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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 12 Apr 1967

Vol. 63 No. 2

Flight from the Land: Motion.

I move:

That Seanad Éireann is alarmed at the present unprecedented flight from the land and calls on the Government to drastically change its agricultural policy.

Perhaps the House would agree if I delegated to Senator Quinlan the right to reply. Figures show that our agricultural labour force fell during the census period 1951-1961 by 23.4 per cent or 88,085 people. This figure in itself is bad enough but when it is broken down, it assumes graver proportions. We find during the same census period there was a sharp decline in the number of girls on our farms. There were 1,464 girls aged 17 years working on farms in 1951 compared with 606 in 1961.

If we are to close our eyes to these figures, it will mean that there will be an endless continuation of the situation whereby rural Ireland will be inhabited mainly by very young people and by bachelors because there certainly will not be any girls for any of our farmers to marry. Looking again at the figures, we find that sons and sons-in-law living on the land have declined by 38.9 per cent during the decade. This figure perhaps brings home to the public the fact that in a few years there will be very few people left to take over the homesteads and the farms of Ireland when the present generation of farmers pass on.

I should like to point out that this high rate of emigration is not confined to the West or to any region of Ireland. When we look at the figures for the total agricultural labour force for Leinster, we find that the number of sons and sons-in-law working on the land in that census period, 1951-61, declined by 32.4 per cent. Surely with the population of Leinster one would expect this figure perhaps to remain stable? We find the same trend in every part of the country. The decline varies very little from county to county.

In Carlow, the number of sons and sons-in-law declined by 6.5 per cent. In County Dublin, they declined by five per cent; in Kildare, by 7.4 per cent; in Longford, by 9.6 per cent, and so on in every county in the Republic. Those figures which were compiled by An Foras Talúntais, by Dr. E.A. Atwood of the rural division, pinpoint the seriousness of this problem. It is not sufficient for anyone to say that this trend exists all over the world, in all countries of the world. The unsavoury factor remains that here it is a problem. It is a problem we have with us and we must attempt to tackle it.

Before we can put forward any remedy, we must first of all know exactly what the problem is. I certainly do not believe that the flight from the land is to any great degree a social problem. I feel that the main reason why those people are leaving the land is that they see a bleak future for themselves and a very small chance of the younger boys and girls ever being able to settle down and rear families at the present day accepted standard of living. We must devise some means of stemming this flow of emigration. If the present rate of emigration continues, there will be no one left in a few years.

I gave some figures for farmers and members of farmers' families. Perhaps we could consider agricultural labourers working on the land. Again, I quote from An Foras Talúntais publication "Changes in the Agricultural Labour Force, 1951-61". We find that the number of farm workers living in has declined by 54 per cent in the ten year period, 1951-61. The numbers living out declined by 22.9 per cent in the same census period. Surely the Minister and all people interested in the flight from the land or in any aspect of agriculture must realise the seriousness of the problem those figures indicate? If this present trend continues, it will be extremely difficult for farmers to undertake the production of crops or to undertake any agricultural or horticultural activities which require a high labour force. It will certainly present great problems for our dairying industry. The sooner we get down to tackling the problem of how best to stem this emigration and the flight from the land, the better chance we have of surviving.

Last week we had announced a merger between Comhlucht Siúicre Éireann and Heinz Foods. I cannot see any hope for any operation of this kind unless some stabilising effect is brought to bear on the numbers engaged in agriculture because the production of the vast majority of vegetables requires a very high labour content. I might say, in passing, that very few people realise that the farmers as the prime producers receive only 15 per cent of the ultimate retail price of those vegetables. It certainly is a very poor return for the backbreaking labour involved. Unless this figure is drastically increased, there cannot be any great increase in the acreage that will be devoted to vegetables.

The present Government policy certainly has failed as far as agriculture is concerned because in between the years 1951 and 1961, no fewer than 25,000 farmers were forced to quit their homes and leave the land and 63,085 members of their families were forced to emigrate. I do not think any Government who allowed those figures to be realised could claim that their policy had achieved any measure of success. It is extraordinary with famine in so many parts of the world, and want and hunger, that we can cast a blind eye to the huge numbers of primary producers and farmers who are leaving the land and who in many cases are encouraged to do so.

What is needed in this country is a new and dynamic approach to the entire problem of Irish agriculture. As I have already said, the youth of Ireland are not being lured away by bright lights: they are leaving because of dire economic necessity. When we speak of incomes in the industrial sector, we speak of the wage packet which the father of the family or the breadwinner takes home on Thursday or Friday afternoon. When we are dealing with agriculture, the figure mentioned is the family farm income. This sum works out at about £5 or £6 per farmer per week and represents the reward for the labour of not only the farmer but of his wife, and perhaps many of his children, if he is blessed in having some. This is a very serious problem and a matter that many of our urban population do not appear to realise.

The main thing wrong with the Government's policy is that too many of their schemes are introduced merely as part of a stop-gap policy rather than as a long-term remedy. I cannot see how the Government can still only see one particular type of farmer whereas in other countries the Governments recognise that there are differences between farmers and that they are in different categories. For instance, when the Danish Minister for Agriculture is sending out a circular to the farmers, he writes to the "Dear estate owner", "Dear farmer", or "Dear smallholder". In this country the extaordinary thing is that the Department of Agriculture look on the entire agricultural scene as one problem and apparently have not tumbled to the fact that there are grave differences of husbandry techniques and a different way of life as between country and country, and that the lot of these farmers varies accordingly from county to county.

I think that as a first step the Department of Agriculture should take one hard look at Irish agriculture and see those engaged in it for what they are, not just as perhaps to some of them a pain in the neck and a crowd who awaken them from their slumbers far too often. Until the Minister and his Department can see Irish agriculture and Irish farmers in their respective categories, there is no hope of ever being able to treat the ailments of the Irish agricultural industry, which is certainly stagnating at the present time. We have 84,163 farmers with under 30 acres, and I assure the House that the amount of family farm income available in many parts of the country from 30 acres is certainly far behind the accepted weekly wage of industrial workers.

The Department have in the past put too little thought into the schemes they introduced. I would instance the heifer scheme as a scheme that was put across without the least regard for how the increased number of cattle were to be disposed of. There were no marketing arrangements to sell the increase in the number of cattle, and perhaps the worst feature of that scheme is the fact that to a certain extent it re-introduced into our country a type of scrub cattle that had been eliminated over the years with the system under the county committees of agriculture, the bull shows and other such means. This perhaps is unfortunate because instead of that adverse trend, the farming community were anxiously awaiting a new scheme of progeny testing, which is highly desirable and imperative if we are to compete in perhaps the European Community, especially as far as the dairying industry is concerned.

We find, even apart from the shortcomings, that the application and the administration of this scheme is something that is difficult for the ordinary farmer to understand. It is not uncommon for farmers to have to wait six, eight or nine months to get payment of the £15 heifer subsidy. One case came to my notice last week where a man applied last May. His heifers were inspected in October and he is still awaiting the three or four £15 grants. Nobody can claim that that is efficiency on the part of the Department of Agriculture. It is difficult for a Department which are apparently so inefficient to expect and advocate that the Irish farmers should improve their efficiency a great deal. They are certainly far behind the times themselves.

I would like to see some steps being taken to revitalise the pig industry. We have throughout the length and breadth of Ireland at present thousands of farms on which it is apparently no longer profitable to keep or rear pigs. At the same time, we have bacon factories closing down for want of supplies. This is a problem that surely can be tackled by the Department. The Government's agricultural policy has cut completely across the old traditional farming methods and they have completely wiped out the pig industry. They have destroyed the turkey industry. There were very few, if any, turkeys exported last year, while at the same time we know that there is certainly a market in Britain for the Irish turkey. These are all operations which the small farmers have been engaged in for generations, but because of their policy, the Government, who apparently do not care about the small people any more, have left these people to be priced out of the market and just left to emigrate.

I feel that there is a deliberate attempt or a deliberate policy to slow down the brucellosis scheme, and that this is being done because of the unsatisfactory situation with regard to the market for calves. This is a great pity, and it is certainly something that is regrettable because it represents a grave loss not only to the farmers but to the nation as well. Surely the Minister and the Government can get ahead with this scheme. It should be much easier to carry out this scheme now because you have the headline set over the past years and the machinery that was so successful in eliminating bovine TB. We would have expected that it would only be a matter of time until the brucellosis scheme would have been extended right across the country. I understand from all reports that this disease certainly is rampant this year and there has been no step-up in the campaign to eradicate it.

I find, if I may refer back to Comhlucht Siúicre Éireann, that the policy of that company is designed to get rid of the small man, too. They certainly have not much time for the man with the acre or two and they believe that all the work should now be done by machinery. This does not help to stem the flight from the land. I feel that the social thinking of a big semi-State organisation should be governed by the people. They should give the smaller man a chance. I know that this year and last year the company just appointed one or two days on which contracts could be signed. If those who did not turn up on the appointed day had applications in for one or two acres, they just did not get a second chance to have them signed. That is very bad and it is something the Minister might perhaps look into.

We have many small farmers who should get a chance of growing the various crops that are open to them. They should have a better chance to work a proper crop rotation system. There are many farmers in the tillage areas who do not get barley contracts. It is virtually impossible for our small farmers to exercise a proper crop rotation system. The Department of Agriculture should interest themselves in these things.

There has been a decline of 23.4 per cent over the ten-year period 1951-61 in the number of agricultural labourers working on the land. The only hope of remedying this situation is by bringing the agricultural labourer's wages into line with wages available in industry. It is a disgrace to say that in rural Ireland the agricultural labourer's wage is below that which a man can get if he goes on the dole. That kind of situation does not entice anybody to work. In many parts of Ireland there are farmers who are looking for agricultural labourers but these men cannot work for them. If they do, they will lose a couple of pounds a week and you cannot expect a man to work when he can get a few more pounds for being idle. That must be changed; the entire system must be changed. Perhaps a step in the right direction would be to increase the employment allowance but I do not think that in itself would be sufficient.

If a person is working on the land and has to work hard—as they all have to do—he is entitled to a decent wage. With present prices for agricultural produce, too many farmers are unable to pay a living wage to their workers. We find that many of them prefer to go on the dole because they get more by doing so.

There is an alternative to the present agricultural policy of the Government. One thing that comes to mind is greater co-operation not only among farmers but, more important still, between the various State agencies who are trying to help, and are helping to a great degree, to improve the lot of the Irish farmer.

With regard to our advisory services, too much of the time of our agricultural advisers is taken up with the day-to-day problems that arise on the farms and too little attention and too little time are devoted by these advisers to the setting up of farm plans. These agricultural advisers must be complimented on their patience and on the work they do but the unfortunate thing is that when they work out a plan for a particular farmer, in many cases the finance necessary to put this plan into operation is not available. If an agricultural adviser gets to work on a plan and draws up a scheme which he thinks will work out and improve a particular farmer's income, a certificate from him should be sufficient to get whatever amount is necessary from the Agricultural Credit Corporation or the commercial banks.

Until we reach the day when there is full co-operation between the advisory services, the Agricultural Credit Corporation and the various sections of the Department of Agriculture, much of the work of these advisory services will be wasted.

Away back in 1955-1958 we had the Gilmore survey on agricultural credit in Ireland. That, as some will remember, was a very exhaustive report and Mr. Gilmore did a very good job on it. However, his findings were not, I think, given very much heed. I might say that his recommendations regarding the Agricultural Credit Corporation were availed of to some extent by the former Minister for Agriculture, but after that, the entire thing was shelved. That certainly seems a pity. If I remember rightly, Mr. Gilmore in his assessment of agricultural credit pointed out that the assets of the Irish farmers were something in the region of £885 million. That was in 1959 before which time total liabilities were only £75 million. Therefore, one can see there is ample scope for more credit to Irish farmers, if a proper plan is drawn up.

There should be some agency to ensure a farmer will get whatever credit is necessary, if the man himself has the managerial capacity to put the advice of his agricultural instructor to good effect. At the present time, such is not the case and so much good work is lost to the nation in that regard. As a matter of urgency, the Government should announce a scheme of guaranteed minimum prices for all farm products. The farmers must be the only section of the community who go out and work in the winter and spring; yet they have not an idea of what will be the reward for their labour in the autumn. This is something that cannot be allowed to continue indefinitely.

(Longford): Does that include hay?

I certainly do not know what the Senator means.

(Longford): I meant what I said; does the Senator mean to include hay as a farm product?

In our part of the country, hay was never considered a cash crop, but perhaps in the midlands —you never know what way they look at the different crops there.

(Longford): I was not trying to be smart. Apparently the Senator thinks I was trying to trap him; I was not. I merely inquired if he meant hay. Apparently some people thought I had meant to trap the Senator; I did not.

The Department should set up marketing facilities for all agricultural products. The success of An Bord Bainne should be a headline to the Minister, and the Department should make an all-out effort to follow up the success achieved in selling butter, Kerrygold, by including perhaps all dairy products, such as cheese et cetera. I should like to see the Pigs and Bacon Commission taking on a new drive. I feel room should be made with the Pigs and Bacon Commission to take on turkeys in one small section. The drop in the number of turkeys over the past few years has been significant. The same salesmen as are engaged in selling Irish bacon and Irish bacon products in England could easily take on turkeys without any great inconvenience.

I should like to see also a new rural development authority set up for the sole purpose of obtaining and ensuring co-operation between the existing organisations, that is, the advisory services, the Agricultural Credit Corporation, the banks and the Department of Lands—land reclamation—to ensure the farmers will have some hope of success in the future.

We are now entering a period when world conditions in agricultural trade are turning, to a large extent, in favour of the agricultural producer. Industrialisation in many countries is moving ahead faster than food production. This will provide increasing purchasing power for food in countries which at present have a low standard of living. A dramatic example of this can be seen in the situation developing in Japan, where a very large market is opening up for Australian and New Zealand meat and dairy products.

In Europe, membership of the Common Market would involve a dramatic improvement in the terms of trade in our agricultural products. The Common Market price system, broadly speaking, is based on making the consumer pay sufficient for his food to give an economic return to the farmer, without subsidy. For Ireland, this would mean Britain would no longer be able to pursue her cheap food policy and subsidise her own farmers; instead, she would be forced to pay economic prices for our exports. Unless we move energetically now and prepare our agricultural industry, we will not be able to take proper advantage of these new conditions.

If the opportunity is not to be missed again, we must prepare and carry out a long-term plan for our agricultural development. Such a plan must have two main components: firstly a large-scale programme of investment, to secure increased productivity and lower costs and, secondly, effective and comprehensive marketing arrangements to secure outlets for increased production and maximum prices for those exports. Any long-term plan of investment in agriculture must stand firmly on two basic principles: firstly, projects for investment in agriculture must be subject to the normal criteria in other forms of investment, that is they should offer a good prospect of an economic return on the capital put into them; and secondly, the emphasis in financial assistance to agriculture should be on reducing costs and increasing output. All financial assistance, other than that given purely for social purposes, should be assessed in relation to those two objectives.

While it is true there has always been a great shortage of capital in agriculture, even more fundamental is the fact that the machinery for investment in agriculture on the scale needed does not exist at the moment. There is at present an enormous amount of capital needed to put the Irish farmer on a sound footing. Unless there is an immediate scheme brought in to enable the Irish farmer to compete with the new trends in modern farming, then the future of farming in this country is very bleak and I have no doubt that the flight from the land will continue.

I noticed recently that last year there were only 11 acres per head of the population in the world, that is 11 acres, taking deserts, mountains and the lot together. Those people who are interested in the population explosion estimate that by 1970 this acreage will have dropped to 5.5. When we consider these figures, we must surely realise that many people in the world will face starvation. The only hope we have of ensuring against it is to have an adequate agricultural labour force producing as much food as possible.

I have pleasure in seconding the motion which we put down on the Order Paper last November on receiving a great shock from the published figures for the previous year, which showed that the numbers in agriculture had dropped by a further 20,000 in the previous period, bringing the numbers away below the target figure for numbers in agriculture that had been proposed in the very defeatist agricultural policy of the Second Programme for Economic Expansion. It is fortunate in a way that we waited all these months to get to this motion.

And you nearly missed it.

In reply to the Senator, I nearly missed it because the CIE express was 15 minutes late. It is fortunate that we waited until now because during the past month two very important and highly imaginative documents have come before us. One is the Report on Full Employment put out by the NIEC less than a month ago. It staggered the public with the figures it gave, with the fantastic, almost Gilbertian targets it proposed to us, if we were to have full employment by 1980, with the scope and scale of the investment called for, far beyond anything we had ever spoken of.

Admittedly, it was stressed again and again in that document that the figures were proposed and would be realised only if all the essentials were realised. They were fantastic figures to achieve the aim every true Irishman should hold before himself for full employment. Surely, some 50 years after 1916, it is time we were really serious about this matter?

The figures in that document gave us a jolt and, at the same time, got us thinking on a plane that is probably away beyond anything we have been thinking of up to now—millions invested, running into thousands of millions. Not to be outdone, in Monday morning's newspapers, we had banner headlines telling us that Greater Dublin would cost only £1,000 million during the next 15 years to increase its population by 200,000 people. Many of us may regard these figures as absolutely Utopian, scarcely meriting serious consideration, far beyond the scope of what we can achieve. Yet they have a function in that they cause us to think big, to set big targets, and if we set big targets, even if we achieve only 50 per cent of them, we shall have achieved something.

