately, I understand that on this particular occasion some of the bodies I have mentioned failed to ensure that they would be on the register of nominating bodies. Perhaps it is because some of these gentlemen have slipped up that we have read so much in the newspapers, and hear it repeated here this evening, about the extraordinarily complicated system of election. I want to say, in order that this particular canard will not impress itself unduly upon the public mind, that I think there is no justification for referring to the method of election as being "extraordinarily complicated". It is perfectly simple. The only difficulty about it is that so many people are disappointed with the result that, when they do not manage to be successful, they then turn round and, instead of blaming themselves, blame the system of election.

The Senator then went on to refer— I think, perhaps, much more relevantly than some of the Senators who followed him—to the statement which I made in Dáil Éireann on the present financial and economic position of the country. He seemed to suggest that I had over-emphasised the more disquieting features of our present situation. I wish at once to disabuse him of any such belief. The financial position of this country is very serious and it must be dealt with. It ought to have been dealt with many months ago. It ought to have been dealt with when the attention of my predecessor was drawn to the particular position into which the country was drifting by reason of the large deficit which was manifesting itself in our balance of payments.

In trying to justify the negligence of our predecessors, Senator Baxter, I think, said that the policy of Deputy Costello, the former Taoiseach, was to use every moment of the peace in order to build up the of productive capacity of the country. I can say that, in so far as I can see, our predecessors' policy has left this country virtually defenceless on every front. We have no military defences. Our assets have been depleted. We have no heavy industry. We have a declining agriculture and a decreasing employment on the land. These are incontrovertible facts.

Employment has been decreasing on the land for a considerable number of years, has it not?

We must not forget, of course, that you have been claiming an increasing agricultural production and surely increased production in agriculture must ultimately mean increased employment.

Not necessarily. Everybody knows that.

I know that if you want to Sovietise the whole agricultural system in the way in which I understand Bulgaria is being collectivised at the present moment——

Captain Cowan will help you to do that.

——then it will be quite possible to replace men by tractors. But I think that was not the policy which the members of the late Coalition Government used to announce to the people as their policy. I will, however, revert later to the position in relation to agricultural production and deal with it in detail. As I said in the other House, our sterling assets have been very substantially depleted and we have very, very little indeed to show for them. Senator Douglas alleged that the external assets which have been realised and liquidated were used to increase national prosperity. That immediately raises the question: can national prosperity be said to be increased merely by reckless spending? I think that is the net point. Indeed, the net point is that we have been realising our savings, consuming too much and producing too little.

Too much of what?

Of everything.

Of food and drink, clothing and shelter?

Just wait and see.

Point to some one item.

Senator Baxter, and I say this just by way of digression, asked for the reasons for the delay in publishing the findings of the Cavan inquiry. I understand that the findings are not yet available. I do not-wish to enter into any controversy with Senator Baxter as to the ability of my predecessor. I am sure that his talents and ability are of a very high order but the fact remains that they were of such an order that the country decided to relieve itself of his services.

It was Deputy Captain Cowan did that, not the country.

After all, Deputy Captain Cowan put him there in the first instance and afterwards found him out; so did the rest of the country.

That is what you call a non sequitur in logic.

He has put you here now though you have said a great deal against him.

Senator Baxter said that I alleged we had been drawing on our savings and suggested that, in my view, that was something that should not be done. The position is that if we have capital invested abroad and if it can be realised and reinvested productively at home, that is highly desirable. If, on the other hand, external investments are liquidated and then "blown in", as they have been during the last three years on a spending spree, that is just unadulterated folly and must be deplored.

The Senator made great play with the fact that the Minister for External Affairs had said that there is now agreement in regard to our agricultural policy. There is. Even the late Minister for Agriculture, the man who condemned wheat, beet and peat and who said that he would not be found dead—let us hope he will not be —in a field of wheat was urging the people when he came to the end of his tenure of office to grow wheat and beet; and, of course, his colleague was urging the people to use peat, so that Fine Gael and Deputy Dillon have both been converted to the Fianna Fáil policy of producing and growing for ourselves the things which we can produce and grow at home and using to the utmost extent our national resources. I think it can be said quite truthfully, therefore, that at least there is agreement upon what our agricultural policy should be. The unfortunate thing is that the country has paid a very high price in order to convert Deputy Dillon and his colleagues in the late Coalition Government to that point of view.

What is the price? You were compelling them to grow wheat. He did not.

I will deal with that in due course. If the Senator will have patience I will try to answer his points. When I interjected the statement the Senator pointed to the fact that under the late Coalition Government the price of live stock had risen considerably over the past three years; I asked then what we were getting for it. It is true that we are undoubtedly exporting under the 1948 agreement our prime beasts to the British market but we are not getting what Deputy Dillon's favourite customers undertook to give us in exchange for them. We are not even getting coal for them.

