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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 28 Jun 1978

Vol. 89 No. 12

Finance Bill, 1978 (Certified Money Bill): Second Stage.

In opening this debate, it would be useful if I were to outline the background against which the Finance Bill which we are discussing was framed. Senators will recall the economic conditions which prevailed when we assumed office last year. At that time, the economy was still only taking faltering steps on the road to recovery from the slump of the mid-1970's. Output had not recovered much beyond its pre-recession peak. Unemployment remained intolerably high and, in fact, was showing signs of rising again. Indeed, this time last year, the seasonally adjusted number on the live register was not far short of the worst level it reached during the recession. Employment, which was only showing an anaemic response to the hesitant revival in output, was way below the previous high-point it had attained. Moreover, the rate of increase in consumer prices was running at an annual rate of almost 14 per cent and seemed likely to stay around that level. On top of all that, the external environment was none too good. Growth in the economies of our trading partners was tardy, and appeared to be slowing down.

Faced with this situation, it was obvious to us that, as stated in our election manifesto, decisive action had to be taken quickly. And that was done. Immediately on assuming office we instituted job-creation schemes and took direct measures to cut the rate of inflation. Within a short time we had mapped out an even more detailed strategy to combat our economic ills and this was set out in the White Paper on "National Development 1977-1980".

The budget, which is reflected in this Finance Bill, was consistent with this strategy in that it embodied all the immediate steps necessary to raise employment and output and to curb inflation. We must be clear about that because it has been said that the budget represented nothing more than a redemption of pre-election promises, lacking any economic rationale. This is not the case. On the contrary, the budget was a carefully thought out package of measures directed at lifting the economy on to the high growth path necessary to remedy our unemployment problems. Even a superficial glance at the main provisions of the budget should be enough to demonstrate this. We need only consider these measures under two broad headings, namely, increased public expenditure and generous tax concessions.

Combined Government non-capital and public capital programme expenditure in 1978 is estimated at £3,134 million or 20 per cent more than the £2,617 million spent in 1977. With the inflation rate now in single figures, there will be a significant increase in the volume of expenditure in 1978 in line with the Government's strategy of providing a strong initial public sector impetus to set economic recovery and job-creation in motion.

The major emphasis of the 1978 public expenditure allocations is on jobs. The 1978 public capital programme at £766 million shows an increase of 16 per cent on the 1977 programme. Building and construction investment, which has a high job and a low import content, was given a high priority in the allocation of resources in this year's programme. Four hundred and fifty-eight million pounds has been allocated under this heading—or 23 per cent more than was spent during 1977.

Non-capital expenditure in 1978 is estimated at £2,368 million. This is some £410 million more than expenditure in 1977. Ninety-four million pounds of this increase is, however, in respect of the increased cost of servicing the public debt while a further £63 million is attributable to the assumption by the Exchequer of financial responsibility for local authority expenditure formerly met from the rates. The basic orientation of the balance of the increased resources available—apart from provisions necessary to meet the cost in the public sector of pay increases negotiated under national agreements—has been towards job-creation and improved provision for social welfare recipients.

The Government are pressing ahead rapidly with the job creation programme which I announced in my budget statement. Under this programme, a total of 22,860 jobs will be created—11,250 in the public sector, 6,610 on building and construction schemes and 5,000 on special employment schemes specifically targeted at young people. Already nearly 8,000 extra public sector posts have been authorised and arrangements have been made for filling them as quickly as possible. Work on building and, construction projects is also progressing satisfactorily and it is expected that the jobs target will be met.

Youth employment schemes were slower than had been anticipated in getting under way because of organisational and other difficulties but these are being surmounted. Work has now commenced in many local authority areas on environment protection schemes. The work experience programme is expected to come into full operation after the summer holiday break. The Department of Education have recently been allocated an additional £0.5 million to enable approval to be given for more projects under the temporary grant scheme for youth employment. The total allocation now available for these schemes is £0.8 million and it is expected that they will provide temporary employment for more than 1,000 young people.

As well as creating jobs directly in areas dependent on public funds, the increased public expenditure will also contribute indirectly by boosting domestic demand, thereby enabling our producers to raise output and employment.

The personal tax concessions which I made are relevant also in this context because they will underpin the growth in demand through their beneficial effects on disposable incomes. Indeed, with the help of the much improved tax allowances, coupled with the fall in the rate of inflation, wage and salary earners can look forward this year to the biggest increase for a long while in their living standards.

These tax concessions also helped to secure a national pay agreement this year. The agreement provided for higher increases than we would have preferred, but it was on the bounds of the tolerable. The Government place great store in moderation in wage demands because it is crucial to dampening inflationary pressures and to getting the improvement in competitivness on which the growth in our output depends. At present spare capacity is high internationally and competition in our foreign markets, and indeed in the home market, is intense as a result. Maintenance of competitiveness was never more important. Figures which I will quote in a minute show that both the level of recorded unemployment and the rate of inflation have fallen substantially since this Government took office. This is no coincidence, but a clear demonstration that success in the fight against inflation, in which incomes moderation is central, is crucial in solving our unemployment problem.

While I am hopeful that the present discussions about concerted international action to boost economic activity will be fruitful, this will not reduce the importance of competitiveness. If bigger markets are created by concerted international action, there will be a host of foreign producers eager to secure them.

I must emphasise, moreover, that competitiveness is of as much relevance to the home as to export markets. The success of the "Guaranteed Irish" campaign, for which I made provision in the budget, hangs on our remaining competitive in our own market. The campaign and enhanced competitiveness must buttress each other in the endeavour to switch expenditure to home-produced goods, so preventing the budgetary stimulus leaking abroad through increased imports. I might add that, though imports increased in May, the figures for the year so far do not point to any unanticipated import growth.

With domestic demand bouyant, business prospects were good. Nevertheless, the Government considered that more could be done to secure the growth in output which is needed in the coming years. We want to make the climate for business expansion as positive as possible. For this reason, I introduced in the budget a number of incentives to encourage enterprise and growth in the private sector. These incentives include corporation tax reliefs for small companies, arrangements governing a special reduced rate of corporation tax for manufacturing companies which achieve expansion in employment, indefinite extension of the period of operation of free depreciation in respect of capital expenditure on new plant and machinery, free depreciation for industrial buildings and hotels, continuation of stocks relief for a further year and abolition of wealth tax. Certain restrictions on interest relief are being modified.

As economic recovery progresses, it is envisaged that the private sector will assume a predominant role in increasing output and creating job opportunities. In the second phase of their overall strategy, the Government will direct their attention to progressively reducing the Exchequer borrowing requirement from its present level of 13 per cent of GNP to 8 per cent of GNP by 1980. The present high level of Government borrowing is accepted only as a temporary feature of the overall strategy. As it is our aim to keep the tax burden in 1980 below that in 1977, this will entail, as spelt out in the Green Paper Development for Full Employment, limiting the total of the Government's current and capital budgets to 48 per cent of GNP in 1980. Within this reduced overall share of public expenditure in GNP, priority will be given to Exchequer expenditure on job-creation.

The Government will, therefore, pursure a more restrictive approach to public expenditure in general and will be more selective in implementing desirable reforms, which would involve additional spending, than they might otherwise wish to be. As I announced in my budget statement, my Department have in hand a critical in-depth review of public expenditure programmes with a view to reducing or phasing out spending on schemes where Exchequer support is no longer warranted.

To summarise, all the measures in my Budget and in this Finance Bill form a coherent whole. They are designed to reinforce one another in order to raise the growth rate on to a higher path and to reduce the rate of inflation.

Already, there are clear signs that the strategy is being successful. Unemployment, as measured by the live register, is now 9 per cent lower than it was a year ago; the rate of price increase in the 12 months to mid-May was only 6¼ per cent, compared with 14 per cent a year earlier; manufacturing output in the early months of the year was 9 per cent higher than in the corresponding period of 1977; and in the period January-May last cement sales were up no less than 18 per cent on the same period of 1977. All these indications point encouragingly towards achievement of the Government's targets for the economy this year. The budgetary measures will have played no small part in this.

I will now comment on the various measures contained in the Bill. Chapter 1 of Part 1 contains a number of income tax provisions. The most notable of these provisions are the proposed increases in personal allowances provided for in section 6. These increases are of exceptionally large amounts—quite unprecedented in fact—and will be of very substantial benefit to all taxpayers. The largest increase is in the married allowance which goes up from £1,100 to £1,730. The married person's allowance will now be double the single person's allowance which under the Bill is to go up from £665 to £865. The widowed allowance is to go up from £735 to £935. Significant increases in the age allowance are also provided.

Section 1 of the Bill as it now stands was inserted on Committee Stage in the Dáil. It bases the income limit for the purposes of the dependent relative allowance on the level of the old age contributory pension instead of on the noncontributory pension as heretofore. It is the intention that adjustments will be made in future to take account of changes on the pension front.

Section 2 relates to premiums on life assurance policies. It provides that in the case of all policies taken out after budget day the fraction of premiums qualifying for tax relief will be a uniform one-half. Previously, for many years, a fraction of two-thirds applied in the case of policies with Irish companies while a fraction of one-half was allowed for other policies.

Since 1974, however, those other policies had the two-thirds fraction allowed to them in respect of the excess of tax rates over 35 per cent. This concession to them was made in the context of the 1974 restructuring of income tax which involved allowing relief on life assurance policies up to a taxpayer's marginal rate. The then Minister for Finance acceded to representations by the non-Irish offices in that context that the differential would be widened in cash terms if it extended to the excess of higher tax rates over 35 per cent. In effect, then, policies with non-Irish companies had a mixture of the one-half and the two-thirds fractions from 1974 onwards. In a sense one might view this on a move towards uniformity.

In order to implement full uniformity of treatment, the Government had a practical choice between adopting the fractions one-half, or two-thirds, or some other new fraction or formula. They decided that in all the circumstances relief at one-half would be adequate and appropriate. The cost of life assurance relief to the revenue is already substantial. The tax treatment of life assurance might be regarded as generous in the sense that, while relief is given in respect of part of the premiums, there is no taxation of the lump sum benefits which eventually result from the policies. I remain confident that, as I mentioned at budget time, life assurance may be expected to remain an attractive means of saving and family protection.

The principle of complete uniformity of relief derives from several factors. The differential was introduced many years ago when the Irish companies were struggling to achieve a better share of the market. They now account for more than 60 per cent of premium income. On the other hand, we have the position in which investment in the Irish economy by the non-Irish companies has increased over the years and now exceeds 90 per cent of their liabilities. Those companies made this welcome increase on the understanding that removal of the differential in tax treatment would follow. Another factor in regard to the continuance of differential treatment would be the possibility of difficulties in the context of our membership of the EEC.

Section 3 changes the basis of separate assessment of spouses. The section provides that where separate assessment has been claimed or is claimed in future, the allowances and reliefs of the married couple will in general be divided equally between them instead of in proportion to their incomes as has been the case up to now. Where reliefs relate to particular outlays, for example, mortgage interest, the relief will of course continue to be divided by reference to the amounts borne by each spouse.

The right of each married person to choose to be assessed to tax separately from his or her spouse—without, of course, affecting the total liability of the couple—was not widely availed of in the past. At my request the Revenue Commissioners recently issued to married women with incomes of their own a leaflet explaining their entitlements under tax law and, also, a simple form by which a married woman can claim separate assessment if she wishes.

Section 4, together with Part I of the First Schedule, provides for removal of the money limits which heretofore applied to premiums paid by people who are self-employed or in non-pensionable employment in order to secure retirement annuities. These money limits were £2,000 in respect of the taxpayer's annuity and £650 for annuities for spouses or dependents. The existing percentage limitations, 15 per cent and 5 per cent respectively, will continue to apply to these premiums. This corresponds with a similar provision for superannuation payments by employees.

Section 5 repeals certain provisions introduced in 1976 in relation to employees' benefits-in-kind derived from the private use of cars provided by employers. Those 1976 provisions imposed a minimum charge of £300, or 15 per cent of the cost of the car, whichever was the higher, irrespective of the amount of the employee's private use of the car. The repeal will restore the former long-standing basis of assessment of such benefits by reference to the facts of each particular case. In future, therefore, the assessment will take full account of relevant circumstances, including, for example, the actual amount of private mileage as compared with the total mileage, and the amount, if any, of expenses reimbursed by an employee to his employer.

The effect of section 7 is to exempt from income tax the income derived by thalidomide children from the investment of the tax-free compensation moneys received by them.

Section 8 provides some new interest reliefs designed to encourage investment in businesses by people working in them.

In the budget I announced that unrestricted relief would be allowed to any individual in respect of interest on borrowings made to enable him to acquire shares to any extent in a private trading company, whether he is full-time or part-time with the company. The Finance Bill makes provision accordingly. It also goes further by providing extra relief—up to £2,000 interest—to full-time employees or directors of public trading companies in respect of interest accrued on borrowings to acquire shares in those companies.

Following representations about the position of holding companies I introduced amendments in the Dáil to allow similar reliefs, confined to full-time employees, in respect of similar investments made by them through the medium of holding companies.

Chapter II deals with farmer taxation. The provisions of this chapter are designed to encourage agricultural development, to ensure that farmers are taxed fairly and to secure a more equitable tax contribution from the farming sector. They implement the manifesto commitments concerning the retention of the notional basis as an alternative to the accounts basis, a single payment date at the end of the financial year, a deduction for contractors' fees on the notional basis and the granting of a credit against a farmer's tax bill for rates.

The Bill provides for the lowering of the threshold for liability from £75 rateable valuation to £60 RV, thus bringing an additional 7,000 farmers into the tax net. However, it should be remembered that the majority of these newly liable farmers will not have to pay their full tax as marginal relief is being made available for those between £60 RV and £69 RV. Another measure designed to achieve a more equitable contribution from farmers is the raising of the multiplier from 65 to 90.

Sections 12 to 17 give effect to the changes I have mentioned as well as to some other provisions. These are described in detail in the explanatory memorandum and I need only make a brief reference to a few particular points. Section 14 provides for the substitution of five new sections for the existing sections 19 to 21A of the Finance Act, 1974.

The new section 20 provides for the retention of the notional basis of assessment. It also requires that farmers remain for three years with whichever option they choose. Representations have been made to me that this requirement could cause hardship to farmers on the notional basis who might find themselves in an exceptionally difficult situation due, for example, to disease striking herds, so that they might be taxed on an income they did not have. I have arranged that discussions which are taking place between the Revenue Commissioners and the farming organisations will include this problem. If a suitable solution emerges from these discussions provision can be made in next year's Finance Bill that those who opt for the notional basis in 1978 and find themselves in such an exceptional situation will not be committed to continue with that basis.

The new section 21 involves the granting of a deduction on the notional basis for contractors' fees in addition to the existing deductions for wages paid to employees. The requirement that employees be registered for social welfare purposes has meant that farmers on the notional basis could not get deductions for sons or daughters working on the farm, since such employment is generally not insurable. However, I introduced an amendment on Committee Stage in the Dáil which will allow for a deduction on the notional basis for wages paid to family members who are employed full time and who are paid the minimum agricultural wage. I feel that this will meet the needs of the farmers concerned and will preclude the type of abuse which necessitated the previous restriction as to registration for social welfare purposes.

The new section 21 also provides that where all the partners in a partnership are already separately liable for income tax the anti-fragmentation provisions of section 17 of the Finance Act, 1974 will not apply. This means that in such cases only a farmer's proportionate share of the land occupied by the partners will be taken into account for the purposes of an assessment on the notional basis. The new section 21A provides for the granting of the preceding year's rates as a credit against the tax bills of full-time farmers.

Section 17 provides for the situation which would arise under the Finance Act, 1977 whereby certain farmers are liable for interest on overdue tax in 1977-78, which interest would be calculated by reference to a notional assessment later found on appeal to be an over-assessment. The section provides for the calculation of such interest by reference to the actual tax due. It also provides for the extension announced on 21 October last of the period before which interest is charged on tax overdue by farmers in 1977-78. This gave farmers up to 31 December 1977 to pay the instalment due on 1 September 1977.

I now turn to Chapters III and IV in which are included some valuable tax incentives relating to significant areas of the economy. First, in order to encourage rapid growth in agriculture and fisheries in the national interest, section 18 restores tax exemption for co-operatives in those sectors. The Second Schedule to the Bill gives details of the co-operatives' transactions which will benefit. The restored exemption will operate as from 1 April last. Care has been taken in the drafting of those provisions to take due account of the legitimate interests of other traders.

Second, with a view to bringing forward the creation of employment in manufacturing, section 20 makes a number of improvements in regard to the special 25 per cent corporation tax incentive for manufacturing companies. In order to qualify for the incentive in 1978 or 1979 the companies will have to expand employment by 3 per cent during the year before but it will not be necessary to pass an output test in either year. To save unnecessary computational work, companies can opt to have the increase in their 1977 output tested by reference to the value of their 1976 sales increased by 19 per cent rather than by the more complex method outlined in the 1977 Finance Act.

The incentive is now also open to manufacturing companies which began to trade since 1976 which was the latest year of establishment for the incentive in 1977. While it will be some time yet before precise information is available about the extra employment resulting from the incentive, from statements made by a number of public companies it would seem that significant extra employment will result. The present estimate of the cost reflects this. The improvements in section 20 may well cost £10 million in a full year, and this sum together with the original annual cost of £6 million would bring the total full year cost of the incentive to about one-half of the present annual cost of exports tax relief. That surely is a very generous encouragement to manufacturers to develop their share of the home market.

Third, small companies are being given further special encouragement which may cost the Exchequer more than £1 million in a full year. Section 21 more than doubles the threshold at which the 35 per cent rate of corporation tax ceases to apply and the threshold at which the 45 per cent rate of corporation tax begins to apply. The new thresholds will apply to profits made from 1 January 1977. Even if they do not qualify for the special 25 per cent corporation tax rate, small manufacturing companies—and indeed all small companies—can of course benefit under the section.

There are also some further incentive measures. Section 22 extends for an indefinite period the operation of free depreciation for new plant and machinery. This measure was announced in the budget. I also announced at that time the proposed introduction of free depreciation for expenditure by industrialists on their buildings, and this is provided for in section 25. However, section 25 goes further in that it also extends free depreciation to those engaged in the trade of hotel-keeping for expenditure on their buildings. In order to meet a point raised during the Dáil debate, the provision here now confines the concession for hotel-keeping to premises which are registered by Bord Fáilte.

Section 23 provides for the withdrawal of the old shipping investment allowance which was introduced before free depreciation became available but has not operated for a number of years. Withdrawal is a corollary of the indefinite extension of free depreciation.