It sounds like an Afton cigarette.

It is in this framework that I want to approach the task of re-invigorating and redeveloping Irish agriculture and I shall deal in sums of the same order as those mentioned in the Report on Full Employment, figures only about quarter of the amount that will be required to develop Greater Dublin. I can then claim that while my thinking is imaginative, it is in line with our current approach to imaginative planning for the future.

In the midst of all that imaginative planning and in the midst of that fine document, Report on Full Employment, which is a must for every citizen to read and study, in the midst of this wonderful plan for the development of our industry, we meet the most appalling pessimism on the future of our agriculture. While they reach for the skies and shoot for the stars in their references to industry in this document, for agriculture, they are content just to jog along on the same old road and accept the fatalistic trends that have existed during the past 100 years. Whatever the explanation, the first remarks on the subject of our agriculture were:

As in other western countries, employment in agriculture has fallen more or less continuously since 1951, continuing the trend established over the previous 100 years.

On page 39, the document states that the fall is in line with what was happening over the same period in all western countries. Of course it is, but what were the reasons? The document does not look for them. It says simply that it is accepted there will be an increase in output of three per cent, an increase in productivity per person of 5.6 per cent and a fall in employment of 2.5 per cent per annum.

In other words, this document, which charts our progress for the future, calmly accepts the prospect that during the next 15 years another 107,000 people will leave the land and that industry, which can barely face the challenge of providing a few extra jobs each year, is to be saddled with the task during the same 15 years of creating new jobs for our increased population and at the same time, providing for the 107,000 jobs lost in agriculture.

That is the most fantastic thinking and planning I have come across in a long time, highlighting the absolute deficiency in the NIEC by not including agricultural interests, agricultural thinkers and planners among the members. If I thought that the Agricultural Institute and its leaders and thinkers subscribed to this thinking on agriculture, the next motion I would move here would be that the Agricultural Institute should be forthwith disbanded. I know that is not their thinking; I know they have courage and pride for the part and the potential our agriculture can play.

I want to establish, very logically step by step, the potential of our agriculture. First of all, we need workers in agriculture if we are to get the potential out of it. That that potential is there everybody knows when we see that the average output per person in Denmark is three times our average output. There is scope to do this and I want to show that workers are needed to do it. Secondly, I want to show that the world needs the production of our agriculture. Surely if we believe in world hunger, if we believe anything about an exploding population and if we believe that the present population of the world will go from its present 3,000,000,000 to 6,000,000,000 by the end of this century, the greatest national challenge is to produce enough food to cope with the explosion in population and the increased demand for food. Surely if we have confidence in the future, if we have confidence in the needs of the world for agricultural production——

Will you pay for it?

I am certain that that can be equitably discharged also. Finally, I want to analyse the changes that are necessary here if we are to have a dynamic policy in agriculture and to get from agriculture the potential that is in it. Incidentally, we can make a very substantial contribution to our primary national task of creating full employment in this country. Certainly we cannot regard full employment here as just a pipedream. You might say the alternative plan is: "Yes; a greater Dublin interlinked with greater London and the prairie lands to the west of Dublin that can become the Mecca of holidaymakers". That surely is not a plan for our country. Now, to take those points in a logical order.

First of all, I want to take this psychological barrier and the damage done by the headlines which said: "108,000 to leave the land in the next 15 years". That was a common newspaper heading in the past month. The picture created is that of people on the land rushing out from it, rushing out to employment elsewhere and the Government agencies waiting and rushing to retrain them. The point I want to make is if 108,000 leave the land in the next 15 years, they will leave it in their coffins and it will not be necessary to retrain them. The figures show that we have on the land at the present time about 330,000 agricultural workers. The death rate amongst the rural population in general is about 1.2 per cent. Amongst the agricultural community itself, that is, those working on the land above the age of 16, it is much higher. The 1.2 per cent takes in children and everybody else. It is double the figure above the age of 16 years because of the fact that the farming community, due to the drain over the past years, is now a very old community.

The average age in the 1957 census —it is probably much higher now— shows that there are at least 7,000 deaths per year. If you take deaths out of the farming community, you will lose 7,000 a year and over 15 years, that is the 108,000. What is really happening? It is not that people are rushing from the land in their thousands but that those who die are not replaced? There is a minor replacement to the extent of 1,000. That is a type of secondary intake where some young lads of 15 and 16 years work on the land for a couple of years, are not particularly suited to it and go away again. That is about the only type of intake you have. The plain fact of the matter is that when people die on the land they are not being replaced.

We should try to get the public thinking about this and get them away from the picture of people rushing away from the land and just simply taking jobs away from the rural community. Before we can make any realistic planning about the agricultural community, we need—I have appealed for this in this House previously—more accurate information. We need a census of age distribution of these 330,000 classified by the Garda in the general census as working on the land. I think we would find that there are very few young or even middle-aged people in that group. I would say that there are very few in that group under 40 years of age. That is the group which we would regard as the main producers. This gap is there. We were shocked when such a gap was found generally on a national basis in the census some ten years ago. The figures showed that we were becoming a nation of elderly people and children and that the main productive work force was being steadily depleted. My contention is that this gap is much more serious in the agricultural community. The Minister should try to get some figures on this as soon as possible.

When we start to compare the numbers in agriculture in this country with the numbers in agriculture in Denmark, Holland, or other such countries, we are not comparing like with like because there it is usual for people to retire from the land at 65 years of age; in other words, they retire when they are no longer fully effective as agricultural workers. When they retire, they are no longer counted as agricultural workers. Of the 330,000 at present working on the land here, there are at least 80,000 who in any realistic classification would not be regarded as workers on the land. They are either people over the age for work or they may be delicate or infirm members of families who contribute very little by way of work. They just give a casual helping hand now and then. In other countries, those people would be regarded as not being within the classification of agricultural workers. I know it is a very hard task to get the true figures, but I suggest that our numbers on the land are much lower even than they look at present. That is our first task.

Reverting to this Report on Full Employment, where stress is placed again and again on the fact that if we are to have full employment we must keep up with the Joneses, which means that we must ensure that wage rates move along in step with British wage rates or otherwise our people will not stay here, that puts a very severe burden on our economy because it means that there is less left to create the new jobs we all want to create. That may well be—indeed, I think it probably is—a reasonable enough estimate of the position in industry, because industrial workers, by and large, will change to England much more quickly than those on the land. The people on the land have a love for and a tie with the land that enables them to set proper values on the non-materialistic aspects of life in Ireland, and especially life in the rural areas. That means that in a sense it is an easier task for the economy to find new positions and new employment opportunities on the land than in industry.

Again, the competitive aspect of work on the land is much more in our favour than the competitive aspect of work in industry, because in industry, work is governed by the clock, by so many hours per week, whereas on the land there is no clock. This means simply that the ordinary ideas of competition and so on really go out the window, because if a farmer here is prepared to work five hours a week longer than a normal farmer will work in what we call a more developed country as in Holland or Denmark, it gives him a big advantage over the competitor there. Also, even if some of our farmers may lack something in efficiency compared with a Danish worker, they do not need the job done perhaps as fast, and if they work a little longer at it, is the end product not the same, and is their ability to compete not the same? So there are many advantages in finding places on the land over finding replacements for those places in Irish industry, because even with all the changes of the future, whether it is the Common Market or otherwise, Irish industry has more than enough to do to look after itself without making up for any losses from the land. As I shall show, this is not required either.

The first thing we have to ask ourselves is: what is the capacity of our land? Is it capable of this development, and is it capable of providing a gross output that will give a reasonable and greatly improved standard of living not only to the present numbers on the land but, as I hope to suggest, even increased numbers on the land? I want to prove that this is so. If we take a global figure, we can see that the average output per acre in Denmark is three times the average output here. We do not for one moment concede that our land is in any way inferior to the land in Denmark. In fact, we have a longer growing season for our crops; we have milder weather conditions for the wintering of our animals, and many other factors that give us an advantage. Therefore, if the Danes can get that much, why not we? In the target I am proposing here, I am not suggesting doubling, but I am going to suggest in target No. 1 that we double it in 15 years, and in target No. 2, we increase it by 60 per cent over 15 years, taking the same period of 15 years as was used by the NIEC in their Report.

To get down more specifically, take the present gross output, which is £180 million, doing it on the rough basis of twelve million arable acres. Our average output per acre is only £15. Now let us see how could that be stepped up. We take, on the one hand, our dairying industry which at present occupies a quarter of our arable acreage, about three million acres. It has been shown in Moorepark and elsewhere that it is quite possible to get an output of 500 gallons per cow off our land. That has been achieved in Moorepark, and in fact I think they have gone up to almost 600 gallons now, and many good commercial farmers are already getting this figure. A figure of 500 gallons, that is, a cow on about one acre and a quarter, gives something around 700 gallons on one and a quarter acres. If you take with that 500 gallons plus a calf, and again taking a realistic value for the calf, not the dumped prices that prevail today, you get with milk even at the present price of 2s 4d a gallon, an output of £70 per acre.

Then beef, if only fairly intensively, will produce something around £20 per acre. That at present gives almost eight million acres, and a million under tillage and so on, probably running about £60.

All in all, these are the target figures that can be aimed at. If we were prepared, as I think we should, to encourage a national shift of a considerable portion of our acreage from beef to dairying to bring dairying up to at least double its present acreage, up to the region of six million acres, and also have beef on a more intensive basis, then with present technology, it is quite attainable to get an average between both enterprises of £50 per acre gross output. That is over three times our present figure, and in fact it would be a figure that would even be comparable with the present Danish output. That is how it is arrived at. It is being done on many of our better farms, and all the technology to do so is available to us, but I am not going to propose for the next 15 years that we try to achieve this complete transformation.

We call target No. 1 the lower one. Suppose we reached 60 per cent of what we see is attainable, and reached that 60 per cent on average; in other words getting on output of £30 per acre, which is double our present output, in 15 years. That would call for an increase in agricultural production of five per cent per annum, taking the compound rate. Surely that is not a fantastic target. Surely it is a mini-target compared with this scheme for Greater Dublin, or any other scheme in the Report on Full Employment.

As target No. 2, I want to take 80 per cent of that figure; I want to get to an average of £30 per acre which would represent 160 per cent increase, which could be got by an increase in output of seven per cent per annum. The second target would mean that in 15 year's time we would be just about 15 per cent below present Danish standards.

Would the Senator break that down and tell us in pounds, shillings and pence what that would mean to an average 30-acre farmer a month?

I want to state the case in my own way first. A 60 per cent target simply means that in 15 years' time, what I am proposing here, our output per acre would be just two-thirds of what the Danes are producing today. Surely that is not an impossible target. Indeed, you may say that it is too weak a target. The first target would call for an increase of five per cent per annum. The defeatist document of the NIEC— defeatist in agriculture but superbly optimistic in everything else—calls for a three per cent increase. In other words, we will catch up with the Danes about the same year as we will put a man in the moon. The three per cent increase, in other words, will give the 5½ per cent increase which they regard necessary in real incomes. Numbers on the land must go down by 2½ per cent. The figure of five per cent which I give would be a break-even figure. In other words, if the numbers on the land did not increase, that would enable the real income of those working on the land to increase by five per cent per annum. It would enable their real income to double in the next 15 years.

Would the Senator put it in pounds, shillings and pence?

I respectfully suggest that that target would be more than sufficient to re-invigorate Irish agriculture. The second target, which is a much more ambitious one than increasing to seven per cent per annum, would call for, if you take the NIEC loss leaving five per cent working, an increase in the numbers working on the land of two per cent per annum. In other words, in place of a loss of 100,000, there will be a gain of 17,000 in the same period. These are the choices which are available.

In reply to Senator Ó Maoláin's question as to what this would mean in pounds, shillings and pence, at present the gross output of agriculture is £180 million, of which you might estimate the labour income at somewhere from 60 to 65 per cent. I think £150 million is the figure given by the Statistics Office. That is £52 million for about 130,000 people. That leaves £400 each per annum. If you double that, it means the target is rising to £800 on the average. Many people would be above that and some would be below it, but in any scheme of thinking, it will represent a decent livelihood and decent opportunities for any young boy who is anxious to stay and work on the land.

I want to refer to the cost of doing this, as everything goes back to cost. What is the cost of not doing it? The cost of not doing scheme A is that 108,000 places are lost in Irish agriculture and we are committed to try to find work for those to an equivalent number in industry, if we can dream up industries that are capable of meeting the challenge. We are quite happy to cost these industries at £2,000 capital requirement per worker. That, I think, is too low in today's thinking, but it means that for 100,000 it works out at £200 million. If we do not do it, the cost of providing for the displaced jobs in industry is £200 million. That is not too much to do when we talk of £1,000 million for Greater Dublin.

I put the challenge to the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries and to the Government. Do you think that if you are prepared to spend the sum of £200 million on Irish agriculture to keep the numbers at their present level that it has not as good a chance of succeeding as you have of creating those additional jobs over and above those which industry must provide for the increasing population? Why not try both fronts? Why not, when making the effort to expand industry and pour money into it, plan and provide employment for our expanding population? Why not pour money into agriculture and create work there, too?

The old refrain comes along, the old refrain which is a most nauseating refrain and which annoys me every time I hear it, this idea that this is happening everywhere else in the world. We cannot be different from other countries. We are losing population from the land at the rate of 2½ per cent per annum; so are they in Denmark and so are they everywhere else. It is the mark of a developing country that a magical figure of not more than 15 per cent of the population should be on the land. That is utter rubbish. Today when all the world is trying to form a unit—certainly when Western Europe is trying very hard to form one—national figures mean nothing, if ever they did mean anything. In the future, they will mean absolutely nothing because the whole concept of the future is that each country is doing and producing its best. It is sending its products out to the others and in return, is getting back from them the goods which they have an advantage in producing. That applies to agriculture as well as any other industry. You might say we should not have a big export of Guinness.

Again taking statistics, I am sure you can see that any other country exports only a certain fraction in, say, beverages and, therefore, we are out of line there but we have an advantage and we use it. The same is true in agriculture, but, in agriculture, we have got to go back to the main factors of production. First of all, we have capital; then we have "know-how" and, finally, we have labour, taking agricultural labour and management as one entity. These are the three factors of production. Examine how we stand in these, compared with our competitors in Western Europe, with, say, Denmark and Holland. In capital investment per acre, enterprise per cow, or whatever way you wish to reckon it, it goes without saying we are way under our competitors. We have not been able to afford it, while they have been continually ploughing in more and more. Therefore, we are low in capital.

In the case of "know-how", again, it goes without saying that our competitors are quite a bit in advance of us there, even though we have improved considerably in the past 15 years, and the Agricultural Institute has been an outstanding success, as has been the work of the advisory services. Therefore, we have done a lot there but still I do not think anyone would seriously question my contention that we are quite a bit behind our competitors in "know-how". If there are three factors only involved, if you are short in one and short in two, surely you can only make up for that by having an advantage in three. But what is proposed to us is that we should be short in three also, because the only figures of comparison of labour units which make sense are the number of workers in employment per 1,000 arable acres.

The figures I have are a little out of date but, for comparison purposes, they are quite reliable. The figures I have are the 1957 ones. In 1957, we had 35 workers per 1,000 acres; France was next to us, in Europe, with 50; Denmark had 70; Holland was around 90; Belgium over 100 and, I think, Germany was about 120. Today, these numbers have gone down by about one-fourth but if one looks at the Table of Appendix V of the Report on Full Employment, one will find that the decline has been uniform in all countries; in other words, the same relative proportions prevail.

Therefore, I want to emphasise that just because other countries are losing workers from the land and able to manage their agriculture with lesser numbers, it does not follow we can afford to lose workers from our land, because, already, we have far fewer workers than those countries and, therefore, cannot afford to lose them. It is as simple as that and why all these writers—from the NIEC and others—cannot recognise that simple basic fact, that we have to compete on that level, I cannot understand. It is only by having a slight edge one can succeed. If you are short in capital; in other words, if you have not as much equipment as the others, you cannot expect to grow more.

Does the Senator allow for wage rates on the land for those workers?

We are dealing with the general plane here.

But what will you pay them?

The accelerated trend in Western Europe does not apply here, in that, in Western Europe, their industries had a booming period for the past ten years and full employment has prevailed in most countries there. Consequently, there was a natural desire to draw people from the land and put them into industry. But that excuse did not prevail here. Consequently, I hold, and any of the writers on agriculture—whether they be the agricultural economists, from the National Farmers Association, or any of the other practical farmers—agree we cannot lose any more from the land, unless our aim is to turn the whole country into one ranch. It just cannot be done. Without those figures, anyone who has practical experience of agriculture—and I can claim I have a fair bit—knows that the greatest single limiting factor to expansion in our main producing areas is the scarcity of skilled labour.

Would the Senator enlighten me on the wage rates question? I am interested because of the statement made by Senator McDonald.

Of course, agriculture has gone through a complete revolution in the past ten years, with all the mechanisation et cetera, with the necessity for really skilled work, greater attention to detail, to cleanliness and so on, to produce a top-grade product which means that a much better trained type of worker is required in agriculture today than was common ten years ago, or even than there is available today. The necessity is to produce what one might call a technician grade who will be available to do those tasks and who will enjoy conditions and livelihood comparable with that of any of the skilled technicians in the country today, whether they be carpenters, electricians, plumbers or anybody else.