You are not blaming Deputy Dillon for that?

Certainly I am blaming Deputy Dillon because when Deputy Dillon had the opportunity of driving a hard bargain and ensuring that that bargain would be kept, not by tying himself up to one customer, but by trying to secure alternative customers and markets on the Continent of Europe, he referred in most insulting terms to those other countries which at that time would have been very glad to buy Irish cattle and to buy our first class beasts. He referred to the French buyers, the Italian buyers and the Dutch and Belgian buyers as fly-by-nights and he said that he would prefer to sell Irish cattle to Great Britain even at a lower price than he could get elsewhere; not only that, but he entered into an arrangement whereby he contracted that not more than 10 per cent. with an over-riding figure of, I think, 50,000 beasts of all our live stock would be sold elsewhere than in Great Britain, and contracted further that out of that 10 per cent. 50 per cent. were to be second-rate beasts. That is the bargain this great Minister for Agriculture made in the year 1948 and that is the bargain for which we are suffering now. Recently many buyers have been here from continental countries who would be prepared to take almost the whole of that 50,000 that Deputy Dillon accepted as the over-riding quantity we might ship to the Continent.

Would they give you coal for them?

They could give us other things if they did not give us coal. They would certainly have to pay for them one way or the other. But the position is that our whole agricultural policy has been distorted in order to bolster up the live-stock industry. I am not decrying the live-stock industry. It is of vital importance to the country that we should develop and foster it, but we should not foster it at the expense of everything else. While all that has been going on our tillage has been declining. Our dairying industry has been dying and the position now is that this country, which during the war was able to feed itself, is buying wheat and butter from abroad. We have been producing food for others while not able to feed ourselves. I think that is, by any standard, an absured policy, a foolish policy and one for which we are going to pay very dearly in the near future.

Has the Minister not nearly double the butter ration we had in his time before?

We have been listening to pæans of praise about the policy which the late Government pursued. I remember when Deputy Dillon was telling us that the great mainstay of the Irish agricultural future was going to be the pig-rearing industry and the poultry-rearing industry and that he was going to bring in shiploads of maize with which the farmer's wife would come into riches at last. That was the prospect which he was holding out to the people of this country less than 12 months ago. What is the present situation? Senator Baxter knows that every store in the country is glutted up with maize, that it is completely unsaleable at present prices and that our pig and poultry population is considerably less than it was. Mr. Dillon bought this maize; it was paid for with our money by our predecessors. It is there, to-day, unsaleable. That is the position to which we have been reduced by the foolish, shortsighted policy pursued by our predecessors over the last three years.

It was suggested by Senator Baxter —and I am not so certain that Senator Orpen did not re-echo the suggestion— that I had in some way misled the Dáil, that I said that though we had realised £30,000,000 of our external assets, only about £12,000,000 of that sum could be accounted for by domestic investment or by stockpiling. I shall give the Senator the figures, which, of course have been complied by the Statistical Department attached to the Department of the Taoiseach, complied, I might say, on the 12th April for my predecessor, so that it cannot be alleged that I am cooking the figures. What was then revealed was that there had been a net increase in domestic investment of about £6,500,000, that there had been a net increase in stocks of only about £2,500,000 and then, for good measure, there was added a possible further increase in stocks or for advance stock purchases of about £3,000,000, making a total of £12,000,000 to cover domestic reinvestment and possible stockpiling. As against that £12,000,000, we had realised £30,000,000 of external assets. The difference between £30,000,000 and £12,000,000—£18,000,000—has been used without any continuing benefit to our economy. I think that of that £18,000,000, roughly about £8.7 millions has been lost in relatively higher prices for imports than for exports and the balance has been simply consumed. It is eaten bread, something for which we have nothing to show.

When you have a policy of that sort pursued, as it has been pursued for the past few years it is not to be wondered at that there has been an appearance of fictitious prosperity which has made some people live in a fool's paradise. But this position is coming to an end, because for the half year the position is very much worse than that which I have described. As I said in Dáil Eireann, at the present rate of expenditure it is very likely that our balance of payments at the end of the year will show a net deficit to the order of £60,000,000—£60,000,000 plus £30,000,000, that is £90,000,000 gone in two years. If the present trend were to continue, in 1954 this country would have lost its status of a creditor country and would have become a debtor country. The consequence of that I leave Senators to work out for themselves.

It is not pleasant for me to have to put these facts before the Seanad and, through the Seanad, before the country. These are things the country should have been told, because the country must face up to the position which will shortly confront it and steps will have to be taken to deal with it. It is not going to be pleasant for anyone to have to do, but we cannot shirk that situation any longer. If we do, inevitably the end will be complete collapse and greater hardship for everybody. That is the position, and it is not going to be helped by making, mere debating points such as Senator Orpen made, as to what the Minister meant by the ever-mounting costs to which agriculture has been subjected. The price of raw materials has gone up, for one thing. Rates have gone up; taxation has gone up; the service of debt has gone up and, as I have already pointed out, the costs of imports have gone up. These are the things which have reduced the country to the condition to which I have referred.