Section 26 enables capital allowances to be given in respect of contributions to capital outlays of local authorities on control of effluent. Firms are, of course, already entitled, when computing taxable profits, to make deductions in respect of outlays directly incurred by them on the control of effluent resulting from their industrial operations. Such costs are a necessary expense of the enterprise. The section ensures that a firm shall not be denied the appropriate relief where, in effect, it incurs the capital outlays indirectly by contributing to a local authority scheme. Section 27 provides for the continuation of stock relief for a further year as announced in the budget.

Before leaving this Part of the Bill I feel that it would be helpful for me to comment on section 28 which deals with tax credits attaching to company distributions made on or after 6 April 1978.

As Senators will be aware, the basic principle of corporation tax is that double taxation of Irish companies and their shareholders is mitigated when the shareholders are being assessed to tax by crediting them with a fraction of the corporation tax on the company profits out of which they received their distributions. This tax credit was fixed at 35/65 of the cash distributions when the main corporation tax rate was fixed at 50 per cent in 1976. The amount of the tax, credit is of course paid to recipients of distributions who are exempt from tax, or below the limit of taxability, and in other cases it operates to reduce tax liability. Thus, there is a real cost to the Exchequer because the tax credit applies even in cases where the profits out of which the distributions are made bore little or no corporation tax because of accelerated capital allowances or stock relief, for example.

The purpose of the section is to protect the Exchequer from an excessive rate of tax credit which 35/65 of distributions would be with a maximum corporation tax rate of 45 per cent operating since 1 January 1977. The proposed tax credit of 30/70 will substantially maintain the fraction of the corporation tax to be credited to recipients of distributions. The 30/70 tax credit will be allowed for distributions out of company profits enjoying the special 25 per cent corporation tax rate for manufacturers or the reduced corporation tax rate for small companies, to which I have already referred.

The 1977 cut in corporation tax rates has made investment by companies and by shareholders in these companies more attractive than it would otherwise be. As a result of that cut companies have more cash both to invest and to distribute. How much they distribute is of course a matter for settlement between each company and its shareholders. If distributions are maintained at the same proportion of post-tax profits as before recipients will be better off. I am satisfied that in all the circumstances the provisions of section 28 are reasonable. Given the tax incentives available, investment in Irish companies rather than in others is very highly favoured.

Part II of the Bill deals with customs and excise matters. Section 29 provides for the application of customs law to EEC levies and charges on agricultural produce, whether payable at importation or exportation, and for placing them under the care and management of the Revenue Commissioners. Section 30 confirms four orders relating to excise duty matters which were made by the Government under the Imposition of Duties Act, 1957. Details of these orders are set out in the explanatory memorandum.

I might refer here to another customs measure in the Bill, which is a repeal of an earlier enactment. The effect of this repeal, in Part II of the Fourth Schedule, is to abolish the remaining part of the rebate payable to brewers using home-roasted, home-flaked or home-malted cereals. This is being done in response to a formal complaint by the Commission of the European Communities that the rebate is incompatible with the EEC Treaty.

There are five sections dealing with stamp duty matters in Part III of the Bill. Three of these sections, namely sections 31, 32 and 34, are concerned with counteracting avoidance of stamp duty in a number of areas. These areas are the transfers of leasehold interests in property, transfers on marriage, conveyances or transfers in contemplation of a sale and the making of gifts subject to the retention of a power of revocation in the donor. The matters dealt with in sections 31 and 32 were covered by an order made last year and this order is now revoked by section 33.

Section 35 abolishes the stamp duty on contracts for the construction of office buildings. Subsection (1) abolishes this duty in the case of contracts made on or after 14 April 1978 while subsection (3) gives further relief to contracts made before this date by extending by one year the qualifying period for a refund of some or all of the duty paid. It is hoped that the abolition of this duty will stimulate activity and employment in the construction industry which is one of the country's largest employers.

Part IV of the Bill deals with death duties. Section 36 reduces from 12 to 6 years the period of time in which a charge to death duties remains on real and leasehold property in the hands of purchasers or mortgagees. The purpose of section 37 is to provide a measure of relief in certain estate duty cases where securities passing under the will or intestacy of a deceased person were sold at a loss during a certain period of recession in share values in order to meet estate duty liability.

Section 38, in Part V of the Bill, abolishes the charge to wealth tax in the case of valuation dates occurring on or after 5 April 1978. It also removes any charge to wealth tax in the case of purchases made or mortgages created on or after the same date.

Subsection (3) of section 38 reduces the rate of interest on outstanding wealth tax as well as on repayments of that tax from 18 per cent to 15 per cent and will apply as from the date of the passing of the Finance Act. Similar reductions are provided for under sections 43 and 46 in respect of capital acquisitions tax, income tax, including tax deducted under PAYE and tax deducted from payments to sub-contractors, sur-tax, corporation tax, corporation profits tax, capital gains tax and value-added tax.

Part VI of the Bill relates to capital acquisitions tax. I indicated in my budget statement that I would provide relief from capital acquisitions tax in the case of heritage properties where reasonable public access was allowed to these properties. Section 39 gives effect to this promise and I hope that this measure will both assist in the preservation of this important part of our cultural heritage and facilitate the appreciation and enjoyment of these cultural assets by a greater number of people.

Section 40 alters the conditions for obtaining an exemption from capital acquisitions tax in the case of certain Government securities which are taken by persons who are neither domiciled nor ordinarily resident in the State from persons who are not so domiciled or resident.

Sections 41, 42 and 44 and the Third Schedule provide for the changes in capital acquisitions tax referred to in my budget statement, namely the doubling of the thresholds for liability for three categories of beneficiaries, and the consequential adjustment of the ranges relating to these rates of tax. I am also proposing to double the thresholds for obligatory delivery of returns in these categories and the annual exemption for small gifts.

Finally, I turn to Part VII which deals with a number of miscellaneous matters. Section 47 empowers the Revenue Commissioners to disclose to rating authorities information in relation to the occupation of agricultural land in certain cases. This is for the purpose of administration by local authorities of rates relief under the Rates on Agricultural Land (Relief) Acts. In 1979 a land-occupier with a rateable valuation of £60 or more will not be entitled to rates relief. For this purpose account must be taken of aggregate valuations where a farmer has land in more than one rating area.

Section 48 will remove a doubt which has been raised in recent years in relation to the status of Government guaranteed loans. Section 49 will facilitate the efficient and proper management of the national debt. Section 50 deals with the winding up of the Road Fund with effect from 1 January 1978. The fund was originally based on the principle that all revenue collected from motor taxation would be assigned to roads. That principle no longer applied from 1966 onwards when there were increases in motor tax for general Exchequer purposes. Finally, the abolition last year of motor tax on cars up to and including 16 h.p. reduced even more the proportionate contribution of motor tax to roads expenditure, the balance of finance for roads coming directly from the Exchequer. The entire finance for roads from this year on comes directly from the Exchequer through the Environment Vote. This does not mean any reduction in finance for roads. In fact there is a greater investment in roads this year than for some years past.

Section 51 has been introduced in the context of our official development assistance programme. It is intended to give the Minister power, on the one hand, to guarantee loans given by third parties to developing countries and, on the other, to provide loans, either directly or through international organisations, to developing countries. Such instruments are increasingly being used as a means of adding to the social and economic development of the developing countries. The volume, extent and complexity of our present programme, and its prospects for the future, require that the Minister be able to use these instruments when the circumstances of a particular and project within the overall programme suggests it.

I commend the Bill to the House.

I take it everybody in the Seanad is agreed that, if we had to order the priorities of economic policy, we would put at the top of the list the solution of unemployment and there would be no divisions between any parties in this House, or between any Senators, on that proposition. The employment which we would seek should be good, viable and worth-while employment, employment in Ireland freely chosen by the people.

I am a little dismayed at what the Minister said, or rather the tone of some of his language. Some people use the word "complacency" in criticism of the Government's attitude. But I find it does not rightly describe the situation. Charged with the responsibilities the Minister is charged with, I do not think he can be complacent in the face of the problem the magnitude of which he must recognise and understand every bit as well as any Member of this House or any of his critics. As I see his position, he is caught by virtue of pre-election promises about which I fear he protests too much. He is caught by pre-election promises, by targets in whose preparation no doubt he has participated. He is caught into a public expression of optimism with regard to the problem, which optimism I do not think will help to procure its solution. The optimism or the good spirit, if you like—a better word—we want should be based on a sober assessment of all the realities.

Some one said it is not optimism you need to get places but, in the words of a famous visitor to Harvard University who reported, "Everything is going fine here, as a spirit of pessimism prevails in all departments." I would feel everything would be going better here if I felt a spirit of pessimism was prevailing more in some Departments, a spirit of pessimism which would reveal an appreciation of the magnitude of the problem and the degree to which the Government have not, and I may add, could not have solved it, that is, the problem of unemployment. The Government should derive little satisfaction and permit themselves little satisfaction from the fact that the figures on the live register have just fallen below 100,000. We have a long way to go to get back even to the figures on the live register in 1973. In the May 1978 OECD Economic Survey on Ireland, the figure given is 66,600 or 33,000 fewer than at the moment, and the Government allow themselves to appear pleased with their progress in dealing with unemployment. That was the figure of those on the live register at a time when there was net immigration into the country.

At this moment it is a waste of time to be hazarding guesses—I do not know of anybody who is in a position to put any realistic figure on it—but side by side with that figure of 100,000 on the live register there has been an acknowledged resumption of emigration, admittedly clearly and understandably a resumption of emigration which preceded this Government taking office, but it is still a fact. I will not waste the time of the House on a description of what every Senator fully understands about the nature of the unemployment problem, the nature of the employment creation problem arising from increased numbers coming onto what is sometimes called the labour market, from increased participation by women, from movement out of agriculture continuing even at an abated rate, from a continued shakedown of labour-intensive industries which find it difficult, and finally impossible, to survive conditions of competition.

The number of jobs to be created is very great. It is sufficient to say that and have that statement accepted without dispute. In this situation, I should have thought there is a duty which the Minister would feel should not be left to an Opposition Senator to point out, that is, the solution of that problem is circumscribed by the existence of considerable constraints, some of which the Government can directly affect, some indirectly, and some not at all. I will not attempt to give an exhaustive list, and I do not give them in any particular order save in the order in which I found myself placing them.

First of all there is our interlocked market situation; a small portion of a large economy with a high propensity to import. I saw the Taoiseach using the figure of 57 per cent of demand expended on imports. The degree of demand which can be induced, if you like even permitted, the degree of economic activity which can be sustained is limited, therefore, by our ability through time to produce and sell competitively abroad a sufficient amount of goods and services to pay for what we need. Through time it takes in a great deal. During that time there is the whole question of Government credit, borrowing ability and the state of our reserves relative to the degree of importing we are engaging in. In matters of finance, Ireland is not an island. A Senator who is not present might have said it as part of an archipelago. I do not know whether the Old Lady of Threadneedle Street tolls the bells of St. Paul's when she raises the minimum lending rate but, if she does, the bells of St. Patrick's ring soon after, and the bells of Shandon do not sound so grand on the pleasant waters of the River Lee after that tolling by the Old Lady of Threadneedle Street.

The Minister has permitted himself to talk about the reduction in the rate of inflation. The public are entitled to look to the Minister for better than that. There are things a Government can do to help our local inflation rate. Whether the Government should have done them this year, even with that consequence, is another matter. This year some things were done which may have a long term cost greater than the short term benefit, to produce a once-off improvement in the inflation rate. The Minister knows perfectly well that what is most significant with regard to the rate of inflation in Ireland is outside his control. A constraint he has to accept arises from the link with sterling, the link with reality, the reality of our trading position.

To pretend to the public before, during or after an election that we are going to bring down the prices—in 1979 in the manifesto; I notice in the Green Paper it has become 1980—is quite simply to make a promise which if it is kept will be merely by luck and will have very little to do with any Government policy.

I have touched on the first of these constraints, our whole trading relationship with the world. The second restraint on the Government is the existing proportion of public expenditure to gross domestic product which has risen severely in Ireland, in common with the general tendency in the OECD countries, from 33.7 per cent in the late sixties to 49.4 per cent according to the latest figure given in the document from which I have already quoted. This is a constraint on Government expenditure. There is coming back into the economic picture a concept well written about in the Banking Commission Report of the thirties which we thought the wand of Keynes made disappear for ever, that is, taxable capacity. We did not have to wait for the Californian revolt to know about that.

There is another feature of our tax system, the heavy weighting of our tax receipts towards indirect taxes. In a comparison of 15 OECD countries Ireland was found to have the largest weighting up of its receipts towards indirect taxation. There is then a low yield from direct taxation, which nobody here thinks is due to low rates, because of the narrow base of taxation. The nettle was grasped by this Government's predecessors in taxing farmers, a Coalition Government who according to political doctrine were incapable of decisive action, incapable of doing anything unpleasant, incapable of having the political will to face political unpopularity. For the first time farmers were brought into the net of direct taxation, and small enough is the yield to be expected from the taxation at present imposed. Then there is a whole range of highly rewarding economic activities which do not yield any tax to the Revenue: exports of goods and qualified services, the export tax relief.

If we look further at the fiscal situation we find a further limitation, a further constraint, on the Minister. More than half of the current expenditure to be financed by the budget goes to service the public debt—to the cost of which we are adding this year—and public service salaries and wages. There is also the limitation caused if there is a failure to persuade the social partners of the wisdom of incomes restraint, the precondition for their own continued economic success. Playing that game is very delicate. It is a very difficult art, and the necessity to play it with skill is a very important element in budgeting and in Government decisions. Maintaining the utmost flexibility with regard to that, and keeping as many options open as possible, may be the first and most important duty of a Finance Minister.

Do Senators think that telling people things are easy, that taxes can be abolished, allowances can be made, expenditure can be incurred by virtue of promises made, or following promises made at elections, induces a proper mood in the providers of their labour when they come to negotiate what their rewards should be? Is it a good thing for the Minister to maintain an optimistic stance when he has to govern amid such difficulties and subject to such constraints? Is it a good thing to project targets which can be achieved only after the exercise of much wisdom, great restraint and great self-discipline by all, without people being made to understand the need for restraint, the need for discipline?

The Minister said something I was sorry to hear him saying. I will continue to think well of him, but I might have thought better of him if he had not said something about the position which existed when he assumed office last year. The last thing I want to do is to fight the last election again, and lose it once more, but may I make this point? I do not particularly mind Fianna Fáil being in power, but I do mind their being in power with serpents around their necks as a result of promises their founder would never have allowed them to make. He would have muffled them in language of such obscurity that not even their public relations men could have discovered what he was at.

The Minister said that when the Government resumed office, the economy was still only taking faltering steps on the road to recovery. It would be well worthy of a thesis to have that established and to know what precisely happened on and after 5 July which made the steps which were faltering up to 5 July suddenly become strong and decided. The House does not have to accept my description of the position which existed in 1977. We have the Minister's own description of it.

In the economic background to the budget of 1978, in this document it is stated in paragraph (6) that in 1977 the Irish economy was in the unusual but gratifying position of having the highest growth in the EEC and one of the highest in the OECD. National output grew by over 5 per cent, twice the EEC average and well above the OECD figure of 3.5 per cent. There must have been the hell of a gallop from the 5th July to the 31 December to produce that performance. Investment, according to paragraph 10, rose by 8 per cent in volume last year. My God, nobody must have gone to bed all July and August making their investment decisions and implementing them to bring that figure up to 8 per cent between then and 31 December. And did the Government make the decisions which produced the increase in exports in the fourth quarter of 1977 when the volume of exports in the whole year went up by 11.5 per cent? The summer was nearly over and one can hardly blame the tourist trade; they did not come over for the election or even the election result.

If you start with the wrong description of the situation you then are inclined to follow the wrong policy. Having a wrong understanding of the situation which existed in reality, the Minister did during the election show such a great misconception of the position in regard to the inflation rate that one must allow he fundamentally misunderstood the position overall. If the position was misunderstood and it was thought that the economy lacked economic momentum, then of course the Government are right in starting to give it economic momentum. If it was stagnating and in the doldrums and demand was lacking, of course inject demand. If that was the situation, I would not be shouting if they did, though some people might have doubts as to the ultimate benefits of the injection. Personally I would have accepted it as the rational, understandable and proper thing to do.

Instead of understanding it correctly, the diagnosis was wrong and the wrong policy has since been followed, because there should not have been an obligation to increase the borrowing rate as a proportion of the gross product from 10.2 per cent to 13 per cent. With regard to that as a target, it seems to me extraordinarily like offering as a defence to a murder charge the plea that one had announced the prior intention to get the victim anyhow. There is hardly anything to be counted as a target in increasing one's borrowing; one does not strive after that kind of a target. Instead of increasing the borrowing from 10.2 per cent to 13.1 per cent I should have thought it rational at a time when there was export-generated demand to continue the process of reducing that proportion and to reserve the business of injection of demand by further borrowing to the time, if there is a time, when there is a decline in that export demand.

So far as I know, the Government have never faced this question. If extra borrowing in 1978 generates increased activity, what is to be the effect of reduced borrowing next year to 10.5 per cent? If, in the Minister's words, increased public expenditure and tax concessions give an impetus to economic activity and help create conditions under which the private sector can take over as an engine of growth, what happens when there is reduced public expenditure and no tax concessions but maybe increased taxes? Will this be seen or understood now to be a setback to economic activity instead of an impetus, a reduction of help in the creation of conditions under which the private sector can take over as an engine of growth instead of a help? What justification is there for going hard in 1978 and stopping in 1979? If there is a justification for it, I at least would be glad to get it. So far as I can see, these figures are all arbitrary and if they are arbitrary, how binding should the Minister regard them?

I would suggest that keeping a more even keel between 1977, 1978 and 1979 would be helpful for the private sector. Investments are made and encouraged to be made by the reduction or elimination of as many uncertainties as possible. I come to another point. The Minister for Finance ought really to be emphasising the point and not leaving it to Opposition people. I hate the word "opposition" because it seems to me that points can be made without necessarily being partisan points. This is a reality.

It is bad in regard to this budget that so much of the borrowing is going into financing the current deficit. This document suggests, incidentially, that current deficits did not start in 1973 but in 1972. The proportion of the GNP in 1972 was .3 per cent and shot up to .4 per cent in 1973; it went from 3.2 per cent in 1974 to 7 per cent in 1975 when there can hardly be any doubt as to the depth of the depression. It moved down to 4.5 per cent in 1976—a difficult business—to 3.7 per cent last year and up this year to 6.4 per cent, nearly as bad as the peak at a time of fairly advanced economic recovery.

You may wonder, and rightly, why I talk about fairly advanced economic recovery when I have initially described as very severe the unemployment problem because it is not my case that the Government should sit there and do nothing, or fail to spend or give tax incentives or anything else that might help to solve that problem or reduce it. Money could be spent, as Brendan Dowling says in the June issue of the Magill magazine, on schemes for those who are too long without jobs, on retraining those whose skills have become redundant and in providing education and social policies geared to minimise the excess flow of labour on to the market. As the OECD report put it, strong response from the private services sector to growth in industrial output seems desirable and more direct labour market measures. In this budget, instead of recognising all the constraints, recognising the magnitude of problems and directing expenditures towards this unemployment problem, we have launched a consumer boom. Now everybody who is consuming loves a consumer boom.