Will the Senator enlarge on that?

That is the work force required in agriculture, not merely young lads of 15 who, for want of something better to do and because they have not any initiative to go on to further schooling, turn to work on the land for a year or two and after that drift on to England or elsewhere. That is not the type of training or the type of responsible agricultural worker on which you can build a dynamic Irish agriculture. Fortunately, quite a few better trained young men are turning to agriculture but, in the years ahead, it is quite possible there will be a great opening for many thousands of our young men to train themselves and then go to work on the land.

Again, when we talk about generally greatly increased production, and I have shown it can be done and have shown some of the factors required for it, there arises the question: is there a market for it? Is there anybody in this country today who seriously doubts that the world is facing a problem of widespread hunger, or do we take seriously the last pronouncement of Pope Paul or the recent call of U Thant to get together to do something to relieve hunger, or put something of our increased wealth and productivity into a world fund to aid the hungry? Surely when that challenge is met—and met it must be if the world is to survive—it will be a question not of our ability to market our agricultural produce but of invoices coming in to us asking us how much agricultural produce in the various grades, particularly milk and milk products, can we supply to this world organisation next year for the relief of world hunger?

Nobody has said "yes" to that proposition.

Surely that is not a pipe dream but a solid foundation to which to anchor our programme for the future? Senator Ó Maoláin talks about payment for this. We are humanitarians and I am sure that as a nation we shall make as big an effort as any other nation. Over and above that, there are wealthy countries which have not the capacity for this increased agricultural production but who will give of their production into this world pool which in turn will be used to provide, in full justice, a reasonable return for the labour of those who produce the food. That is elementary justice, which we have a right to expect. Therefore, there is no need to labour any longer the need for us to expand our agricultural production, and indeed for the world to expand its agricultural production, during the next decade in efforts to face the problem of world famine.

Will the Senator answer me about the wage rates? I am very interested.

The Senator must not have studied the Report on Full Employment.

The Senator has made a case and I should like to know what it is.

The Senator must not have done the very simple division that a calculation of the wage rate calls for. I said that if the output is doubled at a five per cent per annum rate, which does not call for any increase in the number of workers, it will bring the family income, which on average is £400 per family, to £800 in 15 years.

So an average family would have £4 per week?

No; I said £400 a year or £16 per week per unit at the end of 15 years. There is no need for this side-tracking.

The Senator made a point and I should like to get it.

I want to sketch the broad outline and not get bogged down in the type of detail in which the Senator is getting bogged.

This is a very important detail. I was anxious to get information because in his introductory statement, Senator McDonald said he would like to bring the agricultural workers' wages up to that of the industrial workers. How does Senator Quinlan equate the two types of production?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator will get an opportunity to make his contribution. In the meantime, he might refrain from coaching from the sideline.

I am not as well up in metaphysics as Senator Quinlan.

The line I have proposed here is exactly the line suggested in the Report on Full Employment for closing the gap that exists between the incomes of those working on the land and those working in industry. The suggestion was an acceptable closing of that gap in a period of 15 years. A realistic one would be to increase agricultural incomes by 5½ per cent per annum, according to the Report, and I have called for a five per cent increase. After 15 years, that would not have closed the gap completely.

Apart from all that, there are many more materialistic advantages about life on the land compared with life in a factory that I am sure would make the prevalence of a differential like the one suggested by the NIEC more than acceptable. For instance, coming across to this debate, I was in conversation with a taxi-driver and it exemplifies that situation. He was a young man in his 30's who has been driving for five years. He was in a factory previously and is not making as much driving a taxi but he felt he was his own boss and that mattered a great deal. That parallel arises, too, on the land.

To conclude, what are the factors inhibiting the Minister and the Government from launching out with bold targets in agriculture, targets along the lines I have proposed? I suggest the main factors are the human ones and in those we had our first impetus to agriculture in the co-operative movement in which we had Horace Plunkett, AE and Father Finlay whose slogan was: "Better farming, better business, better living." Better living was important. The human factor is the most important and serious one for those working on the land. In other words, the five-day week is in the air, not that every farmer or every worker on the land will have a five-day week or that a five-day week would achieve everything. To a man working on the land as to a man in a profession, all it means is the right to leisure. It is the right not to have to go to work when you are ill, the right to reasonable time off when you require it, the right to holidays.

On the land today, the farmers, especially the dairy farmers, know that if they get flu, they have to stagger out to try to milk the cows in the morning. That is something the modern person regards as totally unacceptable. In other words, when a farmer is ill, he must have a place to call for relief. In the same way, if he wants a day off, he must be able to make arrangements to have the milking done that night. If he wants a week off, he must be able to make arrangements to have his work done. This can be achieved quite readily by a new development—the second stage in the co-operative movement.

The time has come to make a radical change, for a radical development in co-operation in this country, co-operation along the lines of the 20th century. This would call for the co-operative to become the centre of a highly-trained and skilled work force available to replace the farmer if he is ill or wants a day off—to replace him and be paid an adequate wage by the co-operative, get from the milk cheque the proper charge. The main thing is that this help is available. In the same way, it could go far beyond this. The modern man does not like living in solitude. He wants to get away from the single man out in the field on his own, trying to cope with jobs with inadequate tools because he cannot afford expensive equipment to do the work. I believe that the co-operative will have to provide services for many of those tasks. Instead of the single man going out making his own silage, he can call on the co-op to do it. He can also call on them to spread manure to do ploughing or any other such work. The co-op can be called on to do all these tasks. They can make the appropriate charges against the produce of that man. He in turn has the right to work in a co-op as a member of the unit. At the end of the year, a balance is struck between what he earned working as a member of the unit and what is charged against him for work done on his farm.

You will suddenly, by this type of unit, step into the 20th century where work on the land will become work in bands or groups and where the single man of 20, 30 or 40 acres will no longer be under-employed. He will be able to cope with all the tasks on the farm and will have the proper equipment to undertake all these tasks. In fact, I would envisage that the smaller man, while retaining the absolute right to make decisions on his own farm as to what he will do with his cattle or how many cattle he will keep on the farm, would have his work allocated to him by the co-op. That is the advantage of working in company.

It also has the advantage that the work can be done when it is necessary. The man will not have to say that he will put off a particular job until the following day: the co-op would have made up a schedule of work. The job of the single man is merely to report in at the time allotted and have his work allotted to him. He will then become more efficient and get away from the old characteristic of never doing today what you can put off until to-morrow. That is the foundation on which the co-operative movement will have to be built.

Again, to come to the question of investment—I think the Minister was probably absent at the time I previously mentioned this; I was referring to the task of finding 100,000 new jobs in the next 15 years—I put it to the Minister's substitute, the Minister for Local Government: if the Government could provide jobs for those people, would they be prepared to settle for a capital cost of £2,000 per worker? In other words, would they be prepared to see £200 million spent to put the 100,000 into employment? I am now putting it to the Minister: Would the Government, if employment could be found on the land for those 100,000, be prepared to make an investment of £200 million and give those people the jobs over the next 15 years? If they did that, they would be investing £15 million or £16 million a year on the task.

The protection for farmers, as I said, has to come through the co-op. If large grants are given for providing extra cows or extra cattle, then the Government must take steps to ensure that these cattle live forever. The means of getting the grant should come through the co-op agency, with a certain deduction made from the milk cheque to that farmer every month. This would ensure that at the end of the normal life span of those cows, that is, five or six years, there would be accumulated in the co-ops sufficient money to replace the cows which had died.

(Longford): Does the Senator not realise that that is socialism?

I do not know what Senator O'Reilly would call it.

(Longford): I am not saying it has not some merit in it. I would like the Senator to realise that it is socialism.

It is going in the right direction.

An O'Reilly encyclical.

In the same way, there could be long-term capital improvements and these in turn should be guaranteed as to servicing. The servicing would come from the co-op and the charge to meet it deducted in the usual way from the production coming from the farm. This in turn could be met in whole or in part—indeed, it could be overmet—by the labour of the farmer concerned. That is the only solid foundation on which you can start to preserve the small and the medium farm in this country. It is the only way you can ensure that the workers on the land have their right to leisure, the type of leisure every other worker in the country deserves and enjoys.

I want to speak very calmly and dispassionately on this but it is a sine qua non in modern life that you have to work through organisations. The trade union movement has had a long and bitter struggle to get recognition but today no one would contend that the industry of a country could be worked except with the goodwill, the co-operation, and indeed the active participation, of the trade union movement. Exactly the same applies to agriculture and agricultural developments. Agricultural organisation has unfortunately been a latecomer in the field and that is why there is this income gap as between workers on the land and workers in industry. It has been a fact that the organised worker has been able to protect himself better than the unorganised worker.

When I use the term "worker" in relation to the land, I regard everybody working on the land as a worker, whether farmer, farmer's son or farm labourer. All countries recognise this. Denmark has built its foundation on it. So has Germany and so have all other countries. We must do it here. The sooner we have one overall farming organisation the better, and I think the Minister should act like some of his predecessors who expressed the view that they wished for and hoped for a united farmer's organisation. It is going to make life a bit more difficult for the Minister and for the Government for a while, but both parties have to learn to live together and co-operate as a team in the development of our main industry, agriculture.

I think that the Minister's idea of a National Agricultural Council was a progressive one, because the absence of agriculture from the NIEC has been lamentable and has resulted in this strange contrast of the super-optimism and super-targets with regard to industry, and ultra-pessimism and mini-targets with regard to agriculture. While that is the case, surely it was very wrong for the Minister and the Government to equate an organisation representing one commodity, say, the beet growers, involving some 30,000 or 40,000 acres, with an overall farming organisation representing over 100,000 members? That was wrong, just as wrong as if the Minister for Labour had suddenly tried to equate the Post Office Workers Union with the CIO.

A Senator

Watch yourself now.

I think the comparison is very apt. I say to the Minister and to anybody discussing agricultural organisation here that, first of all, we need not be too hard on them, because the fact is that we tend to have two or three groups where we are hoping for one. If you have two Postmen's Unions there——

(Longford): You have.

Yes, where one is obviously more desirable, but when you start talking about organisation, surely you should investigate what facilities it has before you call it an organisation? A modern organisation must obviously have adequate office facilities for the task it is doing. It must be comparable with such organisations in other countries. It must know how to use specialist help and have a record of doing that. I am saying that if you apply those tests, you find that the National Farmers Organisation has in its short period of existence made great strides to attain that position. I implore the Minister and the Government and the National Farmers Organisation to get together, to work together in the interests of this country, because without agriculture there is no future for this country.

The Report that calmly sets as targets, be they fantastic or otherwise, that agriculture could only in the national income go up three per cent while industry could go up by nine per cent in the next 15 years is obviously unbalanced. Does anybody suggest here that the fourfold increase in industrial exports which these targets would entail, with the task of selling that and finding markets for it, or even knowing what type of industries we should set up to create that fourfold expansion, can be looked at but as a tremendous undertaking, ambitious, super-ambitious, but one that we are attempting? If we are doing that in industry, why not set the same ambitious targets for agriculture?

Surely we cannot in all seriousness regard a target that is to reach production in 15 years here that is only two-thirds of what Denmark is doing today as being outside the bounds of reality? That is the target that would find and preserve 100,000 jobs in agriculture in the next 15 years. I implore the Government to take that target, although I should take the No. 2 target I proposed, the aim of setting a 15 years target to bring our production in 15 years up to what Denmark has today. By that stage Denmark will have gone much further ahead, but set that target, and if you set it, it means that instead of losing 100,000 off the land in the next 15 years, we will keep those places and require another 70,000. If we achieve that, then the task left to Irish industry to create full employment here will be a much more realistic one, and one in which we could engage.

Finally, let us get away from the pessimism of selling agricultural products. Let us do our duty as citizens of the world and as Christians, realising that the task in the next 25 years is not of selling agricultural products but of producing them in one gigantic world crusade to fight hunger. If that is the case, then we can base our expansionist and ambitious agricultural policy in future on one short addition to the slogan of Sir Horace Plunkett and Father Finlay, now to read, "Better Farming, Better Business, Better Living, Better Christians".

(Longford): There is nothing in this motion, which I agree has been on the Order Paper for a long time, that I do not agree with. I feel quite certain that all Members of this House agree basically with the motion and therefore there cannot be any wide area of disagreement. It commends itself to all of us, though there may be differences of opinion as to means, which is quite a different matter. May I say that I did intervene, both when Senator McDonald, the proposer of the motion, was speaking and also when Senator Quinlan was speaking. It was not to annoy or in any way trip them up, though Senator McDonald seemed to think that it was in that spirit I did it. I did not intend that, because I am quite prepared to say that he and the other speaker on this motion spoke sincerely from their viewpoints. I want to say that I did not intend to provoke in any way when I mentioned hay.

I had a reason for that. It is too soon for me to give the reason; I hope I remember to give it later on. I also suggested that during the course of Senator Quinlan's address that what he was advocating was socialist. I am not doctrinaire on this matter. The only kind of socialist I am antagonistic to is a doctrinaire socialist. Any person who is doctrinaire is a conservative. Once people are doctrinaire, they are inflexible.

What is wrong with doctrine?

(Longford): Once a person is doctrinaire, he is inflexible. The reason I interrupted is that being one of the oldest serving Members in this House—I mean with a lot of service—the views expressed by Senator Quinlan bring back to my mind a discussion on a motion which took place many years ago when a one-time Member of the House who sat near me— Senator Burke from County Galway— put down a motion asking the Government, if my memory serves me right, and I have a good memory, to take active steps to foster co-operative farming.

That Senator made a very good case for his motion. I was much younger in years and in experience then and I was one of those who interjected. Because I was then more doctrinaire than I now am, I was inclined to interrupt. Members on the other side of the House were also at least as uncharitable as me in interrupting Senator Burke. He was a man of goodwill and meant well in his view on that particular motion. Many of the views expressed by Senator Burke have been expressed by Senator Quinlan.

Some Members of this House—perhaps myself included—were kind enough to suggest collective farming. Nobody said whether to spell collective with a capital "C" or "K". Senator Burke resigned from this House and went to do social work in Africa. I hope his work was successful. A member of my family was working in Africa at the time and I was pleased to offer Senator Burke the biography of a famous Joseph Shanahan who also worked in Africa but Mrs. Concannon had already given him the biography. Perhaps I am outside the limits of order.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Senator is close to the limits of relevance, not to the limits of order.

(Longford): Having drawn attention to Senator Burke, Senator Quinlan might see fit to dig through the records of this House and read the arguments put forward by Senator Burke in favour of the motion on co-operative farming. One weakness in his argument—and I am prepared to admit that he meant well and was sincere; I am also prepared to pay the same compliment to those who have already spoken—was that the problem was made to appear very simple, one to which there was a simple solution. I am suspicious of simple solutions. I do not think there is a simple solution to this social problem of the flight from the land. If there were a simple solution to this matter—indeed, if there were a simple solution to any matter—many of the problems that continue to rear their ugly heads would have been solved a long time ago by Julius Caesar, Roosevelt, Churchill or somebody else.

I do not think that the Senator could produce in an hour a simple readymade plan to arrest the flight from the land. It is not purely an economic question or a social question. It may be a combination of both but it is also historical. I say in all sincerity that the weakness from the point of view of a solution is that you are dealing with people. I feel annoyed and depressed sometimes—and I am sure everybody else feels the same—that young people from want of scope, social, economic and political, are leaving. It is true that young people are inclined to move. The youth are inclined to move. It is part of the overall plan in nature and no matter what we do by way of making plans we will not change the course of nature.

I am convinced that all this planning and this talking at, rather than talking to, rural people will not get across. I have the advantage, or the disadvantage, of living three miles from the nearest village or public house and I see this problem from as rural a viewpoint as anybody else. I cannot shake off the feeling that rural people feel they are being talked at. I feel the same.

Reference was made to An Foras Talúntais and the agricultural advisory services. The man in charge of the average small farm family unit is not at all times over-convinced. In fact, I am afraid he is getting cynical. The message is not getting across and I say that deliberately to the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries. One of the things we should take a hard look at, in view of all the taxpayers' money that is being spent on planning and schemes, is the value that is being got for that money. Perhaps I am in a bad mood but I am afraid I see it just as many others living in rural areas see it. They have not the confidence in those services. Therefore, full value is not flowing from them. I shall not say it is all the fault of the advisory services or the people who man them; neither will I criticise An Foras Talúntais, if they are not getting their message across. It may be because of the attitude, the pattern of mental thinking which exists in congested districts in the rural areas. No matter how well you plan, having regard to the existing farming structure—all these well-made plans, as outlined by Senator Quinlan—the fact is that you have not in so many cases in congested districts enough land size or farm area, no matter how well it may be operated, to give a family income large enough comparable with other employments.

The farmer in Leitrim, Mayo, Donegal or in North Longford sees that. That is why he is inclined to be cynical and not accept the message which can be given to him by the agricultural instructor. Possibly, it can be rather demoralising as far as the agricultural instructor is concerned when he sees that his message is not going across. He may be a young man, he becomes disillusioned and fails then, with the passage of time, to do anything except beat along to keep in the pattern of things, which I agree is disastrous when it happens to a young man who has been so well trained and on whom so much money has been spent by the taxpayer and who has a potential for giving such output in that particular field of agriculture.