Take, for instance, the cost of Government services. In the year 1947-48 total issues from the Exchequer for Central Fund and Supply Services amounted to £65,165,000 and the revenue which was paid into the Exchequer, mainly consisting of taxation, in that year was £65,198,000. The estimated cost to the Exchequer of Central Fund and Supply Services for the current year has jumped from £65,000,000 to £93,000,000 and the estimated yield of revenue, mainly consisting, as I have said, of taxation, has jumped to £80,237,000 as against £65,000,000 in 1947-48. These are the things which ultimately are weighing down the whole economy of the State and which, as I have said, if we cannot find some way of alleviating them or dealing with them, will ultimately bring us all down in disaster.

Senator Orpen also asked why our agriculture alone should be asked to redress the adverse trade balance. I did not ask that agriculture should do that.

Captain Orpen

Mainly.

Certainly, because it is our main industry. It is the industry which we should foster and safeguard and which we should try to develop upon rational and intelligent lines and which we should try to develop for our own use and benefit, not using the country solely as a live-stock farm to feed other people.

Is it not all you can export, the products of our live-stock industry?

We can at least utilise the soil of Ireland to avoid the necessity of importing wheat at much higher prices than we can produce it for at home. In any event what I do say—and I do not see that there is any reason why I should retract it— is that an increase in production for export, particularly in agriculture is urgently needed. That advice is not directed solely to the agricultural community. It is directed to every productive member in this community because, if we are going to maintain our present standard of living we must work harder.

Hear, hear! We all agree on that.

That is only one aspect of it. We must also have an intelligent national policy. We must certainly make up our minds that never again are we going to revert, as we did try to do during the last three years, to the pre-1932 policy. We are going to make up our minds, as I said so often, that nothing we can make or nothing we can grow in this country should be imported into this country, so long as we have Irish men and women to keep productively employed.

How are you going to do it?

We did it before and we should you what could be done.

You did not.

When we built the cement factory and the three sugar beet factories in spite of you; when we bought out the Belgians who were running the sugar beet factory in Carlow, getting the beet for nothing and getting a net profit of £60,000; when we showed you how to develop our electricity supply by utilising our turf for the generation of electricity.

Oh, Mr. Chairman, please!

We showed you we could make every shoe that Irishmen might need in this country. We did the same for our clothes.

Was not the Shannon scheme a white elephant, and did you not say the same thing about the Carlow beet factory?

I said the Carlow beet factory was a white elephant, and it was; as I have shown, the Irish farmers were growing the beet and the Belgians who owned the factory were getting the beet for nothing and gaining a net profit of something like £60,000. We took over that factory and made it work for the Irish people, and we built three other factories for their benefit also. Any person who has a knowledge of Irish agriculture will tell you that we did something to bring about a most desirable agricultural evolution in this country when we made the growing of sugar beet one of our main agricultural activities. As I said, we did the same for the cement, and we were going to extend the scope of the cement factories when we were displaced.

We have heard a lot about the realisation of our external assets, or external disinvestment, as the phrase goes, and the reinvestment of the profits in Irish industry. When we left office in February, 1948, an agreement had virtually been reached for the extension of the cement factories, by which, I think, their productive capacity would be increased by about 50 per cent. Three years have gone by, and we are now importing, I believe, 250,000 tons of cement into this country every year at a higher price than it could be manufactured in Ireland. We are now in the position that we have to resume where we left off three years ago and see whether we cannot increase our productive capacity to provide for this 250,000 tons of cement. I could refer to many other matters about which our predecessors simply sat down and did nothing, because they happened to be a Fianna Fáil conception. However, I have been led into this by the interjections.

You are very easily led.

I am easily led. Senator Orpen asked me what I would do if I had millions to spend on Irish land. If I had millions to spend on Irish land, the first thing I would do is to spend money on those lands which are capable of yielding an early economic return. It is essential that every penny we spend should yield an early return. I would not spend the money merely for the purpose of having a splash in the newspapers, nor would I embark on some of the schemes about which we have been recently hearing so much. There is one thing I would not like to do and that is to try to make nylons out of seaweed, as Deputy Dillon was proposing to do. Anybody who knows anything about nylons knows that they cannot be produced from seaweed.

Question put and agreed to.
Agreed to take the remaining stages now.
Bill put through Committee, reported without recommendation, received for final consideration and ordered to be returned to the Dáil.
The Seanad adjourned at 9.10 p.m.sine die.
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