Let us look at the measures. I just take them as I find them. Regarding income tax allowances. I must subject anything I say under this heading to correction from the Minister with regard to the costings involved because I have no service which can provide me with that information. I should have thought that instead of increasing the allowances in the manner and to the extent they were increased, if we could afford anything at all in the income tax field an adjustment of the bands would have been economically more efficient. If they had to be given perhaps recognition could have been made of the fact that the taxpayers' allowances under PAYE are on an altogether more niggardly scale. Lord Justice Harman said: "Indeed it has been said that the pleasure of life depends upon the schedule under which man lives." If that is correct, the allowances might conceivably have been limited to PAYE. It is just as well to recognise that allowances are regressive in the sense that they benefit most those who are taxed highest and are of no use at all to the people who are not in the income tax net.

Of course, reform of rates on dwellinghouses was needed. Of course, there were anomalies based on the different valuation dates and so on. Of course, they represented a hardship in the case of an old couple or an old person living in a large house. But I can see no social justification whatever for providing on a free-for-all, no-means-test basis to a house of whatever size occupied by a man or woman, however rich, the service of removing his refuse, supplying piped water, sanitation, the readiness to put out his fire, to provide a road for him or roads anywhere. There would have been sense, if we could have afforded it, in eliminating rates on valuations over or under a particular figure in owner-occupied situations. There is a nice little cut in this for Rachman too because only a small proportion of the privately-owned and tenanted houses are subject to rent control. If I understand the situation, the removal of rates in this case and in the case of all other such lettings is just simply an uncovenanted benefit to a man or woman who made an investment in letting property. By abandoning rates—and this is a serious matter—the Government have narrowed further the base of taxation. I note that technically this is called indirect taxation. I do not know what is indirect about it. One paid it very directly twice a year or by the other method if one chose. Let the Minister not waste his time on it, but let someone sometime tell me why it was an indirect tax. At any rate, it was a method of raising revenue and we can ill afford to throw away means of doing so that are not punishing for people.

If someone is going to bring me to a halt with the words "What about the old people?" Of course it is very simple to provide a special age allowance in kind available for any old person in a house which has been long occupied. Rates were a sort of a sumptuary tax and their removal does tend through time to divert resources away from productive investment. There is not much of a multiplier effect in splashing in swimming pools or cavorting in sun traps. The £1,000 grant seems to me—I have great sympathy with the idea—to have operated merely as a gearing to stimulate demand for houses. The prices have spiralled, particularly in the upward end of the market, and if this be one of the consequences of the removal of rates, the lifting of the grant to £1,000, and the failure to implement the Kenny report, which admittedly lay there for some while, then poor consequences finally resulted.

The Minister said very little about capital taxes. We have now created a position where, as I understand it, except for the very rich and save in relation to exceptional transactions in other cases, there is not any capital taxation. I hope the Minister will be able to tell me what the anticipated yield will be in this year from what has survived from the dismantling of death duties. In the year to March 1974 which was the last year when these old duties operated, that is to say in the sense that they operated fully in respect of deaths up to that date, there was a yield between the three types of duties of £14.03 million which I suppose must now be worth, in current terms, £35 million or something of that order. I wonder how much of it is left. Nobody spoke more explicitly his objections to the wealth tax than I did, and I repent me of little enough that I said about it, but it had some advantages for the Government of the day, some advantages for the treasury. It did curb other tax avoidance. It was in the long term more productive of income tax than it appeared to be.

I think the worst thing about the tax was the name they gave it. Personally I have a great weakness for the wealthy, particularly if wealth is well baked over many generations, and has generated a necessary elegance that will envelope me, and I do not like to take up any stance against the wealthy as such, nor to strike any anti-social note in regard to them. But I ask whether the abolition of a tax of this kind which is to be paid for by borrowing is wise or timely. I think, just as I thought about the old death duty code, that it could have been reformed so as to take a good deal of the pressure off which was so severely felt in many unhappy cases. I believe that tax could have been reformed. I would have been delighted to participate in the reformation of it. It could have been replaced by something else. It ought not to have been dropped like that.

The price of this may be in the long term heavy enough to pay, socially. There is not a great deal to be got by way of contribution from capital taxes, but there is something symbolic about it. I do recognise the different treatments and different benefits enjoyed socially by the owners of considerable property. I do not think that is adequately covered by income tax, because their incomes very often are rather less than the chap who has no estate or very little estate but is working hard to generate a substantial income. The symbolism alone is very important, the evidence of commitment. Certainly I have very little sympathy with the people who screamed about them, and I told them so too.

I would not like the House to think that I thought everything in the budget wrong, which I do not. I think there is proper valuation of and emphasis on the importance of retained profits by corporations. These corporations are caught on the distribution level by the existing law. I am glad to see the incentive to employment-generating companies, the manufacturing companies. This was a new idea adopted last year and I would suggest to the Minister that it might be put forward in a bolder way. I would extend it is necessary to the specified service industries. We do not want to be codded on it. I should have thought that this is an idea worth taking a risk on even if it leads to a certain amount of service over-manning. Perhaps service over-manning would be a long-term good. I would like to have seen in the Bill, and it is a curious omission having regard to the importance of the social partners relationship, an encouragement to companies to involve their workers in investment.

I come to the last point I have to make. I was reading recently of a book by a Muhammedan columnist who talked about the importance of consuming for Allah. I liked the phrase. It suggested to me that I might invite the Minister to give a little more thought to the whole structure of our tax reliefs and incentives. For example, we have reliefs in relation to provisions for the blind but none for the deaf or the dumb or the handicapped children. We have covenants in favour of institutions that provide a particular kind of research. If we are in the position that, as the Minister puts is, we have got to be more selective in implementing desirable social reforms, the whole policy which has continued for quite some years now of discouraging covenants in favour of charities ought to be urgently reexamined. People ought to be encouraged to give their money for good purposes. Very often these private bodies are pioneering in social work in a way which will not be done by the Department in the routine formulation of policy and so on. The U.K. only maintains convenants in favour of charities and we only maintain covenants in favour of individuals. All this arose when a so called Catholic State thought that the Church was getting too much money out of these convenants and it changed the law accordingly. I would have thought that we would be adroit enough in draftsmanship to take care of this and to give it the kind of encouragement which exists at the moment for people with solid cash. People with a lump sum can put it into a charity. People without a lump of money, who have got their incomes to earn, cannot covenant in favour of charity. I cannot understand why there should be one law for the very rich encouraging them to do agreeable things and another law for the people who are just trying to do their best.

I will end with this offering to the Minister. I wonder would he agree with me that there are no soft options? That is from an election manifesto issued by the National Coalition Government, on the first page thereof.

I would like to welcome the Finance Bill. It covers the budget and provides the essential financial framework for the progress which we hope and intend to make. I would also like to welcome the Minister again to the Seanad. A particular word of welcome and of comment is necessary because, in the midst of the various economic plans and proposals which are being put forward and debated, sometimes it is not fully realised to what an extent these depend upon the co-operation, initiative, interest and support of the Minister for Finance and indeed of the Department of Finance. For any success there must be the most wholehearted support and co-operation. This has been very noticeable over the past 12 months and is essential. It is also something which is rather unique and very praiseworthy and laudable in general.

I would also like to very respectfully compliment the previous speaker for the Opposition on his speech which, as he said himself, was long and partisan. Indeed, he objected to the use of the word "opposition". He put forward a very logical and very sincere case but, listening to the party spokesman and to the Minister, and here again the Minister gave a most comprehensive and through introduction to the Bill, the most comprehensive and through we have had in the Seanad to date, the difference in attitude between those of us on this side of the House, the Fianna Fáil attitude and what would appear to me to be the Fine Gael attitude, came out very clearly.

Many of the Bills and matters we have discussed in this House could well be discussed very much across the benches and one would get support from one side or another or support generally. I am saying this in a non-partisan attitude because there is a great deal of logic, a great deal to be said, in the form of reasoned argument, for the type of attitude which Senator FitzGerald was putting forward and the attitude typified by the Minister. In my belief the difference is that we believe, rightly or wrongly, that one can and should take a very optimistic approach. This is essential if we are to succeed with plans for the development of this country. I agree that there is a very logical case for pessimism but I respectfully suggest that pessimism has in many ways been the curse of this country. We have too often tended towards the pessimistic, to say we cannot do this or it is impossible to do this, and to give all sorts of very good and logical arguments as to why we cannot do something. Certainly there are risks. Certainly there are no easy options but a basic aspect of the whole matter is the degree of optimism and this is what happened in June in many respects. Optimism came back to the country. People did start to invest; to consider that they could increase employment; to become hopeful again.

Secondly, and the two things go together, it is important to adopt a positive approach and have specific plans. I make no apology for the Fianna Fáil manifesto in the last election. It was the best, really throughly documented, researched and well put together document that has ever been produced in an Irish election or, indeed, in almost any general election anywhere and I am delighted to see the way in which we are implementing the promises and also implementing, overall, the general principles rightly enshrined in that manifesto and following them up now in detail with thoroughly documented papers.

I agree it is not going to be easy and I agree there has to be some scepticism. There has to be a critical approach. Let us continue with this general attitude of optimism. This Finance Bill certainly bears this out in all its detailed paragraphs. This Finance Bill relates to a budget of over £3,000 million. It is not very long since budgets here scarcely came up to the £100 million mark. There has been a change of enormous magnitude which is very difficult to alter and which, perhaps, does not fully come out of this Bill or out of the discussion and yet it is a very general theme: the Government can, should and will be involved in financing and the public sector shall participate and the private sector shall participate. It is extremely difficult to alter a budget, even given a long time and preparation beforehand. If one tries to adopt the approach of zero budgeting, of justifying everything from the base line upwards, one finds that one's options are extremely limited. The vast proportion of percentage of expenditure is already predetermined by what has happened in preceding years. One has so many people employed in hospitals or Departments; one has so many matters in hand. The magnitude of the change is very, very limited. Despite that, there has been this great change in attitude, greatly reflected in this budget and greatly reflected in our general principle of support for what is effectively a mixed economy. Again, we have in this country a tremendous advantage in that we do not have the entrenched attitudes regarding private enterprise and public enterprise to anywhere near the extent that one finds it in other countries. We are willing to agree that the private sector can and should play a major role. We are also willing to agree that where pragmatically it seems sensible and appropriate to do so, that the public sector has its role to play.

If we are to have full employment it is essential that there be a sensible, carefully controlled and monitored programme of employment in the public sector. Equally, the private sector should be throughly encouraged by every reasonable means at our disposal so that they will increase employment. One cannot, of course, do this by exhortation. The private sector must have the opportunity. It is not the business of an employer as such just to provide jobs. It is his business and, in the long run to all our benefits, that he should run a profitable, effective, successful business which then, as part of its success, generates employment.

We have here also the question of increased population and this again is an enormous sea change in our circumstances which we do not as yet fully appreciate. For the first time in a century and a half our population is increasing on a significant scale and this increase in all likelihood will become greater and greater, and very rapidly so, over the next few years. This again provides us with not simply a problem, there are obviously problems associated with it, but basically it provides us with an enormous opportunity. For too long we have had a lop-sided population in which a high percentage of people were elderly people. Now we are beginning to get a population in which we have a high percentage of young adults. From the point of view of developing the economy and from the point of view of being able to provide worth-while social benefits for the people who need them, this is not something to be looked on with fear or distaste. It is something to be worked at.

There will no doubt be contributions regarding inflation and borrowing. Again we have here to consider what we are doing. The idea that we should provide full employment in this country is a very noble and worth-while target to have. This should certainly be our first priority. That is what we are heading towards and I for one am in no sense ashamed or afraid to say so. It is a worth-while target and an achievable target. We must do it with prudence and we must have concern for inflation which will destroy any serious efforts to create full employment. If certain organised sectors ask for excessive wage increases or excessive amounts of money then the selfishness of a few will prevent the prosperity and opportunities of the majority of the population and indeed in time will limit the success even of the few who have got a temporary advantage. Here again most sectors here are willing to show some degree of moderation. I know it is very easy to talk about people going on strike or employers taking advantage and so on. Undoubtedly this does happen from time to time but basically most groups here know one another to some extent and we have a great opportunity of discussing matters together and, having agreed policies and agreed targets and agreed limits, some sort of hope of being able to do this on a basis of some degree of fairness between all the various groups and parties involved. Here we could set an example.

In relation to borrowing we are in a very fortunate position in that our credit is very good and, although full employment must be our prime aim, we must take due cognisance of any financial implications of any programme in which we are involved. Here again there is a very basic trend occurring which is going to have enormous implications for this country. Up until now our financial situation has been that we have a currency related directly and absolutely to sterling. From time to time we have had arguments as to the usefulness and benefits or otherwise of this relationship. We are now, it seems very evident, moving into an era when our currency is likely to be related primarily to the other western European currencies and these moves, which at the moment only merit small paragraphs at the back of our papers, which are mainly, as far as I can see, using such titles as the "Snake" and "the boa constrictor" and so on, in actual fact have implications for us which are very far-ranging indeed. If we are now going to be related to a European currency or group of currencies then this will certainly change our financial background.

Even within that background, in some of our discussions we tend to talk as though the Irish £ and the Irish financial situation were identical with the British. This is not absolutely true. Any British Chancellor of the Exchequer constantly has to bear in mind the balance of payments problem, the possibility of a run on sterling. The Department of Finance have very many problems and obviously cannot do anything which would seriously affect the general position of sterling. Nonetheless our situation is rather different in that it does give us a degree of financial flexibility which is not perhaps always fully realised.

There are so many sections in this Bill that one certainly could comment on but I am just going to comment in general terms on those sections relating to relief of taxes. We have naturally and, to a large extent rightly, tended to inherit the types of taxes employed in the English situation. They have not always necessarily been appropriate. Our general or capital base and the situation in regard to employment here are very different from that in Britain. I am delighted to see that the Minister is taking steps which will bring about a considerable relief in regard to taxes generally. I have never been at all happy about the efficacy or appropriateness of the pay-as-you-earn scheme here. I know it is supposed to be fair. This is the sort of justification that is brought forward for it. I must say that I am not at all convinced of this and I cannot help thinking that perhaps in due course we may well need, and may well in due course have, some newer or slightly different system of taxation. Under the pay-as-you-earn system it does not really work out that those who can afford to pay actually pay the full amount which they should pay. One already sees the sort of difficulty vis-à-vis the farmers and others. Equally, under the pay-as-you-earn system many of those who really are not relatively well off are fairly hard hit. I hope, in due course, one of the things we may be able to look at is the income tax and taxation system in general and I must say in this Finance Bill there are very useful and worth-while moves towards a more equitable distribution of taxes whereby those who are in need will not have to pay so much and equally, those who are enterprising are not taxed because of the contribution which they make to the economy.

It may seem very difficult to think of any serious alteration in income taxes but Senator FitzGerald was commenting on the relief of rates. I am delighted to see them go. They were an ancient and penal mode of taxation which often hit hardest people such as widows and so on who found themselves having to pay heavy rates on houses to which they were attached and did not wish to leave. I am glad to see we fulfilled our promise to relieve the rates. I hope in due course we will be able to make other promises and if we do I am sure we will fulfil them.

One final point on the sections. I am delighted to see that under section 51 we will be taking more control over our contribution to overseas development. Overseas development aid and assistance is something for which, from our previous debate in the House, I know there is great support. It is also extremely important that the Minister for Finance and the Department of Finance have any such assistance, as far as practicable, under the control of the Department rather than in a lump sum or general contribution elsewhere. I welcome this Bill; it is a very good Bill which is setting the very necessary financial framework for progress.

The Bill has many good aspects but there are one or two points on which I would take issue. The Minister tells us that as a result of taxing farmers, 7,000 more people will come under the tax net. I am in favour of taxing farmers. Every person who is making a profit from a business of any description, and farming is a business, has obligations to society as well as rights. I am satisfied that farmers should be taxed. I have no objection to the way the Government are going about this but it is not right to mislead people and I believe the farmers were misled. In the Coalition Government's time there was no ambiguity at all about the question of taxing farmers. We said we should tax them and we did. We all know some of the consequences of that but nevertheless we were open with them and they knew where they stood. The question of whether or not they were misled is another matter for the farmers themselves to deal with at another time.

There is an area in regard to the taxation of farmers that I would like to comment on. This is the question of the farm labourer who for a lifetime gives his skills and ability to developing the farming industry. At the end of the day he finishes up with nothing more than a contributory old age pension. That may not even be so in cases where a farm labourer may have some peculiar arrangement with the farmer himself. If farmers thought it was feasible to introduce a pension scheme for farm labourers who have given their lives and their skills to the business of farming then perhaps some sort of a concession could be made to the farmers in the tax area. These workers have been part and parcel of the farming industry, possibly much more so than the industrial worker because they are relied on by the owner of the farm and why should such people be forced to take a drop in living standards at the end of their years? If the idea of a pension scheme could be embodied in the matter of taxing farmers, it would be a good thing and it is something that should be seriously talked about.

On the question of taxing farmers, we are a little too concerned about the farmer and not concerned about the person who helps to make the farm work or who helps to make it a viable proposition. There were great reservations by Fianna Fáil when we were talking about taxing farmers. It is funny to hear the people with reservations about taxing farmers. The minute a farm labourer got a small farm he was immediately caught in the tax net, and if his son, his wife or his daughter went to work in the county hospital or any nearby factory they were caught in the tax net immediately, yet everyone is screaming about the farmer being taxed. I am not screaming about them being taxed. What I am saying is that people should be screaming about farmers treating their employees with dignity, introducing some sort of a pension scheme even by way of a private fund of some kind. I would not then object to some adjustment of the tax, not to abolish tax altogether but to ease the situation for farmers if they brought in some type of a pension scheme for their employees. I would ask the Minister in all seriousness, I do not know whether this has been gone into in the other House, that in any future move in regard to the question of farmer taxation the farm labourer would be considered as being part of the whole question. He is a taxpayer, the person he is working for is being caught in the net only now and generally speaking there is an association between the two, because eventually the pension fund will be subject to tax.

If we do not do something about farm labourers from the point of view of land ownership we are perpetuating social inequality which in this modern day and age should not be tolerated. It has led to inequalities in the rural social structure, particularly in terms of productivity.