I am afraid that is the pattern. It may be partly historic that so much damage was done. Much damage was done to rural society over a hundred years ago as a result of the Famine and the Famine conditions which existed for so long. People lost faith in the land and it appears that faith has not been restored sufficiently to create a situation for the sort of development on a purely economic basis, outlined by Senator Quinlan. It is that attitude I am afraid of no matter how well-meaning the promoters of such a plan might be.

While the Senator was speaking I thought of something. It had something to do with Senator Burke, to whom I referred. I asked some person for the name of some parish in Cork. Ballinahask is the name of the parish which has been given to me. I should like to see this plan tested there. I may be thinking more of the contribution of Senator Burke than of Senator Quinlan. I should like to see someone—say Senator Quinlan—taking over the parish of Ballinahask and applying there the ideas he expressed today, ideas which are basically those expressed by Senator Burke many years ago and put into practice. It is easy to talk here. It is easy for me to talk; it is easy for Senator Quinlan to talk; indeed it was easy for Senator Burke to talk but I know the difficulties—being a rural person—any man will have in trying to take over that parish and run it along the lines suggested by Senator Quinlan, because you are still dealing with human beings in this matter and, possibly, human beings are the most awkward animals in creation. They do not co-operate as easily as one would think. Assuming you had a land pattern of about 30 and 70 acres—which I understand is the position in that parish —the plan outlined by Senator Quinlan should be very workable there—indeed much more workable than it would be in a parish in, say, Mayo, Leitrim, North Longford or in Donegal. But I do know one man in Donegal has tried, in practice, and with some little measure of success—which I suppose holds out some hope—has gone further in this question of theoretical co-operation in rural areas. He has gone to the point of having collective farming in West Donegal. Again, it may be socialism but I am not saying it is wrong because I am not Doctor Erhardt.

Being a practical person in politics, I know that if I were to proceed to do the same thing in my parish, assuming I had the energy, the youth and the vigour, or if Senator Quinlan were to try to do it in the parish I mentioned, there would be more prospects.

Does the Senator know that Senator Burke ran a co-operative farm in Tuam for 15 years?

(Longford): I am not trying to say anything derogatory about Senator Burke. I grew up to respect any man who holds his views sincerely. I am quite satisfied that Senator Burke made a contribution to society in some field wherever he went in Africa. Surely Senator Sheehy Skeffington does not object to my mentioning his contribution in this House a good many years ago?

No, but I think reference should be made to the practice as well as to his sincere theory, because he ran it successfully for 15 years.

(Longford): I was not aware of that fact.

In fact, he gave all his property to the farm workers.

(Longford): I did not know that. I hope I have not been the cause of an inquest on a previous Member of this House. I did know the Senator had left a house he owned to Galway County Council as a rehabilitation centre but I did not know about the other matter Senator Sheehy Skeffington has referred to.

I was on Senator Burke's farm. I shall tell the Senator all about it later.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Senator P. O'Reilly (Longford) on the motion rather than a collective discussion on Senator Burke.

(Longford): It would be no harm at all that the debate should drift along these lines; it cannot be regarded as vicious and there is no injection of political venom.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I hope the Senator can speak without venom but with relevance.

(Longford): Possibly because I am a bit cynical myself, I have not just the ardour seeming to be held by Senator Quinlan or Senator Burke. I am a bit suspicious—and I am afraid many of our rural people in congested districts are also suspicious—of plans, schemes, advice and all that sort of thing. It may be that too many of us are old and over-wise. Maybe the real cause of the trouble in Irish agriculture is that too many people of advancing years own farms, big, small and medium sized and that there is not enough scope for youth. It is true to say that people when young look on life as a glorious enterprise and that as they get on in years they become cynical and disillusioned.

If there is to be real progress it is not by injecting capital that we shall achieve it. It is not by the drawing up of this master plan that it will be achieved unless we are prepared to go the full distance of creating collective farms and putting Senator Quinlan as commissar in charge of one and putting myself, as commissar, in charge of another and then going and putting a commissar in charge of the pig project. If you want material advancement only and proceed along those lines, I agree you would succeed immensely in increasing agricultural production. But at what price?

There are human values involved. I do not think that rural people, being individualists, would accept that. I would not be prepared to accept it personally but it may be that I am such an individualist that the majority of people would not see it as I do. If a system like that were to be organised you would have to have the people either completely submissive or in dedicated agreement with the scheme of things. Knowing things as I do, I do not think that is possible and we must, therefore, find another approach.

There is no doubt that progress is necessary because we all agree that it is lamentable to have such fine people leaving rural Ireland for want of scope in Mayo, Galway, Donegal, Leitrim, Kerry, West Cork, in fact all of the congested districts, but I do not think it will ever become possible to have a sufficiently viable economy in those areas completely to absorb the growing population. My view is that if those areas could be organised into reasonably sized farms which could be vested in young people and if an order of things could be developed in which older people would surrender ownership to a younger age group and have a scheme, even at great cost to the State, involving two houses on a farm——

A dower house.

(Longford): It is along some such line that progress could be made. Capital is only a tool in agriculture. I do not want to get into the same area as Senator Quinlan did about capital and about figures, too many of which can be confusing, but I wish to point out that capital is only a tool in industry and in agriculture. It is a spanner. It is as good or as bad as a spanner, whether it be a geometrical spanner——

It is the Senator who should be in the Minister's chair.

(Longford): I am glad to see somebody holding out a hope. They are my views and I have given them as clearly as I could. Senator McDonald made a point I do not agree with—the jacking up of agricultural prices. I am a farmer, living on a small farm, practising dairying and I do not think there is a solution in continually jacking up agricultural prices. I am a member of the ICMSA——

And of the Seanad.

(Longford): I am speaking now as a farmer, not as a Senator. I am speaking to the Seanad. Of course, I was glad when creamery milk prices went up but what does it mean? Butter went up 2½d in the pound and that has to come out of some pocket. Whether you take it out of the left-hand pocket or the right-hand pocket it does not make much of a difference. It appears in hidden taxation if it is not added on directly. Like me, Senator McDonald has been elected on the Agricultural Panel and I speak to him now as a fellow farmer when I say we should not continue this jacking up of agricultural prices.

Suppose we raised the price of butter to 10/- per pound. It would be lovely but the people who supply the milk from which it is made would not buy it. We could not sell it either at home or abroad. The solution is not in jacking up prices but in increased production and in better farming.

It is true to say that in the West and probably all over Ireland, in the good lands as well as the bad, you have good farmers and farmers calling themselves farmers who are not farmers at all and you will find that they are the people who are always complaining and advising others not to pay their rates, not to do this or that. A small farmer has not the time to involve himself in these activities. I remember the president of a secondary school making a remark in September when passing in greenhorns for the coming term. He asked them what they would like to be. One said he would like to be a clergyman, another a civil servant and another said: "I intend to be a gentleman farmer." The reply was: "It is easy to be a gentleman but it takes brains to be a farmer !" That remark was made by the president of the college and that is a true story.

Our real difficulty is a social one. Senators McDonald and Quinlan and I know that the soil of Ireland and the crop of people on it—and people are only a crop—are what counts in Ireland. It is from the soil of Ireland and the people between the ages of 20 and 50 that the wealth of this country as far as agriculture is concerned, will be obtained. When you have a situation in which in many cases land is in the hands of people who are not using it properly there is bound to be a low average. It is because of that fact that Senator Quinlan could suggest that the output—he did not say whether it was gross output or net output—was £15 per acre. I know even in poor areas where you have good farmers that the income can be very much higher than the national average quoted by Senator Quinlan. If it were to be a normal one of £15 per acre the farm would have to be very large indeed if families of five or six were to get a reasonable living on it. It is true that it is high in many places. It is also true that it is very much higher, indeed, even in areas in which there is mediocre land when that land is in the hands of a person who has a reasonable knowledge of agriculture.

Before business is suspended perhaps the Leader of the House might give us an idea of what the order will be after tea? What time will be allowed for concluding the debate?

How long does the Minister want?

It depends when I get in.

That can be arranged.

It depends on what is said beforehand.

It has already been arranged to finish the debate at 10 o'clock.

Could the Minister indicate whether he would be one hour or one and a quarter hours?

Probably within the hour.

At what time will the Minister get in?

We are all anxious to hear the Minister.

Most people are.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

It probably could be arranged before the House resumes at 7.15 p.m.

Business suspended at 6.5 p.m. and resumed at 7.15 p.m.

(Longford): Before business was suspended I was about to make further reference to some of the arguments made by the proposer of the motion by way of a solution to the question or rural depopulation. One of the things that Senator McDonald suggested was minimum prices for agricultural produce. I did inquire by way of interjection whether he included hay, because when we are speaking on a motion like this I myself, together with Senator McDonald and Senator Quinlan, am inclined to paint the small farmer in a congested district in the best possible light, and it is only reasonable that we should do that. When I inquired as to whether hay was included or not I was very conscious of a situation that existed about 12 months ago because of a very long hard winter and because of the scarcity of animal feeding, particularly hay, and soaring prices. When a farmer sells hay it is not to a tailor or a blacksmith he sells it. Neither is it to the local agricultural instructor, university professor or school teacher. It is to a fellow farmer. My experience is that this time 12 months ago the farmers who were lucky enough to have hay to sell, even though it was bad hay, were worker farmers, and it is the worker farmer who has to buy hay.

However, there was a trade in the buying and selling of hay this time twelve months in the area I know. I speak only about things I know. I was really shocked at the price many people seemed to charge for hay. In my view there were farmers taking advantage of the misfortune of others. I hope I do not sound over greedy but to thrive on the misfortunes of other people does not appeal to me. I was appalled when I saw in a rural society people who were lucky enough to have hay to sell charging black market prices to farmers who were unlucky enough to need the hay. It was sold at a price that could not be called economic to the buyer.

We must have regard to the economies of life when we talk about economic prices for farmers. It is easy to put forward readymade solutions without putting a lot of thought into what should be done. The first sentence in the motion indicates that we deplore the flight from the land in rural areas. But, to say in the next breath that the Government policy is completely wrong is another matter. I do not think so. I am not prepared to admit that the arguments put forward would solve this problem. If they solved this problem there are problems that would, as I have already said, have been solved a thousand years ago.

I do not say that I have regard for Governments as such. Parliament has its duty at all times to give power to the Government to do their job and no more. Perhaps in speaking like that I am becoming too much of a political philosopher and it has nothing to do with this motion. I do not believe that no matter what Government gets into power they will be immediately possessed of an evil spirit and that they will do the wrong thing to persecute society. That is not true. I do not think the present Government, or previous Governments, did that. They are human beings; they may make a mistake but the person who never made a mistake never made anything.

In regard to the question of economic prices for the farmers, I have yet to get a definition of two things—a just wage and an economic price for agricultural produce. A just wage would seem to be something more than the rates given and an economic price for agricultural produce would seem to be something more than you are already getting. Apart from that, when we advocate those things we are inclined to leave ourselves enough elbow room and in public life we do need elbow room. I am convinced, however, that when it comes down to the realities of things there must be a limit, as I said earlier, to this attitude of jacking up prices. Even though my way of livelihood is the production of butter fat for sale to creameries—the production of milk—I realise there is a very narrow limit in this question of butter because you cannot have dear milk and cheap butter. We are all intelligent enough to know that. Neither can you have dear wheat and cheap bread, dear barley and a cheap food for pigs, poultry and cattle. There must be some realism in regard to this question of prices.

Quite a large number of practical farmers realise that there must be some sanity in this question of prices. I am not denying I was rather pleased, as I said earlier, when I saw that milk was increased by one penny per gallon. If that had reflected itself at the rate of, say, 2½d in the pound of butter in rural areas, in small farming units in the West of Ireland, it could easily have the effect that butter consumption would fall. If you were to continue along that line, by pressure on a Government, if pressure groups were able to succeed far enough in out-pricing, in getting their way with pressing a Government to jack up prices, a situation would develop in which you would have a price, say, for butter at which you could not sell and the consumption would drop at home. Even the small producers would find it very hard to buy back their own product from the creameries, or through the agency of the local shops. I referred to that because there are things which can be controlled within the country, like butter. In the cost of production, raw material, of course, is a factor.

Although it is not proper to this motion, and I did not intend to refer to it, I feel I must now refer to this question of the NFA, because Senator Quinlan referred to it in one of his closing remarks. I would prefer not to have to refer to it but, to be quite honest, the way I look at this is that it was just a collision between the ICMSA and the NFA and the Government was the anvil on which they tried to batter out their differences. To advocate, as Senator Quinlan did, that there should be one farmers' organisation only to speak for the graingrowers, the barley growers, the pig producers and so on, I do not accept at all. I shall give my reason.

I agree it is not proper to this motion but, since Senator Quinlan referred to it, I think I should reply. Here is the way I look at it. Some time ago wheat prices were jacked up to 82/- a barrel. Let me tell the House the effect it had on me. It meant my wife had to pay more for the loaf in a reasonably large household. If Deputy Corry and his Beet Growers' Association succeed in getting more for beet and that reflects itself in the price of sugar, the only effect it will have on people in, say, Leitrim, Mayo, Donegal, or Longford is that they will have to pay more for their sugar. The important thing about this is once wheat, which has a fixed price, or other animal grains, feeding barley and so on go up in sympathy with the price of wheat, you will have in the grain growing areas, the good areas, the areas where people are rich enough to agitate for more and more— for, perhaps, less and less output— people who want the highest possible price for feeding barley; in other words they will want to sell at a higher price than they would dare to feed on their own farms. It would be sold to the people who are in the combine animal-feeding business, with the result that the small producer in the West of Ireland, who has to feed cattle and keep cows over the winter, is out-priced because of the high price the grain growing farmers succeed in getting. I do not see how an organisation which adopts that policy can be supported because it is detrimental to the economy of the dairy farmer who wants to have a line in pig or in poultry production.

That is why I do not think it is practical to have one organisation proposing to represent milk producers one day, pig producers another day and beet growers another day. I do not think it could be done. My view is—let the Beet Growers' Association represent the beet growers, the ICMSA the creamery milk suppliers and so on and it will work out best in the long run. But as far as the present dispute which took place—which, indeed, was childish in some of its aspects and certainly the people involved in it have not much training in politics——

Perhaps the Senator would avoid discussion of these matters.

(Longford): It appeared to me at any rate that it was just a collision between the two groups, the ICMSA and the NFA and the attempt was to batter the matter out on the Government. I may be wrong in that view but I cannot help having it. Since some economic solution—purely economic—has been offered by Senator Quinlan may I say I do not believe the policies he outlined would work out in practice for the reason that he is dealing with human beings. If he thinks they are workable, it is still open for him to do what I suggested, since I said the views expressed by him were basically those expressed by a previous Member of this House, Senator Burke. I am informed by Senator Sheehy Skeffington that Senator Burke made a brave effort to put those theories into practical application. Perhaps Senator Quinlan will do what Senator Burke did in taking over that parish in Cork —Balinahask—which I understand is a fairly viable parish and not the hardest place to apply something like that. However, I hope it will not mean he will have to resign from the Seanad, as Senator Burke did.

I do not think a solution has been offered. It is unrealistic to suggest some change in Government policies without suggesting what is to take their place. There have been no alternatives to the present policies and I do not think any Government coming into power in the foreseeable future would scrap the existing agricultural policies. If we had a general election tomorrow, or in two or three years' time, it is more likely the Opposition Parties, or Parties hoping to get a measure of public support, would propose not to abolish those agricultural policies but to do more and go further in the operation of existing ones. That is the most likely thing to happen because I do not think we can truly say that basically the agricultural policy of the Government is a bad one.

The fact is that agricultural output is growing. I am prepared to prophesy —I do not like being a prophet, particularly a prophet of evil—that despite the bad winter we had the year before last and despite the gloomy prospects that exist in the cattle trade, there will be a modest or perhaps a substantial jump forward in the coming year, given a good harvest. There are many other factors apart from Government policy involved in this. I am prepared to suggest that there will be a very substantial increase in output of the commodity Senator Quinlan was inclined to dwell on most, milk. I am prepared to prophesy that there will be a substantial increase in milk output this year, without being able to gauge the amount or to deal with any other agricultural commodity. I am giving my view only in regard to the area of agriculture I know most about. I am not qualified to give an opinion on beet, barley or wheat. I leave that to people who may know about it.

However, I am quite satisfied that there will be a substantial increase in milk products and in milk production and that that will continue. Recently in a very small creamery area I checked up for my own information on the sales of artificial fertilisers this year as compared with last year. What happened in one place is part of a trend. I found that in an area in which 5,000 tons were sold the previous year it had almost doubled this year. Apart from that, I found that the value of the fertilisers was also much greater because some of the fertilisers chosen were not available last year. I am referring to Ten-Ten-Twenty. The area is one in which there is mediocre land and my point is that the better fertilisers were being purchased by farmers who were really serious about their job. As I said earlier, I am aware there are people calling themselves farmers who are not farmers at all.

If I were asked for a solution for the depopulation of rural areas I would not suggest a change in our agricultural policy but a strengthening of some of our existing policies. If I had to criticise any department it would be the Land Commission and the lack of a better organisation of farm patterns. That is not a matter of Government policy. After the last Land Act was passed I thought there would be a break through by the Land Commission on land subdivision and resettlement. I now have to criticise them for their slowness in action and lack of output.