On the wealth tax, there was a great lot of play made of the possibility that because of the wealth tax we would frighten people away to deposit their money out of the country. I do not believe there is any evidence that there was any money movement because of the introduction of the wealth tax. Reading one of the Dáil debates I see that Deputy Ritchie Ryan claims to have had a daily monitoring of money movements through the Central Bank and they told him that there was no evidence of money movement after the introduction of the wealth tax. The question then is was there any evidence of money moving into Ireland and it appears, if we take the former Minister's word, that there was in fact some evidence of money moving into Ireland through the Central Bank. If what has been said is not correct then we are entitled to know, because the abolition of the wealth tax is a sore thing to me and to other public representatives. If what the former Minister said is true we are entitled to know who made the moves, what amounts were involved and where and when. We have no evidence in relation to these matters. The reason why I feel so strongly about the wealth tax is that I cannot understand and never will be able to understand the situation whereby the wealthiest people in the country, whether they be institutions, organisations or individuals, each can be handed £2,000 back while some social welfare recipients receive £50 a year. It was £2,000 this year and God knows what it will be worth next year.

Even before the wealth tax there was no evidence that the people with the greatest wealth were the providers of the jobs. A lot of the work of creating jobs has been done by Government aids. It is not entirely attributable to industrialists or anything else. Without these strong Government aids they would not have been provided. There is no evidence that the highly wealthy by their own initiative and on their own resources have created many jobs. Therefore, the wealth tax was worth having. When we abolished the wealth tax and confined the social welfare recipients to 10 per cent — which does not even cover the inflationary rate from one particular period to another, and there is not to be a second instalment in the way we had under the previous Government — we are maintaining a savagely unequal society, and that has to come to a halt. I particularly refer to a body like the St. Vincent de Paul Society finding it necessary to take issue with the Government over their social responsibilities in a particular area. I quote from The Irish Times of February:

They said they were gravely concerned that the Government has not given sufficient attention to the needs of families on low incomes and especially these who have to rely solely on social welfare payments. The society has calculated that the budget would give least benefit to families of average size on low income.

I hope somebody will not tell me we are not talking about the budget. We are giving effect to the budgetary measures in the Finance Bill. I have quoted a report of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, a body who had never before come out against any Government on the issue of how the poor were being treated.

People on the low incomes, especially large families, will undoubtedly fall further behind those on higher incomes, and the differential will grow. The increase in tax allowances, the savings through the abolition of rates and the removal of motor tax will not put money into the pockets of the poor. These concessions will not help the people with large families who have to live on a 10 per cent increase in income this year, which will not cover inflation, which will be 15 to 18 per cent. We are still maintaining an unequal society.

Brian Nolan of the Central Bank tells us that of each £100 of wealth created, £1.50 goes to the poorest 10 per cent of Irish households and £26.80 goes into wealthy households. We have a situation where the wealthy can get £26.80 out of the wealth created and the poor take £1.50, so the wealthy get 20 times as much as the poor, the people who need it. A vast percentage of the Government's concessions in the Finance Bill is going to the wealthy, maintaining the deferential.

As I said before when speaking on the White Paper, it always strikes me as extraordinary how the poorest in society are the people who always have to wait and see how the others get on. In the long run after they have waited we still have a situation where the wealthy people can draw 20 times as much as the socially underprivileged people.

There is no way in which the abolition of tax on the liquor sold on boats and planes and so on can be channelled to help the poor as it will not mean that extra tourist revenue will be attracted here because if the concession applies to those coming in it applies to those going out as well and anybody who is going to spend £500 or £600 on a holiday will not change from Majorca or the Costa del Sol to Ireland for the sake of £5 or £6. It does not help the people who need to be helped socially, deprived people.

There is a tax concession for companies who supply cars to people. I welcome the abolition of car tax. I am not fussy about whether it was a gimmick or otherwise because, let us be frank about it, we are all mature politicians and the name of the game is to go out and win, it is more important that you deliver on your promises and I am not belly-aching in that sense. But if one is go give such a concession it should be aimed to benefit the person who has to drive 50 miles to work in the country and not the employer who supplies a car as part of a job. It is the man who owns his car and has to drive as much as 100 miles a day to and from work who should be considered when such concessions are being doled out. There is no use saying we did not do it when we were in Government. If we had done it I would not need to be talking about it, and I am sorry we did not.

Single girls qualifying for social welfare is a good development. When talking about creating employment and what the tax concessions are going to do in this direction, the Minister said on the-question of youth employment that he could provide 5,000 jobs for an expenditure of £5 million. As I understand it, that is not the norm: it would cost substantially more to provide 5,000 permanent jobs. What I should like to be told when the Minister is replying is whether we are talking about short-term situations where people are sent to AnCO on a three- to six-weeks' course. If you go on a course to AnCO you are an employee of AnCO. Even if you farm somebody to an employer, if he comes into the training scheme it is AnCO who pay the wages, so the person is an employee of AnCO. Are we saying we can create 5,000 jobs for £5 million or that we can send a lot of people of short-time courses either into industry through training schemes or into AnCO and claim that they will be permanent jobs?

In thinking of industries generally, particularly multinationals, we are usually inclined to think that they are the cure for all our ills. Even though somebody said the unemployment figure is less than 100,000 that is a substantial figure and I am convinced that there is no way in which the private sector, despite all the incentives it gets, can on its own realise 20,000 or 30,000 jobs a year, having regard to redundancies, lay-offs, and so on. As a trade union official I am not saying that the aids to these people should cease. There is trade union support for aiding private industry, for State subsidies, tax incentives, training grants and other aids to encourage industries. Whether they are national or foreign based is irrelevant, we support the aids. We are behind the aids that help the promotion of exports and industrial development.

However, we in the trade unions are still convinced that the large State companies, as well as the small ones, should be brought within the ambit of a national development corporation who would hold the assets of the State companies and perform banking functions for those State companies. A logical development of that would be that the expertise would be pooled for a common project. In this area a lot can be done to help the private sector to create the number of jobs that will be needed. The Minister is relying too much on private enterprise but I am not confident that private enterprise can provide the required number of jobs. Only through collaboration between State companies and private enterprise will this be realised.

Many people criticise us when we talk about the idea of a development corporation. They actually say it looks like some kind of idealism. It is not. The Irish Congress of Trade Unions do not stand up and make broad general statements, although some of their members may occasionally get on television and take advantage of the media to make some such statements but they do not represent themselves as the Congress of Trade Unions. The Congress of Trade Unions after very detailed and lengthy consideration are satisfied that a development corporation would achieve the primary objective of full employment. These are some of the points I wished to make on the Finance Bill. I hope that in the long run we do not have to come back here again in the autumn. The Green Paper is another matter. Some radical proposals have been made and I would be prepared to admit, without committing myself any further on the Green Paper, that it is a nice development, even if you do not agree with it, to see for the first time, possibly, such radical proposals being put forward. Having said that, I do not believe that we can produce the 20,000 jobs projected. We will be in serious trouble if the budgetary measures and the tax concessions in the Finance Bill do not work to the extent that the Government think they will. If the Government's gamble does not come off the slack we were beginning to take up will be lost.

The Minister referred to faltering steps on the road to recovery from the slump of the mid-seventies. Of course that is not accurate. Senator FitzGerald quoted Magill magazine but there was another article in Magill which proved that the last five quarters of the time of office of the Coalition Government were all growth ones. Therefore, the economy was not in the state the Government claim it was. Indeed, it was well on the road to recovery from the slump of the world recession and so on. We can agree and disagree but there should be a little honesty.

The Finance Bill is the legal instrument which puts into practice the tax proposals in the budget, and the budget this year is really based on the policy of the Fianna Fáil manifesto. Therefore, you have three documents linked together. Not having been here in former years I wondered what the procedure was for dealing with a Bill like this in the Seanad and I looked up the Seanad Official Report of the debate on the 1977 Finance Bill on 26 May. The Bill was introduced by the Minister for Justice. I want to make some quotations from the speech of the Minister that day merely to illustrate, as has already come up in this debate, that there is a difference in attitudes towards the problems we face. The Minister opened his speech on that occasion:

It would be instructive to set our deliberations against the background of economic events over the last few years. It is in this way that the economic policy in forming this Bill can best be appraised and the continuity of the Government efforts to sustain economic growth and employment appreciated.

I agree that this is the way to proceed to discuss a Finance Bill, but I would amend that statement in relating it to the 1978 Bill. For the words "to sustain economic growth" I would substitute "to promote rapid economic growth", and I would add at the end of it the two words "reduce inflation". That basically is the difference in policy between former Governments and the present Government. Of course there were other differences in policy. In the same speech the Minister stated the only alternative policies open and again I quote:

(1) concentrate on sharply reducing the budget deficit, or

(2) go all out for expansion based on profligate borrowing.

There was no suggestion of any measure in between those two; there was no suggestion of planned borrowing. In fact, there was no suggestion of a plan. There never seemed to be a planned approach. Indeed, during that period it seemed to be a reaction to events. Again I quote from the same speech:

In earlier years we stepped in to take up the slack when it appeared.

That appeared to be the policy — to take up the slack when it appeared. There was never a show of optimism to try to create the confidence which we feel was necessary to get the economy going and on this we appear to disagree, because today Senator FitzGerald almost advocated pessimism as a virtue. We believe in optimism and in confidence. Quoting again from the same speech:

Last year we shook ourselves out of the slough of despond into which we have plunged.

The last quotation from this speech is:

This year we deemed it necessary to reduce our direct involvement when revival in the economic activity at which our policies were directed began to emerge.

That appears to be one of the main differences. We believe that it is necessary to be optimistic, to be confident and to get our people motivated by that feeling of confidence, backed by confidence in what you are doing and in the policies which you have studied, which you have planned and which you have brought together.

The Government policy to which this Bill refers is for 1978 and I think the very short description which the Minister has put on it himself is the priming of the pump, was a very apt description of what was intended: to bring back motivation and to rejuvenate growth and interest in the country.

In the speech to which I have referred there was no great reference to jobs. Yet I was glad to hear Senator FitzGerald say today that in this House we are all now agreed that jobs are what we want.

I have always felt — and I know many other people who have felt it — that with the increase in our population, if we do not tackle the unemployment problem one of these days we will have a revolution on our hands. Therefore it is a serious social-economic problem apart from being an economic problem. It is a radical problem. To solve it we will probably need a completely new approach and completely new thinking.

In this Finance Bill there are several things which have definite social aspects as well as economic aspects. There is the £1 reduction in the social welfare stamp. Through the years, certain trade unions have put forward the case that the lower paid workers should get an increase. On the other hand, there are trade unions who say the differential must be kept. This is the first time something was done which satisfied both parties. It gave an increase of £1 a week to the lower paid worker and nobody on the other side said they had lost their differential. It has been said that that was taken away very quickly. The position actually is that costs generally went up and the gain to the lower paid worker is greater than £1.

Rates, car tax and extra tax allowances have a definite social aspect. First I will deal with tax allowances. A couple are thinking of getting married and they are both thinking of keeping their jobs for the time being. They do not suffer any tax loss by getting married because they have the same tax allowance today as two single people. They are thinking of buying a house, and £1,000 is given to them as a grant. As well as that they know if they build a house and pay for it they will not be faced with a rates bill every year. Therefore they are more inclined to decide to buy a house themselves to create an asset for themselves rather than to rent a house and have no gain in the end. Then they are expecting a family and one of the partners decides to stay at home. I know it can be either, but we will say, for example, the wife decides to stay at home, which is the normal thing. Now for the first time the Minister has recognised the fact that a wife who stays at home is doing a job which is well worth while to the nation. Also we have to admit that much of the violence today probably stems from the need for more care and attention in the home.

Possibly when they have reared their children the couple are thinking of their old age. At least they can provide for a pension of up to 15 per cent of their income by investment or insurance. At the end they have a house which is rate free and which can be ground-rent free. People looking forward to the time when they will retire can at least look forward to not being saddled with anything. In the past people started to pay for a house when they got married. Possibly the rates were £30 a year. They bought the house and in the end they were paying rates of £200 or £300 a year.

There are social aspects to the various items in this budget. Taken together they have done one thing which is most important. They have demonstrated in a practical manner that you do not necessarily have to get a wage increase, as such, on your basic wage to improve your standard of living. There are other ways of doing it. A standard of living can be maintained without necessarily increasing wages. This has been done. This was a real increase in wages, taking those adjustments into account, and improved the standard of living of workers and everybody else.

The fact that the wages level was kept at a lower rate assisted industry and allowed industrialists to see where they stood and gave them the confidence to go ahead. This Bill adds other incentives: corporation tax adjustment to smaller industries, simplification of the arrangement governing specially reduced rates of corporation tax to manufacturing companies which achieve expansion, and the indefinite extension of free depreciation. All this together gave industrialists incentives to increase investment. In the building sector there was financial provision to provide jobs and also provision in the public sector, Garda, teachers, hospitals, civil service and so on. There was finance for the IDA, including first-time entrepreneurs. All this was done to provide jobs and to increase jobs.

How are we progressing? Unfortunately, we have not got figures of job creation. We would have been in a better position to assess the situation generally if the census had been taken. Unfortunately it was not. The indications are that by the end of this year provision will have been made for 24,000 jobs and, with an expected loss of 4,000 jobs in the agricultural sector, it is expected that provision will have been made for 20,000 jobs. The only indication we have is the live register. That has gone down, which proves that unemployment has gone down. It does not tell us in any way how many jobs have been created.

There has been a suggestion that emigration is a factor. Emigration has started according to the figures of outgoings and in goings since 1976. In the period up to the end of February 1977 the net outflow was 6,700. That is not a good indicator because in the last two periods from 1961 to 1965 and 1965 to 1971 the same method of calculation produced an emigration of one and a half times greater than the actual census revealed. We cannot accept then that that method of calculating emigration can be in any way accurate.

Other than job creation, what indication have we of progress? For the year ending 1977 our growth rate was over 5 per cent and by the end of this year it is expected that it will improve on that. Production and manufacturing were up 9 per cent in the first two months of this year. Recently the CII report estimated that productivity in industry would be 5 per cent up with a 10 per cent growth and 10,000 jobs. In industry probably the greater number of jobs will come next year rather than this year because industry was run down and therefore, when you get growth, you have to take up the slack first to get productivity before you finally start getting jobs. Therefore next year should show a better improvement there.

On our balance of payments, for the four months ending April our exports, compared with the same four months last year, were up 26.5 per cent, our imports up 10.8 per cent, with a trade gap falling by 22.8 per cent. In May, imports went up considerably but, looking at those imports in May, the main things that went up were machinery and imported cars, both of which are, if you like, an indication of investment. Another indicator of investment is cement, which gives an indication of the building trade, and that has gone up 18 per cent in the 12-month period. Again on prices, the mid-May 1978 figure compared to mid-May 1977 was 6.2 per cent and mid-May 1978, compared to mid-February 1978, was 1.8 per cent. Retail sales in January 1978 compared to January 1977 increased 10 per cent. All these are indications that there is growth and in industry, from March to April 1978 compared to March to April 1977, there was an increase of 13 per cent in industrial sales of electricity.

There are other things in the Finance Bill which we welcome. I will not go into all of them in detail. Generally, I welcome the Bill and I say that we are now all agreed that job creation is the one important aim. I will leave Senators with just one thought: in this country we have a great deal to do. We have roads to build and water supplies to provide. We have the labour, not working. What do we do to use the labour to do the jobs? That is the problem before us.

I should like to start by briefly saying that I am sorry to have to tell Senator Jago that, in fact, where the married couple are concerned nothing has changed. In regard to the young couple who get married and the wife decides to keep on her job, he said they will not suffer tax discrimination. That is totally wrong. The juggling in the Finance Bill only alters the allowances. It does not alter the total tax liability of married couples which remains far greater than that of two single people starting at an income of £3,780. I will come to that in a moment.

I am very glad to have an opportunity to speak on the Finance Bill because I had a motion on the Order Paper, which was disallowed, but which in fact is now covered by this Bill. I intend to leave the motion on the Order Paper because an opportunity to debate it may arise at some future date.

In this Bill the particular section on which I want to concentrate is that which deals with the taxation of married couples and the way in which the allowances are going to be altered. Since unfortunate remarks were made at the Fianna Fáil Ard-Fheis earlier this year there was a great deal of reaction to them and some changes have been made in the way tax is taken away from two different people but the amount has not been changed. One might say, in fact, that nothing has changed since 1799 when income tax was first brought in by Pitt in England. In 1799, the concept that a wife's income, earned or unearned, belonged totally to her husband was firmly enshrined in the 1799 Act. When income tax was reintroduced into England in 1842, exactly the same concept remained. Introduced into Ireland in 1854 the same concept was stated quite clearly and then, in 1918, it was consolidated in an Irish Act. The 1967 Act, which consolidated the 1918 Act and subsequent Finance Acts, also includes that concept. Section 192 of the 1967 Income Tax Act says that a woman's income chargeable to tax shall be deemed for income tax purposes to be the income of her husband and not to be her income. That provision has not changed. That concept has not changed.

In this Finance Bill we are talking about changing section 193 which deals with the way allowances are divided between the couple. The concept that a wife's income belongs to her husband and that he is responsible for her tax still remains in force. I said earlier that what the Finance Bill does is to juggle with the allowances. The Minister also arranged that all married women who work and about whom the Revenue Commissioners know have received documents telling them their rights. Indeed I got one myself. In fact, what that document does is to tell us that we may take some money away from our husband's pay packets and add it to our own. It does not give the married couple any more money. I am hopeful that one result of that might be that some of the men, who suddenly find they are getting less money, because their wive's may willingly be assessed separately without their consent, may start kicking up a row when they begin to feel the pinch. I am wondering what epithet will be found to describe men who, because they are married, complain about their income tax.

As of now, since the budget, and including the Finance Bill, a couple with an income of £3,780, or more, pay more income tax than two single people whose joint incomes amount to the same sum. I do not think an income of £3,780 is a very high income. I certainly do not think it earns the description "well-heeled". In fact, it approximates to average industrial earnings. It must be made quite clear that discrimination against married couples begins at a very low level indeed. I hope a great many women who got that document from the Revenue Commissioners will read it carefully and take advantage of it because it may get more supporters into the field to help in the fight against this sort of unjust taxation.

I believe when the Minister says he is puzzled about how to solve this dilemma of the taxation of married couples, he is puzzled about how to do so without denigrating the role of the woman in the home. I believe he is sincere when he says that but I must point out to him that two wrongs do not make a right. Penalising married couples, where the wife works, to the tune of £20 million a year does not solve the problems of the financial and legal weakness of the wife in the home. This is borne out by the fact that the organisations of non-working women, the Irish Housewives' Association, the Council for the Status of Women, the Irish Countrywomen's Association the vast majority of whose members are not working wives have totally rejected the assertion that to allow married working women to earn their money as single people would discriminate against the woman who works in the home. For the Minister to use that as an argument is mistaken. However, I agree that there is certainly a dilemma.

Irish society in general faces the dilemma of how to cope with its responsibilities to mothers. I use the word "mothers" as opposed to married working women because very often they are not in the same category. The income tax code is certainly not the only method which can be used to help to alleviate the position of the married woman who stays in the home. It is a far wider question than that. Parenthood also embraces weaker sections such as widows and widowers and all single-parent families. We cannot simply talk about the value of the work of the woman who stays in the home. Many different people stay in the home minding children, and that is why they stay there. It is a different question altogether if a person stays in the home without minding children. Here we are getting into the area of employment policy which is another matter we might touch on later.

To use the blunt weapon of this kind of discriminatory taxation against people who happen to have a marriage certificate shared with the other person whose house they live in is now being rightly seen as narrow and discriminating. I say a person has a marriage certificate, because a man and his wife may have two or three grown-up children and everybody in that house may go out and earn a full income except the married woman. Usually the man is the earner, but if the woman goes out to work she will be treated quite differently from her grown-up sons and daughters because she is the one who has the marriage certificate. I would say therefore that section 192 of the 1967 Income Tax Act should be done away with for a start. It has not been touched. The form which married women were sent, telling them of their rights to separate assessment states that, where separate assessment is applied for, each partner would be liable for his or her own tax and would not be responsible for the other's tax. I understand a husband is still responsible and liable for his wife's income tax and, if she does not pay it, he has to fork up for it. This paragraph in the document which was sent out to us seems to contradict section 192 of the 1967 Income Tax Act. I am puzzled about this and I would love to know the answer. Not being a legal or a tax expert, I should like to find out what exactly the situation is.

On the much larger question of the financial protection of full-time mothers, there are some points to be made. For several years now the position of the woman in the home and outside it has been getting slightly better. Improvements have been achieved over the past eight years or so, which have come about mostly through the untiring efforts of the women's organisations and by the EEC forcing successive Governments into them passing some decent legislation, even though they sometimes tried not to do so.

The number of women who wish to work outside the home has grown considerably and is growing. The number of women on the PAYE system who work outside the home is 70,000. The number of women looking for work is growing daily. As was mentioned in an earlier debate, the live register does not begin to reflect the kind of unemployment there is among married women who wish to work and who cannot get jobs. At no stage during all that time when the women's movement have been fighting for women's rights in and out of the home has any women's group ever considered that allowing working couples to earn the same as two single people would cast any reflection on the women in the home. If that is a formula which was trotted out by the Minister to try and put a wedge between women it has failed.

Incidentally, putting that wedge between women also saves the Exchequer that £20 million a year which couples pay out in extra taxation. I did not get the impression that the Minister was sincere in his concern for the women in the home and, indeed, if it was an attempt to put a wedge between women, it did not work. Women stood firm and the women's organisations were unanimous on this as they were unanimous on the question of equal pay. Naturally most of the women's organisations consist of non-working women because most of the women are non-working women, but they stood very firmly together on equal pay for those women who work. The device of divide and conquer which was tried, did not work.

I find the Finance Bill conspicuously lacking in an awareness of the very weak position of mothers. We will have to use the tax system and a great many other systems to improve that position generally. Widows have been poorly treated. They got an increase of 27 per cent only in their allowances, whereas married couples got an increase of 57 per cent.

Children appear to be immaterial when it comes to allowances and the whole question of children was very badly treated. An excellent commission set up by the Minister found that the whole system of the taxation of married women was unfair and discriminatory and that it helped to keep women out of trade unions, out of the professions, out of public life, which everybody decries and which has led to such a wastage of talent. They said it was an area where there was a widespread sense of discrimination and grievance and they recommended that it should be changed forthwith. It has not been changed. It is long past the time when it should have been changed.

That commission did not have the answer to how the income tax code might be able to cope with the problem of the woman who stays in the home. I suggest the Minister should listen to those people who were asking him to set up a commission to examine specifically the legal and financial position of the woman who stays in the home with young children, how she can be protected from losing her financial and legal rights and how she can be facilitated, when she wishes to return to the workforce to do so as a full member of the community.

The 1978 Budget reflected in the Finance Bill now before us was an incentive budget designed to enhance economic growth, to create badly needed jobs and to maintain and improve confidence. The last point, confidence, is of critical importance to Government policy. Confidence attracts the necessary response from individuals and from the various interested groups.

In the context of the increased personal tax allowances in the Finance Bill, it is worth recalling that only a short time ago wage rates were increasing in a spiral in an effort to maintain real incomes, with inflation higher than in any post-war period. It is almost frightening to recall that, in the three months November 1974 to February 1975, prices rose by 8 per cent, in sharp contrast to a 6¼ per cent increase in the 12 months to May 1978. At present inflation is in single figures. Because the Government are acutely aware of the need to maintain and, indeed, substantially to improve real incomes, the personal income tax allowances in the Finance Bill greatly exceed the current rate of inflation. This is a generous response to all taxpayers' needs, but particularly to those in the hard-pressed PAYE category.

Business suspended at 6 p.m. and resumed at 7 p.m.

Before the adjournment, I described the 1978 budget as an incentive budget, stressing the critical importance of confidence to the success of Government policies. After that I contrasted the frightening rate of inflation for a three-month period from November 1974 to February 1975 with the single figure level of 6.25 per cent for the 12 months to May 1978. In welcoming the increased personal income tax allowances provided for in the Finance Bill, which greatly exceed the current rate of inflation, I had acknowledged that this is a generous response to all taxpayers' needs but particularly to the hard-pressed PAYE category. These increased allowances also represent an enlightened response because they will contribute to our economic growth by putting more disposable income in people's pockets.

Much discussion and critical comment have taken place in this House and elsewhere about the reliance placed on the private sector by the Government in their economic strategy. Indeed Senator Robinson in a previous debate considered that capitalism is dying and is past the revival stage. I do not share that view and certainly as far as Ireland is concerned capitalism is alive and well and working in complementary fashion with the public sector.

We need enterprise and a confident response from both private and public sectors if we are to solve our problems, particularly our unemployment problem. I repeat that confidence is crucial to sucple' cess and when Fianna Fáil, with their carefully prepared policies, set out clearly in the manifesto, took office in July last year business confidence got a visible and important boost which has since been maintained. The package of tax incentives in the Finance Bill has given a further boost to business confidence.

My final point in this short contribution concerns job creation. Reference has been made, again in this House and elsewhere over quite a period now, to the inadequacy of the private sector to meet the task of creating more jobs. The Government's approach is to stimulate both public and private sectors to create more jobs. Indeed, the Government through direct action are relying rather heavily this year on the public sector for job creation with greater reliance being placed on the private sector in 1979. There are definite signs that the Government strategy is succeeding in the area of job creation, in reducing the inflation rate, in increasing manufacturing output and so forth. If the critics of Government policy and economic strategy can produce more appropriate policies, then those policies should be articulated fully, instead of providing vague generalisations, and in detail and brought into the light of day so that they can be compared with the Government's efforts in tackling our problems.

It has been said, and perhaps I quoted it before in this House, that the power of politicians is often greatly over-estimated and that the world of politics only takes over and operates in the area that finance leaves behind. It is probably not as true today to make such a statement as it was 20 years ago but still we do at times exaggerate to a large extent the power of any Minister for Finance in his Finance Bill to alter to a large extent the destiny of an economy such as ours.

The whole question of the management of the economy through measures such as we have before us comes into question, particularly when one hears somebody like Senator Hussey state and underline sections in this Finance Bill which are more than 100 years old. This gives us some indication of how through the years we have tended to build on to a structure that was already there, without in a deep and radical way overhauling the system completely and seeking through the powers available to us at a time such as this new solutions to the problems of unemployment, standards of living, the providing of opportunities and all the other things that we seek to do through the Bill before the House.

The question of the management of the economy comes up. I said when the Minister for Economic Planning and Development was in the House that when one makes a statement to the Minister of one Department one hopes that the statement one makes, if it is worth hearing, will carry over and perhaps percolate by some means into policy. The longer I spend here the more my experience tells me that it is important to say the same thing again because unless radical changes are being brought about I do not expect that what I say to the Minister for Economic Planning and Development will find its way into the preparing of a Finance Bill a short time afterwards.

I say again that I believe this Finance Bill has been introduced with all the shackles and restrictions it brought with it from the pre-election manifesto. I ardently hope that having put this summer recess behind us we will be able to start anew with our economic planning and that financial measures coming before this or the other House will be the result of a plan that is genuinely thought-out as a solution to problems rather than a continual seeking to justify a document which was prepared in haste by a small number of people for the express purpose of securing votes in an election. I am not saying that everything contained in this Finance Bill is towards that end, but I believe that the economic policies we have had so far from the Government are not the direct result of people sitting down to solve a problem but are influenced in every line and sentence by the necessity to justify a manifesto which was brought out for an entirely separate purpose. I should like to hear from Senators on the Government side, people who are capable of original thought and who are, I have no doubt, concerned about the problem, more original contributions rather than a continual seeking to justify economic policies which are simply a further justification of the manifesto brought out for an entirely different purpose.

Senators, particularly Senator Jago, made comparisons between the outlook and policies of the National Coalition Government and compared the attitude which exists on the Government benches today with the attitude as expressed by Senator FitzGerald on this whole question of the management of our financial affairs. It is wrong to say that one of the important differences between the attitude of the Government who were in office a year ago and the Government who are in office today is that one are optimistic in their outlook and the other were entirely pessimistic and that this optimism immediately transferred itself to business, industry and workers when the Government changed office.

It is well to recall that there are two shades of opinion in the party who have prepared and put forward the financial measure before us today. The economic planning has been described, and is on record as having been described, as the greatest gamble taken in the history of the State. If it was not pessimistic to say that the only alternative to it was a Cuban solution, then I do not know what a pessimistic statement is because I would not be prepared to go that far. I do not think that the argument is between optimism and pessimism in our whole approach to this. What I would hope to see in any Government is realism. Perhaps Senator Jago would come part of the way with me and say optimistic realism, but realism nevertheless. We will not solve any problems by leading people up the garden path by telling them that we can find solutions to our problems without hurting anybody, without threatening anybody's vested interests or making anybody feel uncomfortable, and telling them that if they elect a particular party solutions will be found without the necessity for anybody to make sacrifices.

If we want to take into our hands the power to control our economy, to control the destiny of our country and make a decent contribution to the European Community and the world in which we live, we will have to be realistic in our approach to these problems. We will have to avail more than we did in the past of the powers that are vested in us to sit down and work out genuine solutions. Perhaps we can build on the old ones, but we need some original thinking on this whole question.

The management of our economy cannot be expedited in any way by the manner in which during the past year we have had to change in a radical way our whole attitude to taxation, without having first thought out what the consequences of those important changes in our taxation system would be. I am referring to the changes in local taxation as well as the changes which necessarily had to be made in the pattern of our borrowing and the raising of taxes as a result of the promises that were made prior to the last election. Not only did we make it difficult to arrange a Finance Bill which would be at all acceptable and not disastrous to our economy but we also changed the whole structure of local government, the whole future of local government, by rash policies which were proposed in order to get votes without having followed through and inquired into what the consequence would be.

We hear comments made about the change in attitude and the brightening that suddenly appeared in the economic climate in July when this Government came into office. The Minister, who can be a very reasonable man, said in a statement on the economy at that time that he had, in fact, found himself with a very solid foundation on which to build. He could not have paid a greater tribute to the team who introduced four Finance Bills during the most difficult years in which any Government has had to guide the affairs of this country. At the end of four more years and after four more Finance Bills have gone through this and the other House I hope his successor will be able to say the same thing. If he is able to say that, the present Minister for Finance will be satisfied that he had done a reasonably good job.

We all agree that we hope to achieve full employment, to maintain if possible our standard of living and to foresee as far as we can the difficulties and the economic twists in the road ahead. That is the business of a Minister at a time like this. We would all agree that the most important obligation on the Minister is to secure full employment, to prevent emigration and to seek to ensure, as far as is compatible with that, that standards of living are maintained, particularly the standards of living of people at the lower end of the income scale. I cannot honestly see any serious effort in this Bill to bring about directly an improvement in the employment situation. As I look through the provisions here and hear what the Minister and all his supporters say about it, I can see that it is very true, as the Minister for Economic Planning and Development said, that it is the greatest gamble in the history of the State.

What is being said is this: let the Government, those in office with the mandate to govern, take their hands off the wheels and hope for the best, trusting all the people who have money to spend to do exactly the right thing with it, that they will buy Irish if they find extra money in their pockets, that they will be more concerned about jobs for the neighbours' children than they are about their own standards of living. It is taking a gamble to expect that suddenly everybody will become so patriotic and so concerned that it is not actually necessary for the Government to intervene directly in the problem. If ever there was time for a Government to intervene directly to keep their hand firmly on the wheel it is at the present time when so much is at stake.

We know that our educational system and the attitudes of parents and society generally have taught our very large numbers of young people to look after school for the ready-made job in the public service with the secure but, perhaps, not very exciting future, without the pressure of competition or the need to produce at a particular level in order to survive. Young people are tending to go for that sort of job at the moment.

On the other hand, we have a scarcity of people, particularly qualified tradesmen, expecially in some areas of the fields of engineering. Anybody seeking to have repairs to a house carried out will be conscious of the scarcity of qualified people to do these jobs. There should be some provision in this Bill to rectify or correct this problem. People leaving school at 18 years of age can opt for a job in a health board or county council; they start off at a comparatively high income in secure employment and they do not have to worry about their future. The young apprentice going into industry has to learn a trade and has to work for three or sometimes five years in order to be in a position to secure full pay, and from the very start his income is taxable and a stamp is deducted. In order to balance up a grave deficiency in this area and the serious disadvantages at which these young people find themselves, the Minister might have considered eliminating the necessity to stamp a card so that automatically such an apprentice would have contributions credited to him. Income tax could have been eliminated entirely in such cases. We have nothing at all to lose by doing this; we could save ourselves a lot of unemployment assistance and unemployment benefit at a later stage if we did so. We would be on the road to increasing industrial output, and the same could and should apply to apprentices in the farm apprenticeship scheme.

There should be added incentives to save money and put it by for the security of the future or perhaps the investment in a new business of their own later on. We should have had far more searching by the Government and by past Governments for solutions to those problems, rather than a sort of haphazard welding on to existing legislation without any serious in-depth thinking as to where we are going.

When we talk about the whole area of apprenticeship it is no harm to recall that quite a lot was done by the past Government in this area. There were about 1,000 people in industrial training when they came into office, while in 1973-74 we had 12,000 people in training. This is just an indication of what was done. Nevertheless we will all agree, in spite of the efforts that are made, that there is still an important area to be covered here and a lot of work to be done if we are to redirect people into employment that is most useful to our economy.

People taking credit for and advertising the fact that they will provide jobs in the public service is an almost outrageous approach as a solution to our problems at present. There should be no question of using the public service as a solution to unemployment. These services that we give are necessary, let them be whatever they are, in any branch of the civil service, health boards and other areas. The number of people employed there should be dictated by the level of service that we require and not by the number of people we think should be employed there. We should ask ourselves what the actual production is of the people in any of these areas, what extra production we need and how best we can get that with the minimum number of people and, having gone to that stage, whether we need to add in more. It is really the last straw in economic planning when Ministers or Governments take credit for creating jobs in the public service. That is always the simple thing to do. That is the simple solution, but it is a sure recipe for economic disaster. I, as a person who works and produces, and a lot of other people would certainly object to paying income tax to pay people in the public service for the pleasure of seeing them occupy a job, while at the same time we refuse to give basic concessions to people in difficult areas of employment.

Provision should be made in industries that have difficulties for remission of income tax and remission of the need for insurance cards. I have given examples before of the sort of industries. We know very well that if the insurance stamp is the last straw which breaks an industry and brings it down and if the income tax being taken out of that industry is the last straw which breaks the industry, then there is no question that the Minister has taken in this or other legislation power to himself to have one or the other remitted in order to save the industry. In fact even when it comes to the stage of paying unemployment assistance or unemployment benefit to 100 or 200 people we still have no provision for sacrificing a few pounds of social welfare in order to save the industry even if it could be proved that this industry was going through a temporary difficulty and could be brought around by such a concession. This is the sort of economic thinking that it is important we should do in the future.

The whole question of farmer taxation comes up here. If there is anything that is contradictory in this Bill it is the attitude of the Government and their reliance on the private sector to solve all our problems if given a free rein and at the same time adopting the very opposite attitude to the agricultural industry in at least two measures which have come before us in recent times.

The first point I would like to make is that the last Government very courageously, and as part of considerable rethinking on the whole question of taxation, introduced farmer taxation. They did not do this in order to take money out of the agricultural industry. The Minister is on record as having said when he was in Opposition that the amount of tax which was collected from farmers was derisory. This was true, depending on whether one was speaking in Dublin city or Cork city. If one was speaking in rural Ireland and one said the National Coalition had threatened to tax farmers out of existence that was a different situation. I would say that any fair-minded independent person looking at it would say that all the last Government introduced was the principle of taxation on farmers. They established the principle that people with a high income, from whatever walk of life, could not make a case for exemption from income tax. Nevertheless, going through a particularly difficult stage in our history, the outgoing Government were very careful not to impose the sort of taxation that would discourage expansion or take out of the industry profits that were necessary for its further development. They were careful not to do that. Their thinking was probably not understood and it is fair to say that the agricultural industry are only now beginning to realise that.

On the other hand, at present we have an increase in the liability of farmers for taxation. There is no point in my going into the details. They have been thrashed out already on a number of occasions. We have increased the multiplier and we have increased the threshold and in addition to that we have imposed full rates on all farmers with valuations of over £75 and next year that may be down to £60. This is the one industry we can ill-afford to take money out of at this time. Senator Harte made a case for tax concessions. It is a very useful and sensible suggestion.

This is the one industry where we have a solid foundation on which to build. It is the one industry where we have proved through the years that we can compete not only on an equal basis but even under the disadvantage of taxation as we did over the transitional period in the EEC and through all the years when we were forced to compete with the cheap food policy on the British market. The farmers here have proved that we can produce a quality article at the right price. And yet looking around us we know it is the one industry in which expansion can solve all our economic problems.

We know that for every person employed in the farmyard ten are employed down the line. We know that if we take tax from farmers it is not the same as taking it from the working man who will spend the money. In the case of professional people or people who depend on a weekly wage, whatever they make in a year will dictate their standard of living. In agriculture it is slightly different. A good year or a bad year will not really affect a farmer's standard of living automatically. If farmers have a good year they tend to reinvest some money and live as they lived in previous years. On the other hand, if they have a bad year they will probably draw a little bit out of their reserves, reduce their stock a little bit, increase their overdraft a little bit, but one does not get the same automatic drop in their standard of living. For that reason we have nothing at all to lose by leaving the farmer with the extra money which he earns. It would be wisely reinvested and it would make a tremendous contribution to an increase in employment. There is no need to labour this point, it must be obvious to everyone, but because it was one of the areas in which the Government were not restricted by their election manifesto they found a way out and so they decided if they had imposed on themselves severe restrictions in other areas, here was one area where they were not limited by their promises and they could raise a few more pounds.