The Department of Agriculture and Fisheries seem able to afford a good office with a good staff in every county and in every county you could have the Land Commission, sometimes with good offices if the Board of Works provide them, but always very poorly staffed. If a real impact is to be made on rural social action, in the buying, selling and re-arrangement of land, we need an inspector of the Land Commission in each two parishes not one man in each two counties. No matter what comparisons may be made, when land is to be divided there will always be applicants for it, whether in congested districts or other areas.

If there was a better farm pattern for congested districts, with land organised into 40 acre units, and if we eliminated as far as possible the very small farms on which many of our people have to live in economic misery, we might be reaching for a solution. I heard this quoted recently on television and I heard it this evening from the pioneer of the IAOS: no matter what Government policy is you cannot have good living conditions when you have rural slums. What we need is a better pattern in farms together with more good housing and a realisation that it is necessary to have young people running farms. I agree with Senator Quinlan that we cannot have good conditions so long as we have an age group in charge of farms which has lost all sense of enterprise. We must have the farms in young hands with, perhaps, a second house for the old couples. A beginning has been made in that direction but it has not been pushed far enough.

Until we can maintain young people in rural areas we shall not see an improvement. We could take any farm in the congested districts or elsewhere, draw a pattern of its output last year and express it mathematically by way of graph. We would find that the curve of production went up or down in relation to the age bracket on the farm concerned, just as the curve of production of a cow in a lactation period goes up or down as the length of the day increases or wanes. These things can be expressed mathematically. I know it and Senator Quinlan knows it. Our purpose should be to try to have more young people in charge of farms because it is a tragic fact that too much land in congested districts is in the hands of people who call themselves farmers but who are just owners of the land.

This is a social question and no political movement can bring about a change very easily. Until a situation has developed in which young people are enticed and encouraged to get married younger and to settle down, with provision being made for a second house for old couples, there will not be any appreciable improvement. Of course, the Land Commission must also get to work in earnest. I agree with the view expressed in the first half of the motion as, I am sure, does every other Member of the House, but I do not agree with the second portion which seems to condemn every single policy of the Government, of the previous Government and of the Government before. These policies have been operated by different Governments and by Governments formed by different Parties.

In view of the fact that the time is so short for this debate I shall not take up as much time as I should like in view of the anxiety expressed by a number of other Members of the House to contribute to the debate. I disapprove very much of the decision to limit this debate and to finish it at 10 o'clock tonight. The debate itself is well overdue. The situation since last October has been a shameful one in Irish political life as far as the Government are concerned. The disgraceful exercise of arrogance on the part of the Government in trying to browbeat and bully the farmers of this country is something which will long be remembered.

The Government which proceeded to give a lecture to the farming community to respect the institutions of the State set a very bad example themselves by flouting the wishes of this House since last October to give an opportunity to discuss this vitally important matter of agriculture. Here we have a Government treating an institution of the State, this democratic House, with contempt. That very same Government have the audacity to proceed to lecture the farming community on the necessity on their part for respect for the institutions of the State. In fact, it has been shown that the farming community, in spite of every possible measure used by the Government to incite them and to force them to take legal action, have held their heads and shown a discipline that would be something which could well be emulated by others long experienced in matters of a similar nature.

There is no question whatever of the necessity for this debate. It has been necessary for the past six months. On every occasion when we sought in this House to bring this Minister here, and indeed to get his predecessor, Deputy Haughey, to come here and explain his conduct towards the farming community, the House was told that the Minister was not available on that day or even the following week. We could not pin the Leader of the House to tell us when the Minister would do us the honour of coming into this House to discuss this matter.

It will be immunity possible to agree to anything with the Senator in the future.

As far as Senator Ó Maoláin is concerned he will not bully me in this House. The day of bullying is over.

The Senator has said it.

It has been proved beyond doubt that the Government's attempts to intimidate the farming community on recent occasions have failed.

As has the Senator's attempt to intimidate the Seanad.

The Government from the day the very first contingent of farmers proceeded on a lawful march from the four corners of Ireland to visit Dublin and make their protest, planned to destroy a leading farmers' organisation. They left no stone unturned to finish that organisation. When the march took place to the capital Members of this House, myself among them, were present in Merrion Street and we found a lawful, peaceful gathering of farmers.

The Senator is now discussing another motion. He is discussing motion No. 5.

I am discussing the Government policy on agriculture.

The Chair is now asking the Senator to come to the motion before the House, which is motion No. 4.

I am dealing with motion No. 4.

(Longford): I spoke on motion No. 5. I understood it was being discussed.

Senator McQuillan to continue.

I cannot speak for Senator O'Reilly (Longford) but I am certainly speaking on motion No. 4 with particular reference to where I am going to call on the Government to drastically change their agricultural policy.

Call on them for God's sake.

In order to call on the Government to change their agricultural policy I must formulate what that policy is and what it has been for the past six months. I put it to you that I am entitled in this House to discuss what the Government policy on agriculture has been over the past six months and to call on them to change that policy.

The House at the moment is concerned with motion No. 4, which deals with agricultural policy.

Precisely and also the agricultural policy for the past six months and their intimidation of the farmers of this country.

The Senator is now discussing motion No. 5. The Chair is now asking the Senator to relate his remarks to motion No. 4.

I believe I should not be muzzled in this fashion when I try to deal with what the Government policy on agriculture has been over the past six months. This is the first attempt we have had to discuss this.

The Chair has no intention of muzzling the Senator. The Chair is concerned with an orderly debate and the debate must take place on motion No. 4.

Motion No. 4 gives an opportunity to deal with the provisions of the recent Budget. I think I am entitled to give the reason for the Government policy on agriculture in this particular Budget and the necessity for further alterations as far as the Government are concerned. I want to make it clear that the Government were forced to bring in the agricultural benefits which are in this Budget——

By Senator McQuillan.

——because of the pressure and the steadfastness of the farming organisations over the past six months. This Budget is a victory for the farmers. It is not everything they hoped for. Indeed, it is not a fraction of what they are entitled to but the fact that the very same Minister and Government have been forced to take action in favour of the farming community is a proof of how successful the farmers can be when they stick together and are loyal to each other.

(Longford): Was it the ICMSA or was it the other who got the penny for the milk?

I shall send the Senator over the bag of hay he was looking for during the past half-hour.

(Interruptions.)

He will send you over the muzzle you were talking about.

Let me say this. Although the Government were forced to yield to the farmers in spite of every form of intimidation they still sought in a sinister fashion to divide the farming community. That is something we should ponder on here because in the motion before us it is quite possible for me and other Senators to point out exactly the Government policy and their sinister plan in this regard. Having failed prior to the Budget to break the farming organisation, having been forced to grant those concessions, they sought in the granting of them to do what they failed to do over the past six months prior to the Budget.

May I put it to Senators on the opposite side of the House that if they only sit back and think for a moment they will realise how factual my statement is in that regard. This Minister has decided that he is the patron saint of the small farmers. He went down recently to County Mayo and told a Fianna Fáil Cumann or gathering or cell or whatever else he describes it as that Fianna Fáil looked after and were the only Party that always looked after the interests of the small farmers, and pointed out how necessary it was that the small farmers should rally behind Fianna Fáil. What happened? This Minister, drunk from his victories in the by-elections in Kerry and Waterford, metaphorically, of course, thought that the farming community of Ireland were going to follow him along the path which would lead them to further ruin, but the time came when the Minister in his own county found the answer and learned his lesson in the night when he allowed a Chief Superintendent of the Garda Síochána to go on television and warn the people of Donegal that he was going to see that the fair would be held, that the cattle would be allowed in, and that there would be no intimidation. That effort on the part of the Minister was done deliberately to incite, if at all possible, a riot or trouble in the town of Donegal, and it proved at the same time that the small farmers of Donegal were not Blaney henchmen, were not Blaney employees who would not take part in a loyal protest on behalf of their suffering colleagues. The only people at the fair at Donegal were the limbs of the law who were sent there by the Minister——

The Senator will understand that these matters are within the province of the Minister for Justice, not the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries.

I intend to deal with that gentleman, too.

The Senator will deal with him only when he is in order.

With the permission, of course, of the Chair.

The Senator, to proceed with the motion.

The answer of the farmers in Donegal forced the Government to realise that they could not any further prolong the day when they would have to meet the farmers and deal with them. We know, and the Senator from Letterkenny knows, what happened at the Goldenbridge, and we will not go further into that matter. The Minister was forced to meet the farmers, and we all know this, that the Taoiseach himself, in order to have some kind of peace, some kind of civilised conduct, was forced to sit in for seven and a half hours at the discussions rather than have them disturbed by the vindictive attitude shown by his Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries towards this major farmers' organisation.

Do not run out of adjectives now.

What has the farmer got? The small farmer now has succeeded in having his land under £20 valuation completely derated. I am a long time in public life, though not as long as some other Members of the House, and I have never yet considered that derating was the solution to the problems of the small farmers.

(Longford): Is it wrong?

I have never considered it as a solution to the problem of the small farmers, and I have not changed my mind on that. I am satisfied that so far as the Government are concerned they were able to do, as they thought, two things—split the farmers and at the same time show that they were at least giving something to the smaller, poorer farmer by derating his land. The small farmer at this stage, instead of getting the £5 or £7 or £8 which a farmer of under £14 valuation can only get from this derating— and this was the be all and the end all that the Government gave—if his holding was too small, should be allowed, in the west in particular, another form of employment, some type of employment or subsidies, and not be putting him on the dole or on the unemployment benefit for twelve months.

The remedies for the small farmers now are twofold in the west. There is derating, and to the small man under £12 valuation, some of which range from 7/- to about £7, that is the value of the derating. That is on the one hand. On the other hand, the small farmer is now going to be allowed to draw unemployment benefit for twelve months. Where is the incentive to produce there? Is there any attempt made to raise the small farmer's morale, to stop this inertia or disease that is creeping into the rural community to do nothing, and is the Government now buying the small farmer by saying: "You need not work for twelve months"?

This is what the small farmer is offered at a time when the Estimate for the Forestry Division is reduced. Let any Senator go over to the west of Ireland and see a typical example in a place called Cloonfad, which is in the corner between Galway, Roscommon and Mayo, where there are about ten thousand acres of land ideal for forestry and small farmers with little holdings adjoining. These small farmers now are told: "You can have twelve months' unemployment benefit" and the forestry work in that area has all stopped. Is that progress? Is that expansion? Is that good for the rural community, and is it going to bring hope to the people of Ireland? I consider it a form of demoralisation, and I know that what will happen at the end of twelve months time is that a Fianna Fáil Deputy or Senator or a leading bigwig will appear in the locality and tell the boys: "I got you twelve months' unemployment benefit, stick by me and we will keep it up", while those who want to work and have the spirit to work cannot get it, and are leaving the country as fast as they can.

Is there necessity for this debate in the House? Is there a flight from the land? The last major report given to the Government in the Second Programme for Economic Expansion and the last report made by the Agricultural Institute show that we have now reached the stage of emigration which was not expected until 1970, that the numbers gone from the land in the last twelve months, by right should not be gone before 1970 according to the estimates which they had prepared two years ago.

Since 1955, 45,000 people have left the province of Connacht. Senator O'Reilly spoke here some time ago about the older population. What can you do with them? How can you get them to produce more from the land? Has the Senator or his Party ever analysed why it is only the older age groups that are there now? Since 1926 the population of Connacht has dropped by 34 per cent while the national average drop in the same period was 3 per cent. I should like to give some figures which can be stood over and which should bring home to this House the reasons for the situation that has developed.

Senator O'Reilly spoke about the age group 16 to 45. Between 1946 and 1951 the 16 to 45 age group, which is the vital one, in Roscommon represented 39 per cent of the population. Between 1951 and 1961 that percentage changed from 39 to 28. The figures for 1966 are not yet available but the projected figure shows that the productive population will have dropped in County Roscommon to 24 per cent of the population. That figure was 39 per cent in 1951. What about the group to which Senator O'Reilly referred, the over-45's? What has taken place there? Before 1951 the over-45 age group represented 34 per cent of the population. In the ten year period between 1951 and 1961 the percentage of 34 altered to 49. We are assured by those who are studying the figures at present that over 50 per cent of the population are in the over-45 age group. How can you get the production, the drive and the energy that is necessary to rehabilitate the western areas when the very life blood itself is leaving at such a rapid rate?

The west of Ireland is like a patient lying on a table with his blood pumping out. He is apparently healthy on the outside, but every time more blood escapes that patient becomes weaker until in the end he is unable to help himself at all. That situation is being reached in the west of Ireland through deliberate Government inaction. We have a Government who say they are the friends of the small farmers in the west. I do not want to make too much political capital of this because the situation has reached such a serious stage that it is no longer a matter in which we can hope to achieve a change of outlook unless all hands are interested to do something about it.

It is our duty to expose the weaknesses of a Budget that has been brought in allegedly to help the small farmers. I hope Senator O'Reilly does not mind my using him as a stick to beat his own Party.

(Longford): I do not indeed because nobody takes you seriously anyway.

He said he would be happy to live to see the day when the Land Commission under the new Land Bill would have authority to give new holdings to the farmers in the west and in other parts of the country. We had a lot of talk from the Minister's predecessor and the Minister for Lands about the Government going to provide 45 acres as an economic unit for the farmers. The Government went so far as to bring in legislation to entice older people, or those not able to use their lands, to give their land to the Land Commission, and they would be given substantial or reasonable pensions to live on. That is Government policy according to the position outlined last year and, indeed, up to the Budget which has now come in.

Is it not quite clear that the measures in the present Budget are in direct conflict with this alleged aim of the Government to create 45-acre holdings? First of all, they have derated all the small holdings. Is there any incentive now to amalgamate them? Is there any incentive now to the older people to move out? By derating and allowing a twelve months period for unemployment are they giving any incentive to the Land Commission to amalgamate holdings and make 45-acre units out of them? The Government have given no consideration to the serious issues involved.

Their main aim in this Budget is to break the farmers' association. Otherwise, they would have given far more thought to the necessity for bringing in budgetary measures that would implement the Government decision to create 45-acre units. We have either forgotten about the 45-acre units or else this new set-up so far as the Government are concerned is unrealistic with regard to derating. They cannot have it both ways.

Is the position bad so far as the farming community is concerned? Without going into great detail on the necessary and different measures that should be taken to improve agriculture, I have figures which should be of interest to the House. There are costings which I hope the Minister will rebut if they are incorrect. I shall give figures for 1955, 1956 and 1957 on farm movements. Take a bucket; you can double its price since 1955. A tractor that cost £699 in 1955 costs £855 in 1967. If you take pigmeal which is a vital food product it should be of interest to note that in 1955 it was 30/- per cwt and now it is 36/-. Fuel oil which is a commodity much used by the farming community cost 2/11d per gallon in 1955 and now it is 5/8d, 5/9d, and 5/10d per gallon. With regard to cattle prices, this should be of interest when we consider how the cost of living and prices have gone up since 1955. Cattle were 25 to 50 per cent higher in that year than over the last six months. Fat sheep were going at exactly the same price in 1955 as in the last six months and remember the change in the cost of living and the rise in prices since then.

Has the farmer got anything extra for his work in that during that period? A Senator on the other side spoke about the prices the farmer gets in the market. He cannot be accused of getting outrageous prices when in 1955 they were as high as they are today.

(Longford): Would the Senator give the milk prices in 1955?

The price of milk today represents only a fractional increase.

(Longford): Would the Senator quote the figures?

Let me go on to another product which should interest the Senator from Longford. The price for potatoes in Donegal should be of interest to the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries who is a Donegal man. The price of potatoes today is not realistic; it was far more in 1955.

I am buying them every day at £16.

In so far as milk price increases are concerned in the last 11 years, they can only be described as fractional in the light of the all-round increases that have taken place in farmers' costs.

It is very interesting at this stage to see how many viewpoints here are coming together on the necessity for the State to intervene more and more in the forming of corporations or State bodies in order to help the farming community. The success of An Bord Bainne is quoted here by the most conservative of conservatives; the success of the Sugar Company is proudly boasted of—and rightly so—by the very conservatives here in this House who shudder at the word "socialism", who say that socialism is a bad word, is a dirty word. In fact, these are social measures, because conservative governments found that private enterprise would not do the job and it was essential for the State to step in. We want more of those State enterprises; we want more blue prints like the Sugar Company here provided, so that horticulture, meat, the pig producers, grain production, malting barley and all these are controlled in the interest of the consumer and the producer and not have these people exploited by the processor, which is the position at present.

We have to get away from the idea that private enterprise is something sacred and must be protected at all costs. What sections of private enterprise in agriculture have we been protecting? Is it the small farmer we have protected? Is it the woman who cooked the bacon? Is it the consumer we have protected? To whom have we given the incentive in the bacon industry, for instance? Who has got the guaranteed prices, the State grants, the subsidies and everything else, except the processor?

What has happened, for instance, in one of the most important—or potentially most important—lines of agricultural produce we have, namely, malting barley? Some people may say it is a hobby of mine to talk about this particular subject but when people say here we are over-producing in certain lines and there is no market, that is absolutely ridiculous. We have not even tapped many of the lines of agricultural production which would offer major sources of employment in the processing field for our boys and girls who are now forced to emigrate.