I would like to comment on the question of housing. If we are to work out realistic solutions to our problems, through the sort of financial measures we have before us, we could have considered making more concessions available to people providing their own homes. I know the Government have given the famous £1,000 grant. Before I depart from the subject of farmers I should say that this grant does not in the main apply to them because all farms in rural Ireland have on them the farm home. In the west it might not be immediately noticeable but many of these houses are of inferior quality and it is common to find quite a good looking house there that contains a lot of old mud walls which have been maintained through the years. Yet farmers cannot avail of the £1,000 new house grant because all of them, or most of them, are already the owners of homes. Equally, if a farmer wants to give his farm home to his son and move down the road and build a new house for himself away from the farmyard he, too, is excluded from benefiting under this scheme. As far as farmers are concerned they are largely left out of this. Previously, farmers automatically got £950 if they had valuations of under £60 so that they have suffered here.

The grant has not achieved the desired objective because we know with the way the market is at the moment that it is not the cost of a house that counts and it is not the value of a house that counts. What makes the price of a house is the amount of money that can be got for it and immediately the grant was introduced there was £1,000 more to be got so £1,000 more had to be paid. It was not the best way to encourage building. In this Finance Bill the Minister ought to have considered introducing some more valuable concession to young people who provide their own home. Private house-builders are being discriminated against in some of the legislation in regard to the concessions that are given with local authority loans at the moment as against people who are on the council housing list or buying out council houses. That is a pity because there are many young people who did not seek to bother the county council in the first place who have not got the advantage of the special scheme that was introduced for occupiers of and applicants for council housing. Some major concession ought to have been provided for in this Bill to make it easier for people to build their own homes.

In regard to the question of the abolition of car tax and its replacement, there is no point in my saying what the motivation behind it was, but the abolition of car tax imposed on us the obligation of finding the money some place else. The first question we ask ourselves is what happened to the money that was saved by people who did not have to tax their cars? In other areas we can see that possibly one-third of the food that is on sale in supermarkets is imported but we know that 100 per cent of the cars that are offered for sale in showrooms are imported and I get the impression that the money that we saved in the taxation of cars has not found its way into the Irish economy and will not contribute as a solution to our unemployment problem but will in fact go to Fiat, Datsun, BMC and all the other foreign manufacturers of cars.

Already there is an improvement in the standard of cars around. The family car is a necessity but we have the unique situation here where there are three and for young people living with their parents and outside those houses we can see three and four cars all of which have been imported and are burning imported fuel. This measure, saving those people from having to pay tax, meant that there would be more gallons of petrol burned and more cars bought from abroad. In the case of family cars, I would welcome the concession but in the end, the Irish economy has not gained.

In addition, in recent years there has been a build-up of traffic on our roads. The hazards of driving in this city have increased in recent years but successive Governments have failed to keep the standard of our roads in line with the demands of traffic today. We will now have to raise the amount of taxation needed to make up for the Road Fund and if we add to that the amount of car tax that has been abolished we could be doing something to improve the standard of our roads. It is not so bad on the east coast. We are nearer the car ferry, the important cities and markets. But in the west, where larger vehicles are forced to negotiate 150 miles of bad roads daily, we see the disadvantages that industry in the remote parts of Ireland is suffering in a country where there should not be any remote parts. It is not a long distance from any one part of this country to another if we had the sort of roads by which modern industry is entitled to be serviced.

We have made a rash move and if we had taken that amount of money and invested it wisely and deliberately in order to improve this service or create employment we could have done something but here again we have made promises. We have kept them, but at a great cost to the whole process of economic planning.

Another matter I would like to mention is tax on imported vehicles. At the moment I am not particularly worried about tax on imported cars for a number of reasons. In the part of the country where I live I notice the severe competition that some industries have to suffer from industries outside the country because of the whole question of transport. If we were seriously looking for solutions to our problems we would have decided at this stage to put the transport required by industry here on an equal basis with our competitors in Europe, in the Six Counties and in Britain. Every day in my part of the country I see industries, a large percentage of whose bills and turnovers is spent on haulage, being forced to compete with people from outside the State. I have no objection to fair competition from people in the Six Counties. I believe in giving them free and equal access to our markets but I do not approve of the situation where we are forced by our taxation policies on imported vehicles to compete at a disadvantage against those people who have already got other advantages by way of grants. This is one area that urgently needs to be looked at. Somebody made the point lately that those people are taking their lorries into stations and garages abroad and buying spare parts and having them repaired; they are not giving the business at home because of the cost of parts, and the replacement of all accessories here.

In this Bill the Minister should have produced a solution to this problem. It is long overdue. It is one area where we could build up more employment. If we had surplus labour here, we could be strengthening ourselves by building up fleets of lorries and training specialists in haulage who could haul here, on the Continent and in Britain. We are putting ourselves at a severe disadvantage and we need not. I see no merit at all in that system of taxation that imposes such severe restrictions on the haulage industry here.

Why did the Minister refrain from further taxing distillers, beer and spirits and tobacco in this Bill? Some people say that we might kill the goose that lays the golden eggs. I do not know how the Minister sees it. I know some politicians may see it as such a goose. I do not see that we need this industry in order to keep our economy moving. I do not see that there is any merit in cycling finance through alcoholic drink in order that it may come back to the Government and be spent for more productive purposes. There is no danger that we would kill the goose. A certain amount of money will be spent in this area anyway and if the price was higher it might mean we would drink less. I am not talking about the moderate drinker or the occasional drinker but the people who have their "jar" every night and have a sore head every morning. They will spend a certain amount of money on drink and the less they are able to buy with it the better. In the end it might create some little problems for the Minister in seeking to raise money in some other way. But we should discourage the present trend towards excessive drinking. It goes with the three cars outside the house. It is an attitude of carelessness to money. It is an area in which, while it might cost a few votes, a Government in the strong position of the present Government should not have been afraid or reluctant to impose further taxation on what is not a necessity of life. It would not hurt those people who indulge in a moderate way. It could only do good for those who over-indulge. This was another area in which the Minister failed to act in the best interests of our economy and health.

I hope that for the future, when we sit down to discuss the whole question of the economy, we will do so in a more constructive manner and that people will purge themselves of the necessity to defend a manifesto which was not geared to right the problems of our economy. I would hope that from now on we will, for the next two or three years, think out realistic objectives. Economic policies and the solutions to all our unemployment problems were all said to have been worked out a year ago. Since then we have had papers that contained questions that were not asked before the election and have not offered solutions but alternatives and which continue to ask us if we are prepared to make the necessary sacrifices. The sacrifices were not in the picture when the manifesto was first written. The whole question of papers, as an important contribution to the planning of our economy, is over-rated at present.

What remains to be done is for the Government in power to get down to realistic economic planning. If there are hard decisions to be taken let the Government take those decisions. If we have the alternative, as was pointed out by the Minister for Planning, between success and the Cuban solution, then it is for the Government to choose which solution they want. One year after they have been elected to office with all the answers to all the problems there is no point in coming before the House — this is the third occasion — and asking us to provide some sort of consensus of opinion as to what are acceptable solutions.

The Minister has all the powers he sought a year ago and it is up to him to make whatever decisions are necessary. I do not expect they will all be easy ones.

I would first of all like to comment on the repeated criticism of this Bill and other proposals and debates and the Government's economic approach generally that it somehow reflects too closely the manifesto and the proposals put to the public. It is an extraordinary point to have to answer. When one puts proposals to the public which are supported, any party, with any integrity, when elected, will implement them. The economic proposals set out in the manifesto were supported in an unprecedented manner, and it would be a very serious breach of faith if they were not implemented and if they were not reflected in our legislation and in our proposals for legislation. How it is necessary to explain that and why the fact that we have honoured our promises should be presented as a criticism is difficult to understand.

It is the first time it ever happened.

With the precedent for disaster which the previous Coalition established I suppose that first times are something which they are quite familiar with but this is an extraordinary precedent to have set. However, there is no necessity to debate it at any great length. It seems to me to be perfectly clear and correct, and a testament to what the people accept as the integrity which any Irish Government should show when elected, to do the job they were elected to do.

This debate on the Finance Bill gives an opportunity to have a look at the role that the taxation system should play. It is even more appropriate now because that role and the task of the Revenue Commissioners was made a great deal more difficult than it should be because of the taxation policies which were pursued by the previous Government. Everybody has always accepted the necessity of raising taxation, of redistributing income to make the necessary social and economic investments in job creation. It is not only desirable but essential that there should be acceptance of that by the taxpayer. There should be mutual confidence and trust between the staff of the Revenue Commissioners and the public. That has always existed here to a very high degree but for some reason the onslaught which the previous Government made on the ordinary taxpayer here brought that level of trust and mutual respect to a perilously low level. It brought us to the stage where there was a feeling of futility in trying to make progress, a feeling that the worker and anybody who showed industry or initiative was under attack. What this Finance Bill first of all achieves is a complete break with that disastrous atmosphere which had arisen, and it has cleared the air and has brought a sense of reason and purpose and a high level of acceptance from the public.

To deal with a few of the specific proposals, it was always felt, and a great many people accepted for years, that it was an extremely difficult thing to give any worth-while increase in the personal allowances for income tax. It always seemed to be a case of the worst of both worlds. The feeling seemed to be that if there was a major increase given this would be enormously expensive to the revenue and therefore unacceptable, and the smaller increases that were given were so small that they did not mean very much to the taxpayer. This Finance Bill has broken with that attitude. We have an extraordinarily high increase in the personal allowances and we also have a situation in which the marriage allowance is precisely twice that of the personal allowance. That brings tremendous benefit to every taxpayer in the country. It brings an immediate benefit through the PAYE system to the workers and it breaks new ground in the sense that it has shown that it is possible to take a courageous decision and to show some imagination in the immediate areas of tax and PAYE which affect the entire working population.

The overall benefit which the taxation proposals set out in the Bill will have are that they create a feeling of hope and confidence that it is possible to make progress and that those who are prepared to work hard to produce new ideas are not going to be penalised for that very fact alone. To pursue some of the changes which are proposed, the unrestricted relief for lending to private trading companies where the individual is employed, part-time or whole-time, is a sensible and imaginative change. It breaks entirely from the attitudes which had grown up over the previous four years that investment was something to be penalised, and it is particularly important in so far as it is likely to have most effect on the small unit and on the small company where lies the best hope for progress and expanding employment. For that reason also I very much welcome the lower rate of corporation tax applying to manufacturing companies which increase employment by 3 per cent and that this should be on the basis of a 3 per cent increase in employment alone without the output test. The sense of the situation is that employment be increased and therefore the application of the lower rate of corporation tax should attach to that fact alone and not be confused by other considerations which might be quite different altogether from the increase in employment. Similarly the tremendously substantial increase in the threshold at which the lower rate of corporation tax of 35 per cent on small companies applies is bringing relief precisely to the type of economic unit which can best provide an impetus on employment and backbone to the economy.

Similarly the decision to expand the concept of free depreciation is timely and imaginative. The extension of this to hotels in the manner in which it is extended is particularly useful because it brings that type of relief into an industry which is of vital importance to the economy. It is an industry which, being a service industry, can provide very great employment of both a permanent and a seasonal nature. It is essential to our tourist industry, and this type of support through the taxation system is eminently sensible and is bringing relief and support precisely to the areas where the support is required.

I should like to refer also to other examples which are important in building up this sense of public confidence and of purpose in our taxation laws. The elimination of the monetary limit on retirement annuities is extremely sensible. Fixing the limit of 15 per cent or 5 per cent as the case may be on relevant earnings provides an automatic adjustment for changing income and changing money values from year to year.

The attitude which insisted on putting basic financial limits, like £2,000 in this case, was devoid of any appreciation of how people like to plan their lives and how they like to plan for their families and of the realities of financing both family and business situations. It is an extremely useful and sensible thing simply to provide for a percentage limit, rather than a particular sum of money which becomes meaningless as time goes by and which requires looking at from year to year. The percentage system provides the flexibility which is necessary and which will provide for the automatic ability to invest in this type of security for an individual's future and his family's future on a natural basis without any artificial consideration.

Another factor which irritated people in business, in industry, and workers to an extraordinary extent, was the narrow-minded approach to the calculation for benefit in kind in the case of motor cars supplied by employers. This should be essentially a question of fact from a taxation point of view. If a worker is provided with a car, to the extent to which that car is needed for his work he should not in any way be penalised through the tax system. To the extent that it is available to him personally, then it is reasonable to say that that is a personal income of a type and therefore should be taxed as other income.

The reversion here to the approach that existed for many years of simply doing the sums on a factual basis is correct and common sense. We have had for a number of years a base limit which provided that no matter how those sums worked out and no matter how little an individual could use his car for personal use, nevertheless he was to be taxed on either £300 or 15 per cent of the cost of the car. That was an artificial, narrow-minded attitude to the reality of the situation. It showed a complete lack of touch with the circumstances of employment today and the way in which people have to go about their jobs. We have here another example of common sense being introduced into our taxation system by these changes.

It would be possible to go on at great length, but those examples are enough to show why there has been a resurgence in confidence. The previous administration did not use a single weapon more to destroy confidence than the taxation system. Why they did this is difficult to know. Perhaps it was the essential compromise of the Coalition system, reflecting the personal attitudes or philosophies of individual members, but for whatever reason, the taxation system more than any other was perverted and used as a base for destroying mutual confidence and trust first of all between the Revenue Commissioners and the taxpayers and also throughout the whole economy, and it spread a sense of futility and hopelessness.

The examples to which I have referred show how with a bit of imagination and a little contact with the ordinary people it is possible to breathe life and sense into taxation laws which affect everybody in their ordinary everyday lives and in their work.

There is one other point to which I should like to refer and which perhaps may stimulate a thought for the future and a more imaginative use of the tax system. The allowance for contributions to capital outlay by local authorities is a very important clause in the Bill. It provides a way in which people can invest socially to the immediate benefit of their own community and locality. It shows new thinking and there is possibly the hope there that it will stimulate ways in which this approach to voluntary contribution to the social good may be allowed by way of credit or charge in the future in the taxation system, be it against corporation tax or income tax.

I should like to make one or two suggestions about where attention might usefully be placed. The increases in personal allowances have brought a tremendous relief to the Schedule E taxpayer and to the worker on PAYE, but I think we still have something of a double standard when it comes to assessing expenses of a worker which are, as they delight in saying, wholly, necessarily and exclusively incurred in the performance of a job. The distinction between the application of that to the worker under Schedule E or PAYE and the application of that in Schedule D cases or corporation tax, is quite marked, and I feel that the PAYE taxpayer is still getting the short end of the stick. In many cases there are absolutely justifiable expenses which are not normally allowed, and this is an area where in the future perhaps we can expand the thinking to bring relief which I believe to be justified.

There is another area which is not progressing entirely as it was intended or in the best interest of the economy, and it relates to the issue of subcontractors' certificates. The institution of this system was absolutely essential both from the point of view of equity and of revenue raised. There were in this area many cases of abuse which should and have been eliminated, but the implementation of the system sometimes goes a little bit wide of the mark and it probably has to some minor degree a depressing effect on some business operations. There seems to be a tendency when application is made for a subcontractor's certificate to examine the entire record of the individual or the organisation, and if there is some question to be cleared up, if, for example, there are arrears of one form of tax or another, then this appears to be accepted as sufficient reason for not issuing the certificate. It may be a very good reason in some cases but I would suggest that it is not necessarily the right approach in all cases. There could possibly be ways in which certificates could be issued and any arrears problems that arise in other tax areas could be liquidated by some machinery which could be attached to the actual application of the certificate. Because of some difficulties like this, some bona fide subcontractors are threatened with their existence in business and this, if it should work out in that way, can only be to the detriment of them and their families and the people who work for them. It is not a point that has very wide application but it is of sufficient relevance to raise it because the way in which the rules are applied may not be exactly as they were conceived.

I welcome the reduction to 15 per cent in the rate of interest on late payments of taxation of whichever form. It is still a fairly high rate in tax but certainly a welcome reduction on the 18 per cent. People who do not pay tax like any other bill must expect to face their bills for the credit they have received as they would in the case of any other loan, but it should be borne in mind that this type of interest is not allowable for income tax as any other interest would be and therefore it is still a fairly penal rate of interest. It has to be admitted, of course, that if the boot is on the other foot and if people have paid more than they should, the Revenue Commissioners will apply that rate of interest on precisely the same terms when refunding the money. However, perhaps the allowance of that type of interest as a charge against tax may not be too revolutionary for the Revenue Commissioners to accept in the future.

The economic policy set out by the Government and which is put into effect and supported by the Bill we are debating has been criticised for putting too much emphasis on private initiative and enterprise. That is something which could be debated at great length. I do not intend to get into it at this point. Senators who have spoken on this side have already pointed to sufficient evidence to show that the policy is working and is continuing to work. In relation to the criticism itself, in so far as this may have an impact on the public I think it is very important to make a point which I made recently in a debate, and that is the distinction which exists between measures which are in this Bill for industry and therefore for the creation of employment, and the laws of taxation which apply to the owners of that industry. We have all the benefits I have referred to — free depreciation, exports relief, stock relief, lower rates of corporation tax — all available to the economic unit because that economic unit is extremely important and it has never been more important than it is in the circumstances in which we are in today. If it did not exist the investment involved in replacing it would be out of all proportion to the support which is given through the various measures I have mentioned. It is an economic unit which provides employment and is the basis for future growth and for future employment, and in so far as this support and reliefs are given they are well given and in so far as they represent expenditure in that sense, it is money well spent. But we must recognise the clear distinction between that type of support and the laws of income tax or capital tax, as the case may be, which apply to the owners of that industry. Our standard rate of tax and our higher rates of tax are not exceptionally high by international standards, but it is probably true that our taxpayers proceed to the higher bands of tax somewhat more quickly in this country than in many other countries.

Though there is no joyride for capitalists proposed or implied in this Bill or in any of the Government's economic measures, there are definite laws of taxation which apply to a serious extent to the owners of industry in a personal capacity, however they may choose to remunerate themselves, either by salary or by dividends and indeed by withdrawal from their companies by way of loan, which also attracts tax. It is important to make that distinction, because sometimes the tone of criticism of the overall economic policy is to imply that in some way it is open season for capitalists, it is open season for private enterprise. The correct approach is to accept that the Finance Bill has brought reason and a degree of moderation into the tax laws which apply to individuals right across the board, worker and owner alike. The burden of the reliefs is to support economic units, be they corporations or privately-owned businesses, which are providing employment throughout the country, and in that sense the distinction will not make possible this type of criticism to be in any way counter-productive. I feel that there is a sensible grasp of the reality of running a business proposed in the Bill and a reasonably fair and equitable system of personal taxation.

If that type of financial and tax approach is difficult to understand, as the Opposition Senators have stated and implied, that is up to them. We have had four years of a type of administration which almost declared war on people of initiative and the workers of this country through the taxation system. The proposals in this Finance Bill bring light and sense into the economy and provide a very definite basis for confidence and for future employment.

When we talk about the Finance Bill we must of course think also and talk also about the overall state of the economy and the many great problems and difficulties connected with it. If we do that we will all come to the same conclusion that so many people outside the House have arrived at, that by far the most important and urgent and unfortunately most difficult problem confronting the nation is the high level of unemployment especially among young people. A recent official survey in connection with this latter point revealed that those under 25 years of age comprise 54 per cent of the total unemployed. That is an official figure which relates to last year or the year before. Unofficially I am informed that at present the ratio is even greater: it is in the region of 56 per cent.

Reduced to human terms, this means that tens of thousands of young people who left primary school, secondary school, even university in the last ten years are out of work and have never in fact worked and unfortunately will never work in their native country. In my opinion this single factor about the unemployed young has the seed of a most explosive situation — I would go so far as to say a revolutionary situation. In these circumstances I must confess I found the Minister's opening statement a most remarkable one because it oozes confidence and optimism and hope. Yet all the economic and social indicators point in the opposite direction. It is true that we should always have hope and we always should strive towards progress, but that hope and optimism should be based on solid, sound foundations. I am afraid the Government's plan to solve these great problems is not based on solid foundations.

The Minister's statement is remarkable also because in the 23 pages only three lines are devoted to the Green Paper, and then only a very oblique reference. This is remarkable bearing in mind that presumably the Government pin all their hopes for uplifting the economy and an early solution to the unemployment problem on the Green Paper.

His speech is remarkable also because running through it, directly and indirectly, is the passing of the buck about job creation to the private sector. But despite all the inducements, financial and otherwise, to the private sector to create jobs, the leaders of the private sector have repeated time and time again, and I can quote on this, that they cannot do the job. They have made it clear to the Minister and the Government that they cannot fulfil the promises and the duties and responsibilities made on their behalf by the Government, and the proof is that they can contend with justification that in the seventies employment in the private sector in manufacturing industries had not increased.

There are far fewer people employed in the private sector now than in 1970, but the Minister still chooses to look to the private sector.

His statement is remarkable also in that in 23 pages he has made absolutely no reference to the repeated representations made to him by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, representing half-a-million people and their dependants, in respect of the unemployment situation and other facets of the economy, including a request, indeed an appeal, to set up an industrial arm which will deal with and endeavour to expand the public sector. There was not one word in the Minister's speech about any of the State and semi-State companies. There was not a word about the major part, in the opinion of tens of thousands of people, the State and semi-State companies can play in uplifting the economy and providing job creation.

The Minister referred to the desirability of moderation in income. He did not elaborate but obviously he was referring to workers' incomes. If he was referring to incomes in the higher income groups I wonder why in the last few days the Government set up a survey, presumably for the purpose of increasing the salaries of higher income groups. Of course he meant the workers but he did not elaborate and he did not say what exactly he means by "moderation". He made a statement with a reference to the fact, and he is proud of this, that the consumer price index has been reduced to single figures, and he took credit for that. I suspect that the reduction in the consumer price index has resulted partly from the actions of the Coalition Government and partly from developments on an international scale. It would have happened anyway — that is my opinion. Similarly, the boasted reduction in unemployment would have happened anyway.

In any event, I should like to point out that the reduction in the number of unemployed is minimal and certainly does not accord with the figures given by the Minister. A recent official survey compared unemployment figures in October 1977 and 1976 and showed that the number on benefit declined by more than 9,000. So far so good, but those on assistance, which is paid at a lower rate, as you all know, went up by more than 3,500. This reverses the pattern of previous years. For example, in 1976, 45 per cent of the registered unemployed were paid assistance; in 1977 the figure was up to 52 per cent. In other words, people are out of work now for longer periods and the greater their adversity the more they are penalised for it by getting less money in the shape of unemployment benefit.

I should like to come back to this question of moderation of incomes, because I have very little more to say. I am sorry the Minister has left because I should not like him to think that I am criticising merely for the sake of criticising. There is an onus on Members of this House when we criticise either the Government or themselves that they should try at least to put forward proposals which will meet that same criticism. I am sorry I cannot do this in respect of the massive economic problems confronting us. I do not think there is any early or easy solution, but perhaps I can suggest something that might point to the means of finding solutions if not the solutions themselves.

First of all, the Government should recognise that there are problems. I do not think the Minister did this today. He tried to put us off and by putting us off put the community off, by comparing what the new administration have done compared with the previous administration. That is not good enough. I should like the Minister and the Government to realise that unemployment is no longer a problem, it is a crisis and it has to be dealt with immediately and maybe through very drastic means. The means to do this are not set out in the Green Paper. When the Green Paper refers to "work-sharing" it does not mean work-sharing, it means income-sharing, and this means income-sharing among workers, not among the community. There is no reference to profit-sharing or bonus-sharing or ownership-sharing. Workers are expected to share their incomes among themselves and we do not upset the order of life in the system operated here.

Coming back to this question of moderation of incomes, it would be very helpful if the Minister could spell out what they mean in this respect. Do they mean by moderated incomes that incomes for this year, or after the expiration of the national wage agreement, should be based on indexation, should be on a level with rises and falls in the consumer price index? That is not my concept of moderation. The Minister should be well aware that over the past six, seven, ten years workers have moderated their incomes. In no single year in the past seven years have increases in wages compared with increases in the consumer price index. In this way, they have very considerably moderated their incomes. I do not know what the Minister means by his reference to it. If he means indexation he should say so.

If he means indexation plus certain moderate increases in basic pay, and more for the lower income groups, that would be my concept of moderation: moderate increase in basic pay plus indexation contingent on certain guarantees by the Government in respect of social welfare benefits, unemployment benefits, taxation, and so on. I suggest to the Government that they should be more specific than they have been in the Green Paper, more specific than the Minister has been here today. I am sorry to have to say that because I have great respect for the Minister. I suggest to the Government that they should reconsider their attitude towards the request made by Congress for setting up an industrial corporation. I firmly believe — and the proof is there on the table — that the private sector cannot help considerably in solving our unemployment problem. Only the State and the expansion of the State sector can do this, or at least ease the situation. There may be problems vis-à-vis the EEC restrictions on the expansion of State and semi-State companies. I am quite certain that other countries have been able to overcome any problem of this kind. Therefore I would ask the Minister to reconsider his attitude on this matter.

I share the view of the previous speaker, Senator Donnelly, who said that the only way to solve our problems is for everybody to be honest with each other, for all sections of the community to co-operate in an honest endeavour to solve these problems. The Minister and the Government cannot expect that every time they ask for sacrifices those sacrifices are to be made by the ordinary workers who can least afford to make them. Every section of the community should be asked to make sacrifices. This includes the farming community, for whom I have a great respect. They have been given advantages in previous years not given to the ordinary workers. I am not referring to income tax only. I have here a survey which demonstrates quite clearly that, if the farming community had paid their full income tax requirements if they came within the ambit of the present code, the ordinary worker would have had to pay only one-third of his present commitment.

I do not intend to make a speech on the Second Stage of the Finance Bill which would probably be more appropriate to the debate on the Green Paper. The Finance Bill deals with how the State will raise money to finance the Government's policy. In raising that money it is important that the action taken and the policies adopted are not negative and counter-productive. If anything can be said about the previous Administration in this regard, it is that the policy they followed was counter-productive.

I should love to rise to the bait thrown out by the Leas-Chathaoirleach when he was speaking but I will resist doing so now and keep it for the debate on the Green Paper. I cannot resist one statement. I was really worried this morning when, on the Order of Business, we started to mix up the debates on the Finance Bill and the Green Paper. For the first time ever, an Irish Government have produced a really comprehensive outline of a set of options looking into the future, stating what the scenario ought to be for the future and giving some options on how it might be brought about. To think that that could be confused with a debate on the Finance Bill really appalled me. When the Coalition were in office all they could tell us was that life was rough in the world trading situation, things were very complex and therefore they would not plan. This Government decided to do something about the situation, and the Seanad must give time to that and not confuse the issues.

Getting more deeply into the issues involved, this country exists at the moment with a dependency ratio of 73 per cent roughly, compared with the other European countries where the figure is something of the order of 57 per cent. That means that people over 64 years and under 15 years represent 73 per cent of the population. We have a very special type of problem, and doing something about unemployment is a big challenge. Sacrifices may be needed at particular points in time.

When this Administration took over what was needed was to re-generate the momentum in the economy and let it leap ahead again. The Minister has spoken many times about the pump priming required. That is what was needed. I will never forget the day the previous Minister for Finance arrived in a certain establishment in Dublin and announced, just like that out of the blue, to a gathering of something like 200 or 300 key businessmen that from there on the limit on interest allowable for tax would be £2,000. I never saw such a psychologically serious reaction in terms of the effect it had on those businessmen that evening. We can argue about how some people might have been using their interest allowances, but the reaction I saw that night was to me the first nail in the coffin of the Coalition. We would want to keep our eye on that £2,000. It is very satisfying to see that, in effect, it has been taken out of account now when it comes to borrowing for productive purposes. This has been covered already by Senator Donnelly and I will not follow it up. The psychology of that announcement about that £2,000 was absolutely damning at the time.

Other methods of taxation have been discussed by the National Economic and Social Council. The Government have considered some of them and put them aside, possibly for the moment. Trying to be constructive and realistic, may be we should be taking a number of looks at these other methods of taxation in the interest of getting rid of some of the anomalies. I am not altogether happy with the way things are at the moment, but they are much better than they were. On the question of our resources not being used effectively — and I am thinking of our agricultural resources — the notion of a resource tax might be given further consideration. I said in the House before that the productivity of the agricultural sector is very low. When God made land, He only made a little bit of it, and it does not reproduce itself every year. It has to be used effectively. We have a very large proportion of our work force employed in agriculture. The available resource, the land, must be used effectively. We must be brave in how we encourage those who sit on the land to use it effectively. The possibility of producing specially designed incentive schemes as outlined in the Green Paper, will come up when we are considering other Finance Bills.

In relation to incentives for workers, I might put in a word for the so-called manager group in the working sector. It is sometimes forgotten that managers are workers. Recent comparative figures produced by the EEC show that the purchasing power of Irish managers is far below the the purchasing power of their counterparts in other EEC countries. Consideration might be given to making incentive schemes more effective by taxing the amounts paid as incentive payments at something more like the average rate rather than the marginal rate. Everybody likes to see his extra effort recognised. In many cases it is not just the money, but the amount of money is a measure of the recognition given to the extra effort put in. Some consideration might be given to increasing the value of incentive schemes right across the board for all workers.

In the Dáil the Minister had dingdong battles with Deputies on the question of the wealth tax. The removal of the wealth tax is another example of this regeneration of confidence. As a result of the wealth tax Irish family-owned firms competing with foreign firms had to produce more turnover to get the same return even though they were operating at home. In the distribution business, take two firms, both operating at a turnover of about £20 million, each with the same margin of profit, say 1 per cent, given the normal amount of assets to produce that figure, one firm would have to pay about £10,000 wealth tax, whereas the other company, owned by a foreigner would not. The dividend required to cover the wealth tax would be two-and-a-half times that, or about £25,000, and the extra sales required would be £2.5 million extra sales to compete with the foreigner. This was at a time when the foreigner was making a big song and dance about his efforts in the distribution business. I mention that as an example of the type of thing Irish forms were up against.

On the question of the allowances and who is entitled to the allowances in the case of married people, it is interesting to look at the way the American system operates. I am glad to see that in the Finance Bill the Minister has gone pretty close to the American idea in terms of the allocation and spread of the allowances between spouses. I support the notion that income tax liability of adults should be treated individually. This would be in keeping with EEC equality laws and possibly with Articles 9.3 and 41 of our Constitution. The tax free allowances could be geared to protect the marriage unit in keeping with Article 41.

The way the Americans handle this is interesting. They have a head of household tax free allowance. In a typical household spouse No. 1 would have a single tax free allowance and spouse No. 2 would have the head of household tax free allowance which might be a percentage up on the tax free allowance, say plus 10 per cent. Spouse No. 2, as well as having the head of household allowance, would have the children's allowances and all other allowances in the normal way. Who is to get those allowances is a matter for the two of them to sort out between themselves. If they do not the allowance is spread exactly as provided in the Bill.

In the case of widows, the widow gets the head of household allowance. In the case of single persons with income and dependants, they get the head of household allowance. In the case of single persons with income and no dependants they get the single allowance. It seems to be a tidy way of handling it. The Bill has gone a long way towards achieving that and, to that extent, I certainly am very happy with it, although I still say to the Minister that he might keep an eye on the American scheme. Maybe there are a few things to be learned from it.

Finally one or two more general points arise again from the prodding which came from the other side. There is the question about extra jobs in the public service. As I see it, where extra jobs are required in the public service we should provide them and should not get upset about the fact that the number of people employed here is increasing. What we should be doing is making the people who are there more productive. Will anybody tell me we should not provide, if possible, more teachers where the pupil-teacher ratio is wrong? Will anybody tell me we should not provide more agricultural advisers where, as I said here before many times, we are operating on a ratio of 1:700. We are trying to increase the productivity of farmers. There is some sort of a double think here. I certainly see nothing wrong with increasing employment in the public service as required. If we need more employment in the telecommunications system to make our telephone system work more effectively, let us provide it. When we are talking about employment, we are not just talking about digging holes and filling them in again.

In referring to the ideas in the Green Paper I want to point out to the Opposition — and this point can be looked at again when we are debating the Green Paper — that Table 7.3 outlines the volume and composition of expenditure as seen at the moment by the planners. Obviously that depends on how the options work out and so on. It outlines the volume projection. There is a tendency to look at the percentages only and not see the real increase in expenditure. The fact that there was a big jump in the first year was important and provided the momentum I talked about earlier. Senator McCartin said the Minister said nice things about the last administration, that there was a solid base. The difficulty as I saw it was that the country might have been solid, but it was in a fog and did not know where it was going. I do not have to say more than Senator Donnelly said about the manifesto. We are not ashamed of it. It showed the way ahead and how the "stiction" as we would call it in engineering could be overcome and the economy would start rolling again. We are certainly not ashamed of the manifesto just because it is called a manifesto. I should like to think it is the original White Paper which started the whole thing.

Listening to Senators on the other side I noticed how they congratulated themselves on implementing the manifesto, not that they had any choice. If there could have been a change soon after the election which gave them 84 Deputies, there might have been a change. On several occasions in the past hour or so, with great satisfaction they mentioned that they stuck to their guns and implemented exactly what was in the manifesto. Of course, I do not have to remind them of the choice between the lesser of two evils: loss of immediate credibility if they did not implement it and by implementing it I suggest they lose credibility at the end of the day.

So we have to lose anyway.

I guarantee to the Minister that there will not be so many smiles this time three years. That is another story.

You said that last year.

There are smiles all round but we will give them another two or three years and see what happens.

I thought the Minister's parallel was a very good one likening the economy to an aircraft taxi-ing down the runway and needing an injection of £832 million to get it off the tarmac. I said before I believed it had run into engine trouble. Now I believe if we are not very careful it is about to crash, whether because of a difference of opinion between the pilots I am not quite sure. We certainly hope that will not happen in the interests of every Irish citizen.

It is important that the Government should remember that, when the Coalition left office, there is no doubt the economy was certainly on the right road back. Some of the hard decisions, unpopular decisions, taken at the time had to be taken. If the Green Paper was presented to the electorate when the manifesto was presented, there would not be 84 Fianna Fáil Deputies in the Dáil now. Be that as it may, that is politics. In today's debate I heard a not be 84 Fianna Fáil Senators talking about the inflation rate being down to single figures. It was on its way down in the last year the Coalition were in office. The fact that the British inflation rate was on its way down meant there was a very good chance our inflation rate would come down. The position we now find ourselves in is that the dance is over but there is no money to pay the band.

The tax reliefs in the budget were very important and very necessary. They are as low now as we are ever likely to see them. Our big problem is to get all our people back to work and particularly our young people. Now that we have the pleasure of having the Minister with us I will be asking him if our youth employment scheme is on target. Have we 5,000 extra people employed and, if not, why not? I believe we have not. I believe we are light years away from implementing that scheme. A committee was set up to review this matter. How many times have the members met? Have they been effective? Is there any truth in the rumour that they are soon to be disbanded?

The agricultural community will pull their weight in the future as they have always done in the past. I am amazed at important omissions from the Finance Bill and the Green Paper. Before the general election, while they could not point the finger at Fianna Fáil, many farmers believed there was no danger of the threshold being lowered. The £75 limit was there and likely to stay for a number of years. Whether they were right in believing that is another story, but many of them did. Now it will soon be £60. I criticise the removal of the agricultural grant. The Minister indicated that it could be offset against income tax, but many of those people would not be in the income tax net. A certain section of people have borrowed heavily. Others are unable to work because of physical illness of one kind or another. They will not think that type of taxation is very equitable. Many people who really believed Fianna Fáil had the answer to farm taxation will not be too happy about rowing in that boat for a long time to come.

Another important matter which was touched on by Senator Mulcahy a few moments ago is the whole question of the type of people we have on the land, the land resource itself, the number of people engaged in farming, and the type of regulations governing land sale and land use. It comes within the scope of what we are speaking about in the context of another Bill which was circulated quite recently where in the land bond section there was an increase from £60 million to £80 million for the purchase of land. This is diabolical. Green Paper or White Paper, I will never be convinced that this Government are interested in ensuring that the land is worked by the people best able to work it and geared to ensure that the greatest number of farming families will earn a living from it.

I believe that in the heel of the hunt agriculture will provide much-needed jobs in the future, sustainable jobs of a proper type. We will have a chance next week of discussing the Green Paper. One is talking about money when dealing with land restructuring; one is certainly not talking about an extra £20 million.

While tax-reliefs are very important and in the circumstances were much needed, what have the Fianna Fáil Government against the children of this nation? Why was the children's allowance not increased? It is part and parcel of our family life. I am amazed that in the budget and this Finance Bill suitable increases were not given in that very important category.

One of the catch-cries of Fianna Fáil when in Opposition was the number and rapidity of price increases. While the inflation rate might be down, though some economists predict that it will be on the way up slightly at the end of the year, I would say that we have had over 150 or 160 price increases already. Some of them go through quietly with little talk about them. If we take the Green Paper seriously and if the subsidies on food are removed we will be talking about an extra 8p or 10p per lb. on butter and all the other commodities. It is well to remind the House that it is not too many days since our daily bread rose by 3p for the loaf, and that was an important factor. People who do not own cars or houses have not benefited from the abolition of car tax and rates on houses. The loading of the necessities of life and the proposed loading in the future would lead one to believe that the poorer section of this community cannot have the oozing confidence in the future that the Minister has here today.