Let us take one particular industry alone—the distilling industry. In 1954, in Dáil Éireann, the former Taoiseach seconded a motion of mine, although he said at the time he did it formally —I admit that—to nationalise the distilling industry, to set up a corporation on the same lines as the Sugar Company and to prevent the exploitation of this wonderfully potential wealth to the community by three or four companies. What happened? The Government gave pound for pound to a State body to sell Irish whiskey abroad. What did they succeed in doing? From 1954 to date, our exports of Irish whiskey to the US market have gone down instead of up. I gave figures here over the years of what the Scottish people could do. Why is it we cannot at least do as good in the production of malting barley and the finished product as the Scots have done? Our export sales to date are approximately £250,000 worth of Irish whiskey and that is all as a result of incentives since 1954 to private enterprise. What did the Scots succeed in doing? They lifted their export sales until, at the present moment, they are selling in America, £120 million worth of whisky today.

Does the Senator not know why?

Will the Senator make his own contribution?

The Senator appeared to be very ignorant of facts.

I shall give way to Senator Ó Maoláin if he can enlighten me. I want to make it quite clear that there is no reason except a conservative approach on the part of our distillers. That is the main cause of preventing a proper expansion of the distilling industry. If we produced what the customer wants——

Is it responsible for the flight from the land?

I am trying to point out where employment can be given. The production of one bottle of whiskey will give far more employment than the production of five cattle.

(Longford): Was Johnny Walker nationalised in England or in Scotland?

What distilling groups in Scotland are under the one——

(Longford): Was Johnny Walker nationalised?

Let me put it this way to the Senators who seem to think that dealing with an industry would not stop the flight from the land. That shows how far removed they are from appreciation of the potential wealth we have in the soil. The production of malting barley gives a guaranteed price to the small farmer for a crop which will give him security on his holding. It will give employment to his family in the processing and distilling; it will give tremendous employment, as it does in Scotland. I shall put it this way; in the region of 80,000 people are engaged in that industry.

Who will buy the finished product?

On the American market alone the consumption was nearly £700 million worth of whiskey.

What guarantee has the Senator they will buy all this Irish whiskey?

We have already made an agreement, as far as I know, in the last week between Erin Foods and a major international company. I can assure the Leader of the House that as far back as 1956 an opportunity was offered and laid on the table of the Cabinet by one of the biggest distributing groups in America to take Irish whiskey and put it into all their stores, if the Irish distillers were prepared to co-operate with them. They were prepared to send over their own chemists, blenders and distillers to Ireland so that we would get a product acceptable to the American taste. The Irish distillers refused to have anything to do with it and the Government took no action.

That would not have been Irish whiskey; it would have been Americanised Irish whiskey.

I should much prefer to see co-operation here between well-known international chemists and blenders and our Irish chemists and blenders than to have foreigners coming over here and being given large grants, like Potez——

That is all right but do not talk, then, about Irish whiskey not being able to make the grade on the American market.

I shall say this to the Senator. He is displaying a great ignorance with regard to whiskey when he suggests that the type of whiskey that coincides with Scotch whisky is not an Irish whiskey. If the Senator only knew, Scotch whisky was the invention of an Irishman, named Coffey, who presented the Scots with a distillation system which was such an improvement on the Irish one that they were able to cut down costs and beat the Irish distillers so let the Senator not start telling me——

May we now get back to motion No. 4?

I mentioned here earlier that the small farmer wants something more important, more necessary, to him than an extension of the period of unemployment benefit. He wants employment; he wants to get into productive employment. I have already mentioned what has taken place in the field of afforestation. The Government have taken a decision to reduce the amount of money made available for afforestation. In taking that action, we see straight away that they are not really interested in the proper development of the poorer areas where planting would be of such vital importance.

I do know that there is no need for the money spent at present on the main roads. There is no question about it that much of the money which should be channelled into agriculture has been going into the main roads during the past eight or nine years. The actual line of these roads, the roads themselves, have been altered half a dozen times, re-routed in fact, and no questions have been raised as to the cost. It seems no problem to secure money at this stage, when it is so tight, for the making of roads yet we cannot get money for afforestation or drainage.

What order of priority have the Government for the farmers? They have set up pilot farm schemes in the west. Deputy Haughey, the former Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries, interested himself in a number of them in Roscommon. Here, again, it should be of significance to the Members of the House to know that of all the people involved in the pilot farm schemes only three per cent of the managers, of the owners of the land in question, are younger than 45 years. That factor does not seem to have struck the Government or the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries when they came to deal with the major problems of the west.

However, I shall not at this stage deal with many of the matters I should have liked to deal with. Other Members are anxious to participate in the debate. I think, though, that the Government in their anxiety to weaken the strength of the farmers' organisations made a bad move for the future as far as the small farmers are concerned in this year's Budget. Instead of giving more money for afforestation, drainage and other productive schemes, in this year's Budget they concentrated on the easy way out by derating small farms and extending the period of unemployment. These are measures that will weaken the initiative and the energy of the people who are losing hope fast. The Government's aim would appear to be to kill gradually the initiative of the people still left in the west.

I have not said a word about the people in the small towns in the west. The lights are going out in all of them because no effort has been made to relieve the heavy burden on these people as far as rates are concerned. It is on them that the rates really impinge. There is no incentive to provide new industries in the west. All we have in the Budget is further provision towards cheap labour, towards the employment of young girls. I am not running down tourism as such but I do not accept a situation in which the wonderful people who lived in rural Ireland should be driven out in the fashion they have been or that the future role of the few who remain should be to act as hosts to the big fellows from Dublin, to act as ghillies to them when they come down to relax after a few hours in the board room.

For good pounds, shillings and pence each week.

It is something we in this House can do very little about. The only hope we have of seeing an end to it is by recourse to the ballot boxes and I have a feeling that the Government, through their, shall we say, victories in Kerry and Waterford, have at last over-reached themselves and that in the not too far distant future the fate is awaiting them that should have long overtaken them.

This motion has been here for some considerable time. I am sorry it should have been so long unattended to but I feel the juncture we have reached, with the Budget provisions announced, is rather an appropriate time to give added meaning to what the Government have done, are doing and will continue to do for the people who live on and from the land of this country. It is, unfortunately, quite true that this phrase or term "flight from the land" is applicable to this country as, indeed, it is to most other countries and I am not one to mitigate the seriousness of this movement from the land of this country merely because it is happening in other European countries.

I do not attempt to use that argument as a reason why it should happen here and I do not go along with the idea that it should continue to happen here. I have every belief that the movement from the land here can not only be stabilised but as the lands become ultilised to their fullest, as demands for food grow in undernourished and developing countries, it will recede. So far, the transport of our surpluses to the starving countries makes our produce and the sale of that produce an uneconomic proposition but this is not likely to be so as the years go on. I subscribe to the view that, in the overall long-term context, in a world which is building up in population and falling far short, year by year, in the amount of food required, we as an agricultural country have a very great importance and an increasing role to play in the years ahead.

However, the problem is that we have to live here ourselves in the years between and it is this problem that engages the attention of the Government today, has been engaging it and will continue to engage it in increasing measure in the immediate future. The queer situation that we can look at and readily ascertain in regard to the movement of people from the land in other countries shows two things and I shall not go into a litany of figures and data to prove it. In Denmark we have a very highly populated country but at the same time their movement from the land has been higher in the past five or six years than ours. There, there is a very high utilisation of land, very high productivity, but despite their efforts in every direction their movement from the land has been at a higher percentage rate than ours. On the one hand we have Denmark where the standard of efficiency is extremely high. We cannot then say that merely improving the standard of efficiency here will cure the problem.

Neither can we say that vast supports will cure it. We can look at the situation in the United Kingdom where we find, during the same period, that despite very highly supported prices the population on the land is going down as much as ours is in the percentage of our people working on the land.

We have not got any simple task and there is no simple solution, for the reason that neither supports in the UK nor the increase in the standard of efficiency in Denmark have given an answer to what is really quite a pressing problem for us. I do not use either of those two countries to argue that we are justified in our figures, but neither of those two countries has been able to solve its problem quickly.

The fact that it has not worked out in either of those two instances in recent years is only underlining and underscoring the difficulties we face in this country in so far as stemming the slide and reversing it if possible is concerned. We have an even more difficult problem because our flight from the land is to a very large degree related to the western part of the country. As Senator McQuillan has rather glibly, and without any great meaning, mentioned me in the context as setting myself up as the patron saint of small farmers I take him up on that. I would gladly wish to be able to be the patron saint of small farmers.

Deputy Haughey did it.

If the Senator attributed it to me I should be quite happy if I could do something for them in the manner in which saints have been doing it for people for a long time. Now to get back to the motion. This situation of ours, as I said, is more complex and more difficult than merely looking at it from a national point of view. It is by and large related to the western seaboard, the western countries from West Cork right up to Donegal. We find there that the problem of declining numbers on the land is much more acute in the western areas of the country. We know this and we do not like it.

We find in 1961, for instance, when the proportion of the total population engaged in agriculture was 35 per cent for the whole country, the percentage for the 11 western counties, that is, the counties that are wholly in the west, was 59 per cent. Again, you can see the absolute heavy dependence that there has been traditionally over the years on agriculture in the western part of the country. We then come on and find that another statistic throws this up for us. We find that four out of every five of our farmers who are under 30 acres live in those same western counties. We find also that out of the total number of farmers of under 30 acres, that is roughly 129,000 of them in the entire country, 60 per cent of that total or 66,000 are in that western area.

This immediately shows the obvious difficulty that even if the land were good, which in the main it is not by normal national standards, we have to try to sustain by activity on the land a far greater proportion of our people in that area than in the rest of the country where land is infinitely better. Therefore, if people have been leaving the land, as undoubtedly they have been, not only here but elsewhere, it was to be expected that there would be a greater loss in those areas where there was a heavy population on the land and where the farms are very often bad farms and there is bad housing.

Why cut down on afforestation and drainage in those areas as well?

If Senator McQuillan bears with me I will tell him all about afforestation and about all the rest of the cutting down which has taken place over the years. In so far as this situation is concerned we have four out of every five of those farmers with under 30 acres situated in the west. It is, therefore, to be expected that in the western areas there would be a greater loss than in the country as a whole. Therefore, the Government have been at pains to find ways and means, particularly in arresting the decline in numbers engaged in agriculture in the counties on the western seaboard. The Members of this House are pretty well aware, apart altogether from the overall general or generous contribution made by the taxpayer through the Exchequer to agriculture as a whole, that the amount given to those areas is quite considerable. We have been devising ways and means in which the best efforts by way of finance can be devoted to aiding agriculture in the western areas.

We find that the list of special aids to the west grows year by year. Indeed they grow almost month by month. Every month that passes sees additional aids given to those western areas. We find that 75 per cent, for instance, of advisory service costs is paid for by the Exchequer to give advisory services to those areas. We find also in recent years since that increase took place, that the number of advisers has naturally climbed quite steeply. Those advisers are of value to the people in the west and they have been doing good work over the years and will undoubtedly continue to do so. The results of that good work will undoubtedly be shown in the years to come.

Pilot areas were started in the west. There are people who will sneer at them. They will say that this is not the way to do the job, that it is only pin-pricking it. The main thing is that since those pilot areas were started they have been proved to be a success in a very definite way. They have been of great benefit to residents in those areas. Their production has been going up and great benefit has been received by the farmers in those pilot areas.

In this present Budget, although it is not contained in the figures given yesterday, but is contained in the Estimates already prepared, additional moneys have been given to expand the pilot areas in each of those counties to about three times their present size. In the new additional benefits given in the Budget yesterday £200,000 by way of special contribution is going to the Minister for Lands to come in with us on this very great work of giving additional aid to the small farmers within those pilot areas. This is to be devoted to an accelerated effort in those areas to try to do a lasting job within those particular areas. I have no doubt as those areas grow in size there will be pressure to extend them still further.

It would be my hope in the not too distant future if those pilot areas prove themselves and if we have staff of the requisite calibre, to extend the benefit now given within those areas until ultimately they embrace the four corners of each of those counties in which they are showing their paces. There is nothing to be sneered at with regard to those pilot areas as has been done by some people who have a solution for everything and never took the opportunity of applying the solution themselves when they were in Government.

I have seen one of those pilot areas in practice in my own county. I have watched how it started and how it has grown. If we could start those pilot areas in every part of the western counties we would see a radical change in the incomes of the farmers in those areas. If it is inbued in the minds of those already participating in those pilot areas that they will receive great benefits from them, that is the best indication that one could get that it is a worthwhile job, that there is a future in the adjoining parishes and that the adjoining parishes will know that their time is coming and may come to them shortly.

They are there prepared to go ahead. The 1965 Land Act, without which this new money given to the Minister to operate in a special way in the pilot areas would be of little value, has given to the Minister and to the Land Commission powers that they did not have heretofore and which are absolutely essential in relation to the land that is long going to waste, that belongs to absent people or to old people who want to retire but cannot afford to do so. These powers are in that Act and these schemes are provided for them and the money is now being provided to do a special job under this Land Act in the pilot areas to show what can be done for the people in those somewhat depressed areas of the past.

The figures for the reclamation grants which are of special concern in the west have gone up to a maximum of £50 per acre and especially for the west there are the industrial grants for new creameries in new areas not previously served. This obviously applies to the west where dairying had not been so widespread as it was in other parts of the country. We have then the additional penny a gallon for milk which many of those people in the west will get, and the new coolers scheme the details of which will be announced. I can tell the Seanad that this scheme will be a relief to the small producer, and not only will it be related to the small supplier of milk but it will be further restricted on a valuation basis to the small farm man. It will not be simply a grant for more people who handle only a small amount of milk going to the creamery but have other enterprises on their farms of large valuation. There will be the double restriction on it so that it will be restricted to the supply of coolers to the small farmers who have hitherto not had cooler equipment and have not been able to get the extra quality bonus for milk which the bigger and better equipped farmers got and are now enjoying.

The two-tier principle was the subject of a study by a committee set up by my immediate predecessor Deputy Haughey as Minister for Agriculture. Only a preliminary report has yet been available to me but sufficient do I know and sufficiently satisfied am I of the unanimity in that preliminary analysis of the report that the Government have, after consideration, decided to provide a quarter of a million pounds in the new provisions in this coming year in order to provide for something similar to the principle involved, which is really a two-tier principle though not a two-tier milk price. The Government are accepting the principle and are backing their acceptance by providing a quarter of a million pounds. The full implementation of the full report will be discussed by the National Agricultural Council and myself, and we will go back to the Government.

My own intention now would be that before this year is out this two-tier principle will be in operation for the benefit of the small farmers of this country who at the moment may not be viable but are potentially viable units whether milk producers or small farmers of other kinds. This report though it had as its terms of reference the studying of a two-tier milk price, not only refers to the dairy farmers but also adds, in the short version of the report I got, an addendum or addition to what was the immediate job, to say that other farmers not engaged in milk who could benefit from this type of operation should also be considered.

I am very happy that they did this because there are farmers other than milk farmers in this country. There are small farmers other than small milk suppliers, and anything we do for one we should in essence do for the others. It is only right that the benefits accruing to the small farmer, no matter what may be his particular commodity should as far as is within our power in directing public finances, be given to all of them if it is going to any of them. It is that principle which I believe will be involved in this. I believe that we can operate this bonus incentive scheme directed to the small but potentially viable farmer, whether he is a milk producer or small mixed farmer or a dry cattle rearer, as many of them are in the west.

The change in the unemployment code that took place a year or two ago was a very good one. It removed what could only have been regarded in the past as a disincentive, where the number of chickens, pigs, cows, calves or whatever it was had to be counted when any of those unfortunate people had to apply for unemployment assistance. That was removed, and that principle has gone as far as the small farmers are concerned.

The situation now obtaining for some time is that the valuation multiplied by 20 is the national income for the purpose of qualifying for unemployment assistance and we have now in the Budget yesterday announced the removal for the first time since the initiation of unemployment assistance in this country, the Employment Period Order requirement which heretofore meant that the small farmers, from about the middle of March each year, were debarred from drawing unemployment assistance from then until the following October merely on the basis that they were landholders, whether or not they had a big number of dependants, whether or not they were unemployed or whether the farm made any profit. They were not entitled to draw unemployment assistance in those months over all those years. That has again no doubt added to the previous improvements that took place, had the effect of removing the disincentive which existed up to this. This unemployment assistance can be of the greatest benefit to our farmers particularly in the west and the western seaboard in the years that lie ahead, because this whole problem of farming, and this whole problem of the small farmers is not one by any means for the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries alone.

It is far broader than that, and it involves other Departments. It involves the Department of Social Welfare because there is a continuing social welfare problem there. It involves the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries in all the various ways in which that Department operates there. It involves the Department of Lands, as I have already indicated, very vitally. It involves the Department of Local Government in the provision of amenities such as housing, better roads, water supplies and so on. It will involve to a very largely extended degree, I hope, in the immediate future the Department of Industry and Commerce, the IDA, An Foras Tionscal and all those people who have to do with industrial development. All these people together will be throwing in their lot into the west and helping to solve the over-all problem.

We want also in a very special way the backing of the Department of Education which must come in there if we are to assist the growth centres in the west, which I think we must. We must have the educational facilities, particularly the technical education facilities, in order that we can train technologists and technicians to attract industrialists to come to the west and set up their factories where we have a surplus of labour the like of which they would not find in any other part of Europe. These are people coming off our farms, surplus to what can be used on the land, and it is a dire waste that they should leave their own native part of the country, not even talking now about them going outside the country. I think that it is a national waste that people should migrate to any great degree within the country to take up employment, for instance, in the city of Dublin, in industries, which we as a people are supporting to some degree by grant, tax concession or otherwise and when, in fact, the cost in Dublin and in the east of the country is infinitely greater to give an industrial job to a man than it is in the west, for the very good reason that this city is bulging at the seams.

We have not enough houses, not sufficient streets, roads or parking places. We have not enough schools, teachers, churches, priests or clergymen of our various denominations. If you bring in workers to this or the other cities on the east coast and give them the various grants available you may think that you have done a good job but the cost is only then beginning to be added up. When we come to have a good look at all the real cost of providing people in the east coast with jobs, as compared with what it would be in the west, this differential between the incentive for one and the other is something that we do not always think of in relation to the east coast. This is something in relation to which the new Cabinet Committee set up to study the whole matter, representing all the Departments I have mentioned, will be studying. We believe and we feel that we will find the solution in this approach to a Regional Development Plan. The solution to all our farm problems basically and the flight from the land we must find on a broad front.

I have very briefly indicated the possibilities for industrialisation of the west through the choice of appropriate growth centres both primary and secondary. We must provide the amenities that will prevent our people leaving. We must provide vocational facilities. Otherwise, technicians for the new age of technology that is on us will not be available and no other incentive will be sufficient to attract industrialists.

It is on that basis of approach the real answer is to be found. There is no short-term solution, no easy solution, no low-cost solution. We will have to pay for this just as we have had to pay for many other things that were good and which we have done over the years under various Governments.

There is one further attraction which we have in the west and which we are trying to discount. It, to my mind, is our greatest asset. It is the almost limitless potential the tourist industry has there, provided we can get enough acceleration of the building programme to provide restaurants, guesthouses, hotels and farmhouses to meet the demands which were put on us in recent years, and provided we can train sufficient personnel to man and staff these places. This is the big problem immediately facing us and I am delighted to see that the new additional incentives that were enumerated in the Budget yesterday have particularly attractive terms for such operations in the west.

This is part and parcel of our individual Departmental approaches. What I am saying is that we now get all of these channelled together; that we get them brought together into a known regional planned development. In the meantime, as I said at the outset in other regards, we must continue to live and we must continue to operate the scheme we have found good up to the present. The difficulty about it is in relation to overall planning and regional planning which, incidentally, is enormous.

All the incentives we can muster will be allowed in so far as entry to the EEC will be concerned. Many of the things we are doing nationally now by way of assistance and aids to industry will not be allowed at all if and when we join the EEC, but schemes on a regional development planned basis are allowed and are, indeed, provided for, and specially provided for, and are operating in Italy at the moment with the full blessing of the EEC Commission. This is another reason why we should at this stage take a good look at a broadly planned policy rather than merely expand the various schemes that are operating around the country and which are given special emphasis in the west.

We should also keep in mind that the increased grant for piggeries is another thing that has a particular advantage for the west. The fact that it is related to the under £25 land valuation would indicate a heavy weighting of it towards western farms. The headage grant for sows to an area which has been traditionally largely an area for pig breeding again will undoubtedly be availed of to a considerable degree in the west. It is being extended beyond September of this year to June, 1968 in order to further push on this particular industry which has not had a very happy time in the last twelve months.

Easier credit facilities have been made available and are being made available particularly under the Unsecured Loan Scheme.

We had the mountain sheep schemes operating last year, with certain flaws exposed from experience. More money is being provided this year under that heading than was provided last year and we hope to streamline the scheme to a greater degree than heretofore, with great advantage to the sheep flock owners. This by its very name is in a large measure directed towards the sheep owners in the west.

Additional reliefs have been announced and have been condemned here. There is relief of rates on land under £20 land valuation and there is a certain scaled-down relief for those under £33 valuation. Surely those who talk loud in scathing terms about how little use this is are the very people who have been bawling around the country over the years about the impact on the small farmer's rates every time a shilling was added to them by the local county council in order that roads and houses might be provided. You cannot have it both ways. If those reliefs are of no significance why was all the row kicked up about the rates? Why were there rate campaigns and the withholding of rates, all said to be on behalf of the small farmer? Why was this campaign persisted in? Why is it persisted in, even weeks after the closing date this year on 31st March?

Surely we cannot be serious in saying that these reliefs are of no value to the small farmer. The fact is that under Fianna Fáil, starting off some years ago, we have been doing this in gradual stages, as the out-turn of the economy allowed us, and we have now reached the point where we have liquidated 100 per cent of the rates on land of under £20 valuation.

You have liquidated the small farmer.

Remember there was a time not long ago when half the total was being paid. Remember that not so long before that 100 per cent of the total rate demanded and levied in each county was paid by those small farmers. None of it is being demanded this year and the Senator will say it is no use to the small farmers. All I shall say is that I shall leave the small farmers to make up their minds whether, in fact, it is any use to them. A thing that is not appreciated is that seven out of every ten landholders are under £20 land valuation and that seven out of ten will no longer pay any rates on their land of under £20 valuation.

This surely will clear the air in so far as those people who advocated the non-payment of rates are concerned. They will no longer be strutting a string in front of them of seven-tenths of our small farmers to make a shield for them while they pushed the cart for their own advantage.

Now it is coming out.

This can no longer happen because the seven-tenths shield will no longer exist in so far as rates are concerned. Surely the Senator will appreciate that this itself is even worthwhile, if for no other reason than to relieve his mind, amongst others, of the confusion under which they have existed for some months past.

You are trying to drive a wedge between the small farmers; that is what you are at.

The Senator has been attempting to say that all the time. I may have a few words to say on that if I have time left after I talk about the useful contributions we have been making to this motion.

However, all these things are additional. They are special things for the west. A very wide range of services are given by the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries, and through various other Departments, to the farming community. While newspapers and speakers have been talking these days about the increase in the total contribution from the Exchequer to the agricultural industry they have been comparing two figures. They have been saying that last year the total figure was £55.7 million and that this year it is £60 million. The fact is that you must add the £5 million that came yesterday to that £60 million to get what the figure is hoped to be in 1967-68. So, our contribution will have risen during 1967-68 by almost £10 million over what was paid during 1966-67. The figures for 1966-67 again are £55.7 million, roughly, and the rough figure for 1967-68, that is, this present year, will be £65 million, odd. That is the comparison that should be truly made. I would not say it was deliberately done because I think some of my own colleagues have even been talking about the wrong figure of £60 million for 1967-68, whereas it will be £5 million more to the advantage of agriculture from the Exchequer during the coming year.

The Senator talked here about dividing the farmers of this country; dividing them by the Budget. If the Senator means by that that we in this Government are leaning towards the smaller farmers in the country, then I have no hesitation at all in agreeing with him; that this is a divide and it is appropriate that there should be that divide, because it is the smaller farms who need the assistance to a greater degree than those that are larger. Indeed, the larger farmers, from what we have heard from them in recent months, have been making quite a point of impressing on all of us that their battle has been on behalf of the smaller farmers. Therefore, we are only giving in to the dictates of public opinion, as vocally expressed in these last six months and if Senator McQuillan is out of line with that trend of thought, which I doubt, I want to tell him I am not. I am with this view—that there are those who need our assistance more than others; that in farming this is particularly true; that in the western run of the country approximately 11 or 12 counties in the west in a physical way can almost be seen to be the place where our greatest assistance is most urgently needed.

If this is dividing the farmers of the country, if the Budget is dividing them in that way then I am happy to be part of those who have helped to divide them but I do not agree that this is what Senator McQuillan had in mind. I have every belief that his contribution here was to try to divide, if he could, the farmers of this country from the Government and from the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries, who are doing their best to help them. I think this is the divide he is trying and in trying to blame the Government and the Budget for dividing certain farmers in this country he is merely pushing the little cart he hopes will come between the farmers of Ireland, who have traditionally supported this Government, and the Government. If that could be done, then anything could happen if there happened to be an election which, incidentally, thanks to Kerry and Waterford, will not take place in the next few years. So you can rest assured and be happy.

In the Seanad in particular Senators O'Sullivan and McQuillan can rest easy. In fact, they can abuse the Minister and the Government to their heart's content, knowing they will not have to answer for any of their sins either before the Seanad or in general elections in the next two years and a half anyway.

When the Minister talks about driving a wedge between the farmers and the Government, let me point out that the Minister and his colleagues tried to drive a wedge between the farmers and the urban population over the last six months with resolutions supporting Deputy Haughey on the grounds that he had stood up to the mob. These resolutions were deliberately brought before a Fianna Fáil constituency here in Dublin to try to divide the rural and the city worker.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Minister, to continue.

I heard, whether it was true or not, that the very day on which this large walking contingent arrived in this city there was a certain Senator on my right, who shall be nameless, who mingled with the crowds that day and he was not complimentary at all in his description of those people and what they were doing. This did happen. At any rate, what one needs to keep in mind is this—no amount of talk from Senators on that side of the Seanad, or from anywhere else, or from any organisation outside will in the least degree deviate this Government from what they believe is the right policy to pursue whether it be in regard to agriculture or anything else.

In so far as what has been given in the Budget is concerned, these things have come not because of any pressure by any particular organised group or otherwise in this country but by the clear wish of this Government, aided by the help and assistance I belatedly got from the newly formed NAC which could have been working to the benefit of the farmers for six months were it not for the stubbornness of one group who did not want to belong to it because it is displeasing them, as they see it in so far as talking to the Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries is concerned. We have no apologies to make for the particular way we came to give these things. If, indeed, there are those who wish to claim that this is what they wanted, we do not mind. We are delighted if, in fact, this is what they wanted. Is there an organisation in the country, is there one single organisation representing farming that does not claim some credit for what we are doing? It does not prove that they got these things, it does not prove that they pressurised the Government into giving them but I do assert that the Government is determined to pursue its policy of giving aid where it is most needed. That is what is happening at the moment and well this House is aware of it.

Anybody would think it was a new Government.

To get around to just a few other matters raised by Senator McQuillan. He did mention that it was my ambition to break a particular organisation. The one thing Senator McQuillan should surely have realised by now is that nobody at any time has been so quiet for so long as I have been during this whole dispute. I have deliberately refrained from entering into controversy with this particular organisation because I believed always, all along, that ultimately they would come to sit down with me and to talk in the interests of the farmers and the farming community. This is why I did this. This is why I have refrained from talking to them and making publicity for them. In those months I have done that. I have sat down with them on two occasions—four hours and seven and a half hours and all I can say is that I have on many other occasions, as most Members in this House concerned know, during the past nine years in the Government dealt with a lot of other groups. I have dealt with a good few trade unions. I have been able to sit and talk and reason with them and I never fell out with them and I never had a strike within the realm of Local Government in the nine years I was in it.

Therefore, if this bogey man is being built up, at least let the Members of this House tell the truth. Let them not add their voices to those people who say I am totally unreasonable with the farmers. That is absolutely untrue. That is the biggest lie in the whole campaign and those who know me either in my other capacity or in my interests in agriculture know that to be a lie from the very beginning but it has been serving a purpose. It is now being used. Fine Gael are now using this in the hope of splitting the Fianna Fáil Cabinet, particularly to drive a wedge between the Taoiseach and myself. This is the greatest laugh of the year, because not only is that not happening but the reverse is the case. There are few people in my Party who have a higher regard for the Taoiseach than me and there are few people in the Party, I am delighted to say, who have worked harder in his interests, as a new Taoiseach, in Kerry with the by-elections to ensure he got the victory he deserved and I am prepared to do the same thing in Roscommon or elsewhere tomorrow should the occasion arise.

We should lay the bogey once and for all in this House tonight about there being any question that I am unreasonable with these farmers, that I refuse to meet them. The situation is that I met them for several hours four days after I was appointed Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries, four days after the Taoiseach took office. We took nearly four hours to get it into their heads that both of us were new to our respective offices and that we should be given a reasonable interval to become acquainted with our offices. That is what the farmers were asked that first night and within 24 hours they were on the telephone asking for clarification of that reasonable request.

Within ten days, with letters coming and going, I wrote back to them on the last day of November saying that I had received them and that in respect of their request for a further meeting I would arrange it as soon as possible. That letter would have been delivered to them at Earlsfort Terrace at eight o'clock the following morning but by 9 o'clock that morning they were sitting on the steps of my office and on the second day they sat there and we had the first indication of the rates strike. On the Saturday, the first picket put on was put on in the County Kerry where there was a by-election and where I happened to be.

These are the things one would have to look at before beginning to try to decide who was unreasonable. I have not been unreasonable at any stage, I am not being unreasonable and I will not be unreasonable in the future with people who behave reasonably. The rates in this country have been withheld by people who can well afford to pay them and it is time they caught on that they must pay them. They must play their part in the community and they cannot and will not be allowed to withhold for terribly much longer. This they must realise and we as a Government cannot condone it because it strikes at the very roots, the foundations of our State. If we are without rates why are the rest of you, why are any of us paying taxes or anything to the State or to the local authorities if this particular group say: "We just do not intend to pay"? This cannot go on and anybody with a reasonable view must realise that this Government, that I in my Department, that the Minister for Justice and the Minister for Local Government, all vitally concerned have been leaning over backwards to try to emphasise the consequences that this sort of action is bound to bring on the heads of those who persist in it. It is still going on, I am sorry to say. It looks as if it will continue but it will not, it cannot be allowed to continue without heed being taken of it in a serious manner.

You want it to go on. You are trying to invite it.

One further little thing——

The speech you made in Donegal.

Senator McQuillan spoke about Donegal fair and I will tell him a little story. If the farmers of the country had been sufficiently alerted to the fact that the intimidators who took up their position on the three main roads at one o'clock on the day before the fair were going to be dealt with there would have been plenty of farmers and cattle at the fair but they heard it while they were up at 11.30 that night when it was too late. What they did not hear about was that without any guards, any announcements by superintendents, the cattle from the north of the county, my constituency, went over the border into Derry unmolested. Cattle walked over the Border with one man, a stick and a dog, passed through the pickets and did they stop him? The people who first broke the pickets in Donegal were the three leading lights in the Manor-cunningham area who drove their potatoes to the plant, then went home, put on their Sunday best and then went out to take up picket duty. This happened and I have challenged people who should know and I have not heard anything different. That was Donegal fair. There will be another one on another day.

Senators have asked for this and they are entitled to get it. That is what I have always felt about these things. Coming back to the subject matter of the motion, I agree with quite a number of sentiments expressed although I differ in detail and approach with those who have spoken. The problem is one which we as a Government and a Party have been dealing with and will continue to deal with. It is one towards which we have directed a great deal of finances and efforts to try to achieve a solution. We are embarking on a wider, a more comprehensively planned approach in the future but we are doing a lot at present and are getting some results which are encouraging for the future.

I do not go with those who say there is not any future in the west; I do not go with those who say there is no future in farming in this country. I do not agree with those who say there is not any future in this country. We hope there is a future and we have a great contribution as a people and as a generation to make to it. We can do a great deal. We are on the threshold of new opportunities and we shall have to work hard but we shall have to work hard to make the best out of them. There is no point in going around decrying ourselves, making ourselves out as inferior people, because we are not inferior and we never have been. Those members who for political reasons, in opposition to the Government, do these things are doing a great deal of disservice to the future of this country. In their exuberance and enthusiasm as Opposition for opposition sake, they are often, unwittingly perhaps, undermining the confidence of the plain ordinary people of this country on whom we must depend for the future of this land of ours.

Opposition people have a great responsibility and they do not take it seriously enough. They know that their criticisms of the Government run off like water from the proverbial duck's back but they can have a very serious effect on the ordinary people. Day after day they go on with their keening, their groaning and moaning and surely they must realise that if they are getting through they must be undermining the confidence of the ordinary people at a time when confidence is one thing above all needed in this country in the immediate future to meet the challenges of the future and to enable us to make worthwhile use of the opportunities now offering.

Confidence in the future, yes, confidence in Fianna Fáil, no.

We do not mind you having no confidence in Fianna Fáil. That is your job, but do not spread it around to the people. Keep it nice and close and let the people know, if you like, that you think nothing of Fianna Fáil; but do not write down the country in writing down Fianna Fáil. This I ask of you and if you do it we shall welcome all your other criticisms, well placed or badly placed, well meant or badly meant.

We never put up the pawnbroker's sign during a National Loan as your ex-Taoiseach and your Party did. It was national treachery.

Might I say in closing that it is quite obvious that neither as a Senator nor as a Deputy could the Senator take it when he was getting it. The fact is it is not we who put up the pawnbroker's sign. It was the Government of which the Senator was a member.

Ask the Chairman of Beamish. Deputy Colley gave it to Deputy Haughey in the Dáil today.

The Senator is a disgrace to Cork.

The Minister's speech both entertained and depressed me. One could not but be entertained and invigorated by the enthusiasm with which he attacked the subject but one could not but be depressed by the entirely political approach, by the tone of disregard he showed towards a solution of the problems, by the total absence of any reference to these problems, by the total absence of any reference to the Second Programme to which I do not recall he referred at any stage, by the fact that the targets of this Programme are apparently something to which the Minister is impervious.

I should like to bring the debate back from the knock-about stuff to a more serious level. First of all, what is the situation of agriculture, coldly and objectively? What progress has been made in recent years? I do not propose to be selective in my statistics. We all know how suitable it is to pick a suitable base year.

That type of selectivity gets nowhere. There has been some progress since 1960 but by reference to 1963, the year of the Second Programme, the progress has not been as great as is necessary. Let us consider what has happened in the six years, 1960 to 1966. Farm incomes rose by 23 per cent but the price farmers had to pay for goods rose by 27 per cent. So, the purchasing power of farmers in so far as living standards were concerned declined.

They rose fractionally. This was solely because 60,000 people left the land. The numbers in agriculture declined from 390,000 to 330,000 in those six years. That is the position we face in regard to current incomes.

Why was this? It was due to two factors. First of all, the price of farm produce rose slightly less rapidly than the price of other goods. This turned against farmers in this period as a whole. Above all, during this period farmers' output was totally stagnant so naturally with farmers not producing any more their purchasing power has not risen. The figures published in the last few days before the Budget show that agricultural output in this period rose by 2½ per cent and from the tables for gross national product we see that the gross national product rose by something like 1½ per cent. This is not 2½ per cent a year or 1½ per cent in a year but 2½ per cent over the entire period of six years.

The position in other areas, by contrast, is entirely different. If we look at industry, in the industrial sector, there has been during this period a very substantial increase in output. We have had also great progress in tourism. I do not stand here to condemn the Government in all their spheres of activity but to deal with their failure here in regard to agriculture in this period of six years. I have always stated in debates here that if they have achieved success in any sphere it should be noted. No one can speak of success in relation to the Government's agricultural policies.

Now, let us consider what targets the Government set and what the statistics are vis-à-vis those targets which the Government published. Let us not forget the fact that three years ago the Second Programme for Economic Expansion was published. A special volume on agriculture was also published. Those volumes set out targets for agriculture. Those figures were set by the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries. They did not delegate this task, as other Departments did, to the Department of Finance. The Department itself insisted on setting those targets.

It stated what the total which could be achieved in the agricultural sector would be in the years ahead. It stated that agricultural output would rise 3 per cent per year over the next seven years. So far, we should have had about 12 per cent in the first three years. What we have got is virtually nothing whatever. That is the position we face. As of 1966, after three years of the programme, we are 10 per cent behind the target level which the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries Minister set.

During that period of three years, if our agricultural sector had made the progress which the Government said it could today our national output would have grown one-third faster over this period than has been the case. Our national growth was reduced by one-fourth because of failure in this one sphere. The failure which has occurred is something not widely appreciated because people do not take the trouble, as I have taken, to go to the Second Programme which the Government produced.

We have targets for 1970 from which one can readily deduce what the figures should have been for 1966. There are one or two areas in which there is relative success. First of all, in cattle, the output, as far as one can deduce, should have been in 1966 something like 1,354,000. It was actually 1,374,000, which is one per cent above the target. That was largely due to a calved heifer scheme at very considerable cost and with some disadvantages attached to the quality of cattle. It caused a deterioration in the quality. We have just achieved the target for cattle. We have also attained the target for milk. I shall give credit for those two things.

Now, let us turn to the litany. For sheep the target figure for 1966 would work out at 2,182,000. In actual fact, the figure was 1,583,000 which showed that it was 28 per cent less. I will not detain the Seanad by giving the figures in each case. I will give the percentages: pigs, 13½; wool, 18; eggs, 11; wheat, 41½; oats, 35; barley, 8; cereals as a whole, taking the three together, 22; sugar beet, 33½; potatoes, 13; and turf, 20. All those are minuses. They are all items with which comparisons can be made. If I were in Government and that was the record I had to present perhaps I would be silent, as the Minister was, but I should also try to find out what was wrong with the programme. I am not suggesting that a solution to this problem is easy. I am not suggesting that Fine Gael at this point in time, or in so far as the immediate future is concerned, would have an immediate solution to this problem. I suggest that some solutions should be evident to us at this stage. Whatever about that, the Government are faced with this total failure and collapse in agricultural progress in every respect except in milk and cattle.

They should examine their position. It is quite evident that the present policies are a failure. I am prepared to concede the fact that those policies were entered into in good faith and that there were grounds for believing they would succeed. I am not suggesting that the Government were malicious in some ways or that in devising those policies they were particularly incompetent. I suggest that the policies have turned out ineffective and wrong. I do not suggest that the entire blame for this is attached to the Government.

I am prepared to accept that they were the best possible figures they could set at the time. I insist now that the Government must face the fact that their failures have led to the collapse of our agricultural policies. Let us consider what has been done about agriculture. I am not casting any doubt on the fact that the Government have provided considerable sums of money for agriculture. The Minister has quoted correctly the sums of money provided for agriculture. He was correct when he said the figure for this year was 65 per cent. It is 65 per cent after the Budget. The Minister has not told us of the money provided in other sectors as compared with agriculture. He has told us nothing whatever about that. Perhaps I missed this. As far as I heard he was silent as to where they did not spend money but about the hand-outs he had a lot to say. But his concern for the things that might increase output, which remains totally stagnant for six years, was not very evident in his remarks.

Consider the aids which the Government give to agriculture. In any criticism I have to make on this matter let me make it clear that I accept at the outset the fact that in this sphere the Government have broadly had the support of the Opposition and that the assistance given is defensible in relation to the effects which it was hoped it would produce. We must, however, accept the fact that, whatever we thought about these aids when they were given, they have not performed the function that they should have performed in the period between 1960 and 1966. Aids to agriculture as defined by the Government under this rather generous and elastic definition which includes something that I think should not be there went up from £26 million to £56 million.

But what about the farmers' incomes? One might have thought that £30 million of extra assistance from the Government would, if the assistance were properly devised and designed, have spurred the farmer to produce more, and that this assistance might lead to the farmers' income rising by £60 million or £100 million, but by how much has the farmers' income, in fact, increased over the period? It has increased, if my calculations are accurate, though I am open to correction but I do not fear being corrected, from £110 million to £135½ million. So we find that £30 million was handed out and the farmers' income went up by £25 million, and the value of what the farmer has produced has apparently actually gone down by £5 million. Far from stimulating the growth of output and incomes all that this aid has done is to depress it. This is an indictment of policies which, however well judged when they were introduced, have simply not produced the goods. When policies have failed as totally and startlingly as that the duty and responsibility lies on the Minister and on the Government to face the facts and draw some conclusions from them.

Did farmers' costs not rise during that period?

Indeed they did, but if Senator Ó Maoláin suggests that that is the explanation, then what he is saying is that the farmers could not even expand their production enough to cover their own costs.

Is there something that they should have done which they did not do?

I am not going to consider the form of aid given, but one could divide it broadly into social and economic. Unfortunately, the distinction is not clearcut but there is a distinction made, and taking the different forms of aid mainly intended to help incomes in one form and another, to supplement purchasing power or to increase output, by my reckoning in 1960 the Government had given about £14 million and by 1966 this had increased to £24 million, an increase of 70 per cent. Social aid, important, certainly, but doing nothing or virtually nothing to increase output and help the farmers to solve their problems in any way, had gone up from £12 million to about £31 million, or by 170 per cent.

That is the way that the Government are moving, and the trend today in this Budget and in the other provisions in the Estimates is the same. This year the Minister says that there is £9½ million extra for agriculture, but £7½ million of that is social aid and only £2 million is economic. Of the £5 million given in the Budget only £500,000 by definition can be economic aid and the rest by any reasonable definition is social. Not only, therefore, over the past six years has the tendency been to multiply social assistance to agriculture, to increase doles of one kind or another, and to give less economic aid, but this trend has been accelerated this year by the provisions in the Budget and the provisions in the Book of Estimates.

(Interruptions.)

The Leader of the House is only doing what the Minister told him to do.

Senator O'Sullivan should allow Senator FitzGerald to make his speech.

I am listening to the Minister telling the Leader of the House what to say.

Your ear must be the best here.

Senator FitzGerald, to continue.

There are two problems here, and I must emphasise that I am not attacking the Government and saying that their policies were wrong and could be seen to be wrong when they were introduced. At that time every one of these policies had some argument in its favour and most of them were accepted by the Opposition, but we all have to face the fact now that they are a total failure.

All out of step but my Johnny.

One problem is the distinction between economic and social aid which has not been drawn in the distribution of assistance to the farming community. Economic aid given should to my mind—and this, indeed, is the policy of this Party as recently enunciated by Deputy Clinton—be directed towards those farmers who can show that they are planning to produce results and can show success in increased production.

Economic aid at the moment distributed is given in a non-discriminatory fashion, which is politically much safer and easier, but it should be given on the basis of a planned approach by the farmer and on the advice of the local adviser that the particular farmer has planned what to do with his farm, that it is a sound plan, and that these plans will be followed and supported if they are successful and not if they fail; instead of this all these aids are given out indiscriminately to the first applicant, in the simple civil service approach. I think that that is wrong. Surely this should be given to those who need it, and only to those who need it. Surely aids which do nothing to increase production and reduce production costs should be confined to smallholders who are very badly and inadequately treated at the moment, and from whom so much of this assistance is now being kept by the fact that it is distributed holus-bolus to the whole farming community.

I should like to have a sound agricultural economist estimate how much of the £17¼ million subsidy for milk in the current year will go to the smallholders and how much to large farmers. I should like to know how much of the £1.6 million pigmeat subsidy will go to the small farmers and how much to the large farmers. These are subsidies to improve incomes. Their role in increasing output is minimal enough. In the case of pigs they seem to have the opposite effect, with output declining sharply as the assistance increases.

This type of social aid should be confined to the small farmer who needs it, instead of which social aid goes to everybody including the large farmer who laps it up, pays no taxes and waxes fat on it. We have economic aids given to all farmers whether or not they show any ability to do anything useful with them to increase output. Moreover as far as I am aware—and I would welcome, when the Minister is in a more attractive mood, a contradiction from him—what is being done is this. I am not aware that any steps have been taken by his Department to attempt an economic assessment of the results of the different aids given to agriculture. I do not know how many schemes there are in operation to assist agriculture. I have tried to count them but I have failed because there always seemed to be some other one.

Perhaps I would be allowed to interrupt at this stage to say that there is at the moment, and has been for months past, a complete review taking place of all the schemes of every kind administered by the Department. It will take probably another three or six months to complete the review of all the schemes, but this examination in full depth is being done at the moment.

I welcome that statement by the Minister and am glad that I have provoked it and brought him back into the realm of reality and back from the flights of fancy he indulged in in his speech. He says that a review is being carried out, and I am bound to say this, that I have had some experience of reviews carried out in this way internally by Government Departments of their own activities without adequate professional expertise. I hope that in this case the Minister will employ some independent outside source to carry out the review with adequate economic expertise and applying modern techniques such as cost benefit analysis. I hope that we are not getting a half-baked internal audit carried out by the Department, because if this is the kind of activity the results will not command confidence. I also hope that whatever survey is in progress and however it is being carried out the results will be published in full with a statement of the methods employed. I welcome the fact that the Minister has revealed here, with a certain amount of prodding, that something is being done.

I stated that publicly about ten times in the past 12 months.

The other point I should like to make is that the assistance we give to agriculture, which is certainly related to economic aspects, should be administered locally. It is not something to be done by remote control from the Department of Agriculture in Dublin. It is essential that there be co-operative interest locally and in administering this scheme the farmers should choose their own representatives and should at local, and possibly council, level have an organisation to decide on the allocation of resources. They know their own people. I do not suggest that they should have full control but there should be a local organisation, consisting of officials concerned with the scheme and of local farming interests, to decide how best these aids can be employed. It is, in fact, the farmers who will use these aids to advantage, and this would ensure that they are not lashed out to everybody.

Moreover, there must be adequate co-ordination of these schemes. I welcome the county development schemes and the work they are doing. I have heard nobody sneer at these schemes, but the Minister referred to them.

I never mentioned them, nor did I sneer. I referred to those in the pilot areas.

I understood the Minister to comment on the county development schemes as well as those in the pilot areas. However, I have been impressed by what has been done. There is the difficulty that the county development schemes have the almost impossible task of trying to co-ordinate the schemes. The number of Departments that have to be consulted and that have to agree to a project is in some cases quite ludicrous. In one area I was informed that seven different Government Departments had to approve a particular provision and I was given the name in each case. For a small project, there is no economic value in such a system and it must be streamlined. We cannot go on with things that involve the Department of Lands and Fisheries, the Department of the Gaeltacht, the Department of Agriculture, and so on. One Department taking decisions is sometimes bad enough but with three, four or seven Departments involved it is quite impossible.

The proposals by Fine Gael that a rural development authority should organise this work at local level on behalf of the Department of Lands, the Department of Agriculture and the Agricultural Credit Company is a good one. The present system whereby the farmer applies to different people is an unsatisfactory system. I would agree with the Minister that it is a difficult problem that cannot be dismissed as easy to solve. We must have some kind of objective approach to it rather than simply continue to carry it out at its present level.

The targets which the Department of Agriculture stated were reasonable targets are not being achieved. There are enormous shortfalls and nothing is being done about it. If the targets were right and reasonable, if they were attainable, then something has gone wrong. If they are unattainable and the only prospect the Government see is continued stagnation, the sooner they tell us and the farmers that the better. If the Government believe in their own targets they must tell us what they propose to do, or how long they propose to continue with their present policies which have led to continued stagnation. We should not continue with reference to the past. It is irrelevant. All that is relevant today is the present failure of the Government and how not to re-implement the policies that have led to that failure.

We must also recognise and face the fact that even if the targets set were achieved, there would still be the flight from the land. This flight from the land is likely even in the most favourable conditions. Although the land in the west of Ireland is not better than the land in the rest of the country, on that land there are twice as many people at work as farmers than on the land in the rest of the country. The number of farmers engaged in agriculture in Connaught represents 28 acres per farmer and in the rest of the country the figure is 53 acres per farmer.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

I should like to remind the Senator that we are within five minutes of the time it was agreed the debate should conclude. It is a matter for the House to decide.

The House agreed to finish the debate not later than 10 p.m.

Would you agree to another day? You are not afraid?

We cannot be chopping and changing.

It took so long to get the Minister in here that I am sure he would like another day. Deputy Dolan should have something to say.

It would be better that I conclude but it is for the House to decide. We have to face the fact that there will be continued flight from the land. We shall have to minimise that flight as it is twice what it was up to 1960. We must take steps to ensure that employment is preserved in the areas from which people leave the land.

Finally, I should like to say to the Minister that his performance today has been controversial. He would say that this is because of his silence; others would say that it is because of Government policies. The Minister's record in the Department of Local Government with regard to taking decisions on policy was good. I do not want to praise him too highly as I might be in trouble on my own side. However, he has shown a willingness to take decisions, and I hope he will face the problems of agriculture with an open mind, that he will take decisions to change and reverse policies which have not brought success and that he will not let the farmers down because of obstinate adherence to unsuccessful policies.

Senator Quinlan rose.

Senator Quinlan did not propose the motion; it was proposed by Senator McDonald.

It was agreed I could——

Senator Quinlan has no right.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Standing Orders mention two things—the person who proposes the motion and the person who moves it. We could have a long discussion as to the meaning of those. I was not in the House when Senator McDonald spoke but I was given to understand that in speaking first, he indicated that he proposed to delegate to Senator Quinlan the right to reply, which belonged to those responsible for the motion.

The Chair was incorrectly informed: he did not. I was here the whole time and listened attentively.

Perhaps just two points to conclude. First of all, I welcome the Minister's assurance that he is not accepting the fatalistic view of the NIEC that full employment is to be obtained by shifting 108,000 more people off the land of Ireland during the next 15 years. Secondly, I should like to deal with some of the economic fallacies raised by Senator FitzGerald. He did not advert to the main target of the Second Programme which was reached, a programme planned to remove 60,000 from the land of Ireland in ten years. In point of fact they succeeded in moving 70,000 in the first six years. How can Senator FitzGerald contend that a factory can drastically get rid of workers and at the same time hope to increase its production? Had those 70,000 remained on the land, the labour force would have been increased by almost 25 per cent and if these different groups were producing at the same level as the others, agricultural production would have increased by 25 per cent in those six years, or by over four per cent per annum. What would it have been worth to Senator FitzGerald and to the nation to have got those 70,000 people in employment on the land? I reckon it at £2,000×70,000, or £140 million in all.

One further point: what is economic assistance and what is social assistance? Surely, if we are aiming to get into the EEC, our aim is to bring all prices gradually into line with what we might expect in the EEC. This means that our industry, protected as it is at present by tariffs, must come down while our agriculture can hope to increase considerably. Consequently, any subsidies to agriculture are a means of bringing our prices gradually into line with what are likely to prevail, if and when we join the EEC. Therefore, I challenge any idea that the subsidies given are so heavily weighted on the social assistance; they are primarily way under production. If we are serious in facing the EEC, industrial prices have to come down and agricultural prices may hope to go up. That is where we aim.

We can withdraw the motion, in that I take heart from the Minister's very emphatic rejection of the target proposed to reach full employment by the extraordinary means of shifting 108,000 more people from the land of Ireland. We have had a useful discussion and I hope much good may emerge from it.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
The Seanad adjourned at 10.10 p.m.sine die.
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