There is a shocking lack of commitment in certain areas of this country, and it is connected with what we are talking about. I would imagine that events in the last couple of days would bear out what I am saying in the western context. Some of the industries based on raw materials produced on farms, which without doubt create the surest type of employment, are likely to go by the board. One has only to look through the news emanating from the Tuam sugar factory or Erin Foods potato plant to see that all is not well down there. We would hope that in the event of the American consultants' report indicating that there is no hope for that plant the Minister would step in as originally intended and help that part of the country in regard to jobs. It is a very important factor in the lives of the people in the west, in County Galway in particular.

As mentioned by Senator Mulcahy a few moments ago, we certainly need a commitment to improve our communications; there is no question about that. Any type of involvement in industry in the future will have to take into account that very little can be done unless we have improved communications. I was informed recently by an American businessman in Mountbellew that he had lost a half million pounds order because for five hours he just could not ring America. That is a terrible reflection on our communication services. I would hope that in the Green Paper and subsequent papers and Finance Bills sufficient note will be taken of it and that the brief of the Department of Posts and Telegraphs will be greatly enlarged.

If it is very important that the poorer sections of the community be well looked after in the future. I would hope that the Minister would see fit in the months to come to ensure that they get a proper bite of the cherry. I would like to see greater emphasis put on the Buy Irish campaign. If we save money through the abolition of car tax and income tax relief, it is very important that this does not go to helping employment in foreign countries. At the end of the day the most important factor in all this is to provide employment at home for our own people. With all the euphoria at the moment about spending and saving, it is a significant factor that the word "emigration" has crept into our language once again.

I would hope that this will be righted and that everybody who wants a job in Ireland in the future will be able to get one, not, might I add, at the cost of the poorer section of the community. They are hard pressed at the moment to make ends meet. If there is any sharing to be done I hope that sharing will be done by people who are able to afford it.

The Finance Bill, in fairness, carries out the promises of the manifesto. There is a dramatic difference between it and the Green Paper. We will have a chance of discussing that, I understand, next week. I hope that in the future the areas which count most will be most looked after.

At this time every year the Finance Bill comes to be discussed and it is the time of reckoning for the promises made by whatever Government are in power. All the euphoria occasioned by promises such as those in the manifesto has gone with the wind a year later. Now we find the day of reckoning has come and it is only right that some criticism at least should be made, whether accepted or not by the powers that be. It is necessary to point out certain factors involved, firstly, in the manifesto and, secondly, in the budget and the White Paper and financial resolutions.

It is quite clear that the manifesto has failed. There are two schools of thought as to whether or not the Government have justified their promises, whether the manifesto was the greatest con job ever known or whether the manifesto was genuinely intended and planned to solve the problems that were foreseen which would be facing this country in the years to come. In the final analysis it will be the results that will count, whether the plan as set out in the manifesto gives the results envisaged or whether it fails. If it fails, then the people of the nation will be at a loss. If the plan is successful then all of us will certainly give three cheers.

At this point it does not appear that the plan is succeeding. It does not appear that it has got off the ground. It does not appear that prices have been stabilised or that the less well-off people are better off than they were before the Fianna Fáil Government took over. It would appear, on the other hand, that the prices of staple foods like bread, butter and milk, cheese, fruit juices and fruits and all the things that children need, clothing, footwear and household goods and utensils, all have been escalating in price during the period that this Government have been in office. Transport costs have been going up. Petrol has gone up, car insurance has gone up, car parts have gone up. The pesticides and insecticides, farm foods and medicines have all been escalating in price. This was something which was not envisaged in the manifesto. This is something that the people who voted in such great numbers for the Fianna Fáil Party——

No car tax.

——did not expect to happen. Rents are going up and the rates have been taken off housing. Housing costs are going up. As a matter of fact, building costs have gone up over the period since Fianna Fáil took office by 25 per cent and the price of a bag of cement — if Irish cement could be got at the moment — would be £1.90. Last week I bought a bag of cement from Northern Ireland at £2.25 because I could not get our own manufactured cement at the fixed price of £1.90.

These are the absolute facts of the case. There is no exaggeration involved in this and these are the things about which we are concerned. The people who are dependent on social welfare, with the rising prices of the necessaries of life, find the value of their pound shrinking and what are they to do? Tighten the belt and hope that they can live on —"exist" might be a better word. They will certainly not live in a better way than they did before, certainly not in the way they expected to live when they elected the Fianna Fáil Government on the basis of the manifesto. That is a certainty. They can only look forward to a further tightening of the belt as time goes on because in the various papers that have been printed, in the various speeches made by spokesmen for the Government, tightenings of the belt are in order. And for whom? Not for the wealthy, because the wealth tax has been thrown aside. The tightening of the belt will come for the poorer sections of the community, the people on social welfare.

It has been mooted abroad that the farmers' dole is to be curtailed as well. The matter of the farmer who is getting the dole and is not entitled to it should be examined, but there are thousands of farmers in the west who need the dole. If they did not get the dole I do not know what would happen to them. The emigration road has not been open to them as it used to be. In the past if circumstances got so hard that they could not exist, there was always the mail boat out of Dún Laoghaire and there was always the enemy across the water who would take them into his bosom and give them a job and the pounds would flow back with Queen Elsie's picture on them to try to keep the homes of the west going. That is not on at the moment and the Minister should take into consideration that it is not on to do what is being done at the moment in the west. There are investigation officers, young people who know nothing about what it means to rear a family in the west, to keep the population of the west static, to increase production in the west. The fact is that farm production has increased in the west, to some extent occasioned by the fact that dole money has been paid to enable the farmers to stabilise themselves and stay there.

The Senator should not go into detail regarding the administration of the Department of Social Welfare.

I thought that almost everything could be discussed on the Finance Bill and I bow to your ruling if I am out of order. I will endeavour to come back to whatever rail you decide to put me on.

Matters of administration are not relevant on this Bill.

These are a few broad remarks. I will endeavour to keep within the lines set out by the Chair. What I have said about the situation still obtains and I hope that in the future the things I have outlined will not happen. It seems that Fianna Fáil were more concerned about the "haves" than the "have nots" because apparently the wealthy were let off the hook and old age pensioners are being investigated every day by young people, competent in their own field, who say they are not entitled to the pension because they have £X here or £X there. They are old age pensioners and have gone through their years, reared their families, given their tribute in work and stayed the course, as we say. They are entitled to have some kind of comfort in the latter years of their lives. They are to be harrassed by individuals and at the same time the wealthy are to be allowed to go their happy way without anybody investigating them or deciding whether or not they are to contribute to the economy. The people are watching this and in the long run the people will judge.

When the Fianna Fáil Government got into power with the manifesto we had expected that there would be, if not immediately at least almost immediately, more money available for local authority works. In the west we have a very poor road system. We are behind in sanitary services; we are behind in practically any service that one may mention compared with the eastern part of the country. We had expected that with the magnificent promises made our road system would almost immediately be geared for improvement; that we would have better sanitary services, plans for which had been laid aside for some considerable time, even during the time of the Coalition Government and for many years before. We expected that some plans would be made so that we would have a forward movement in these services. What do we find? We find that the local authority have been told imperatively: "You cannot exceed an 11 per cent rise on your expenditure last year in all services"— an 11 per cent rise. In the meantime inflation has gone above even that figure and what did this mean? This meant that not alone was there no forward movement but there was a retrograde situation because money does not buy the same amount of services today; things had to remain static at the 1972 or 1973 level.

At the same time there was increasing traffic on the roads, roads which were carrying weights that they never carried before, roads bursting at the seams unable to carry the traffic, sanitary services that were in need of expansion, pumping units for water and sewage in need of replacement. The county councils are at their wits' end to provide these services and they must remain static. There is no way in which these services can be improved. Obsolete plant will be operating under impossible conditions. That is another aspect of the situation and it is an absolute fact. I am not painting a picture. Everybody here knows that what I am talking about is absolutely right.

I am one who does not know that what the Senator is saying is correct.

The Minister can answer in the long run.

I do not want the Senator to put on the record that everybody listening to him knows that what he is saying is correct when it is not correct.

I will accept that the Minister does not agree. If I were in the Minister's shoes I would not agree either, but that is another matter. The facts are as I have stated. No progress has been made. I would put this as a very serious point to the Minister: when other Ministers come to him and ask him for the moneys necessary to improve the services he should take heed of what I said, which is the absolute truth, that the services at local authority level are deteriorating and nothing that has happened since the Government have been elected has enabled us to get over the situation that exists at the moment. I will not be parochial about this because Mayo may have problems which a lot of other counties have not. Most of the eastern and southern counties got over their road and sewage problems years ago.

The Senator should not go into details on this Finance Bill.

We have also along the western seaboard slips, piers and landing facilities that are obsolete. We have been trying for years to get money for them. This is not a problem which can be solved in a matter of one or two years. Fianna Fáil have been in office so many years out of 50. I admit there has been a forward movement. We must be realistic about that, but there does not seem to be a forward plan for many things that should have been planned. A forward plan for slips and piers and many other things along the seaboard does not appear to be there. It has been piecemeal. There should be a plan, even if it starts now, to ensure along the seaboard — let it be west, south or east — that moneys are provided on the basis of the use and on the basis of a realistic assessment of what will happen in the future. This is not a political matter at all, it is a realistic matter and must be done if we are to proceed according to the lines that are necessary at this time.

The Senator's remarks would be more appropriate on the Appropriation Bill.

Is it not a fact that it is possible to speak on the Finance Bill in wide-ranging terms such as I am doing?

(Interruptions.)

With regard to the health services there are escalating costs every day. We have overcrowded hospitals, long waiting lists for specialist services in nearly every——

We cannot allow the debate to continue on those lines.

I would like to see better health services. I would like to see dental services, which do not exist at all in Mayo as far as I am concerned. The Government should provide money for the dental services that the people are entitled to by law. This is the important factor. They are not getting them and I hope that the Minister who controls all the money that flows into every service is listening. He knows that there are areas that need money for these services and the sooner they get it the better for everyone concerned.

The pursuit of the old age pensioner, of the farmer on the dole, while the wealthy escape the tax net does not indicate that we have a caring Government in power. It would seem to indicate rather that we have a Government of cynical adventurers who brought forth the manifesto to get the greatest majority ever known in this country and who are going to go their own sweet way and let the services deteriorate and they are without question deteriorating. I am not going to go over ground which has been covered before about the employment of youth and the statistics of the fall in unemployment. We are delighted that it has fallen below 100,000, but I would say to the Minister, from my own knowledge, that it is across the water they have got employment. I want Fianna Fáil to stand on their own feet and ensure that in future it is not John Bull or anybody else outside this nation who is going to give employment to our young people.

There is the question of school transport which — and I will apologise to you if I range too far.

Sorry, Senator——

You have ruled me out because it is an administrative matter but I would like to mention it and say that I hope that Fianna Fáil will live up to the promises they made in relation to school transport. I will finish on that point.

I will not attempt to follow Senator Lyons too far out of your guidelines. I am sure he is well aware that the details of administration in other Departments are far removed from a discussion on the Finance Bill, and therefore if I do not deal with some of the points he raises I do not want him to assume that what he has said is to be taken as accepted as being true. I will, however, say this much. I do not understand how Senator Lyons can say that services — presumably he is speaking of roads and sanitary services in Mayo — seem to be in a worse position than in the last few years. I do not understand that, because first of all the allocations for roads generally are considerably bigger than they have been for many years. I stand open to correction when I say so in regard to sanitary services, but no doubt the Senator has seen in the Green Paper the proposals for sharp increases in allocations for sanitary services.

I am particularly intrigued at the Senator's references to the 11 per cent being outstripped by inflation. I presume the Senator is aware of the fact that the latest figures on inflation show that for the year ending mid-May the rate of inflation was 6.2 per cent, but no doubt the Senator will reconcile those statements in due course.

There were a few questions I was asked that I would like to reply to. Senator FitzGerald asked what the estimated yield from all capital taxes this year was. The estimated yield this year from capital gains tax, wealth tax and capital acquisitions tax is £6.3 million and, from the former death duties, £4 million, making a total of £10.3 million. Senator FitzGerald mentioned that he did not think it was any great feat to have ensured that the live register total has now fallen below 100,000 when one considers that the corresponding figure was only 66,690 in 1973. The Senator is glossing over a certain amount when he says that. The fact is that the number on the live register has not been below 100,000 since January 1975.

As I stated in my opening speech, this time last year the seasonally adopted number on the live register was not very far short of the first level it had reached during the recession. That is the best way to measure what has happened in the past 12 months. Senator Harte asked about a pension scheme for farmers in the context of income tax allowances. The fact is that any farmer on accounts is entitled to claim for a pension scheme in respect of his employees as a normal deduction. A farmer on the notional system is not, however, allowed to do so. The notional system has a limited number of deductions, and by definition it must have, because the deemed income is restricted and so the deductions must be restricted. In fact there is a mathematical connection between the items allowed and the multiplier, and if one were to allow the deductions talked of by Senator Harte, it would be essential also to allow the social welfare contributions as a deduction and the effects of this would be that the multiplier would have to be increased from 90 to 93. I repeat that a farmer on the accounts system is entitled to the deduction in respect of contributions to a superannuation or pension scheme for his employees.

Senator Hussey referred to paragraph 2 (e) of the notice issued by the Revenue Commissioners, at my request, to married women who have income of their own. She felt that a certain contradiction existed between the wording of paragraph 2 (e) of that circular and the provisions of section 192 of the Income Tax Act of 1967 which deems the income of the wife to be the husband's income for income tax purposes and makes him responsible for that income. Section 197 of the 1967 Act effectively replaces section 192 where a separate assessment is claimed. Consequently, the position is that where separate assessment is claimed each spouse is obliged to complete a separate return of his or her own income and each will be liable for his or her own tax and will not be liable for the other's tax. In addition, if there is a refund due, he or she will be entitled to the refund in respect of his or her own tax. The reference Senator Hussey made to the deeming of a wife's income to be that of her husband only arises where separate assessment is not claimed. If we did not have such a provision then the whole income tax system would be wide open to all sorts of abuse. I repeat that it is possible for the taxpayers concerned, if they wish, to ensure that the consequences flowing from that conception are reversed and that they are treated separately for tax purposes.

Senator Donnelly referred to the interest on unpaid tax and he suggested that there might be circumstances in which it could be considered as being allowable for tax purposes. If this were done then the people on the higher rates of tax would benefit considerably more than those on the lower rates of tax. That would not be acceptable. If, for instance, there was a charge of £100 for tax, a person on a 25 per cent rate would effectively pay £75 and a person on the 60 per cent rate would pay only £40. We cannot contemplate allowing interest of that kind for tax purposes.

With regard to points made by a number of Senators in regard to tax allowances, particularly in relation to children's allowances, obviously one would wish to have been able to increase these if it were possible and it is no harm to recall that the increases provided for in this Bill are the largest ever provided in the history of the State. The increase in the married persons' allowance is seven times larger than that given last year. The increase in the single persons' allowance and widowed persons' allowance is approximately four times bigger than last year and every single taxpayer has benefited by these unprecedented increases in allowances. The fact that the children's allowances were not increased does not mean that they will never be increased in the future. Neither does it mean that those taxpayers with qualified children are not benefiting from what is provided in this Bill. On the contrary, they are benefiting to a greater degree than they have ever benefited before.

Senator Kennedy found my opening speech remarkable because he thought it oozed optimism and hope in the face of all the economic and social indicators pointing in the opposite direction. I do not know what indicators the Senator has in mind but I would like to draw his attention to a few economic indicators which spring to mind. I am not quite sure if, in strict terms, the number on the live register is an economic indicator but it is a very important indicator as to the economy, as far as I am concerned, and the Senator is as well aware as I am that, in so far as it is a measure of unemployment, it has fallen below 100,000 for the first time since January 1975. Manufacturing output in the first quarter of this year is almost 10 per cent up over the first quarter of last year. The consumer price index for the 12 months to mid-May is 6.2 per cent, the lowest annual increase in a decade. The abolition of domestic rates and car tax, of course, contributed substantially to the achievement of this rate. There has been a considerable increase in cement sales. I do not have the figure here but I think there was an 18 per cent increase in the first five months of this year as against the corresponding period of last year. That is a clear indication of the very much increased level of activity in the building and construction industry which, as Senator Kennedy knows, is a key area of our economy with a very large number of employees.

Under the impetus of the public capital programme all the indicators available show that 1978 will certainly be a very good year for investment without which further economic progress is not possible. In addition, the real disposable incomes this year are going to be up very considerably because of the tax concessions contained in this Finance Bill combined with the low rate of increase in the consumer price index. There are other indicators one could refer to but, in the face of those, it seems to me to be difficult for anybody to suggest that the economic indicators now are pointing in any direction but the direction all of us would like them to point.

I would not like anybody to imagine that I am suggesting that we are heading for Utopia as some people suggested we tried to convey in our election manifesto. Of course we did not. In the election manifesto, and in the manner in which we conveyed it to the public, there was no question of Utopia. I may have said this in this House before and I hope Senators will forgive me for repeating myself if I did. I know I spoke in the other House on this. The reaction of members of the Fine Gael and Labour Parties to the manifesto, while understandable, are very interesting. We had Senator McCartin expressing the wish that after this debate we would not have to listen to any more talk about the manifesto. Repeatedly we hear people from Fine Gael and Labour saying that the manifesto was really a con-job put out by Fianna Fáil to get votes and now that the promises in it are carried out everybody is going to have to start paying for it.

The interesting thing about this is that it is ignoring the facts of the situation. What I find interesting is the ability of human beings, and we all suffer from this, to supress facts they do not like and to produce a picture which will in some way exonerate them from blame. Whatever reasons members of Fine Gael and Labour may think lie at the root of their defeat in the general election, and I suppose each of them has a different view on that, it is not enough for them to say that Fianna Fáil produced a list of goodies in their manifesto, fooled the people and that that is how they won the election. That may seem to them to be a satisfactory explanation that will avert the necessity for them to examine their own performances and their own consciencies. Perhaps I should not, for party political reasons, insist on pointing this out because the longer they go on believing in those terms the better it is from Fianna Fáil's point of view. But, in the interests of truth and accuracy let me remind the House that the Fianna Fáil election manifesto was based on Fianna Fáil's economic policy which was issued in the autumn of 1976. At that time we said that even Fianna Fáil could not simultaneously solve the three major problems facing the economy, unemployment, inflation and the appalling state of the finances of the Government. A somewhat similar message is contained in the manifesto at the bottom of page 8. It says:

The action programme outlined above is designed to produce a major improvement in our economic fortunes. It will lower inflation, cut unemployment dramatically and then restore stability to the Government's own finances.

On the next page there is a table which shows the projection for the reduction in unemployment, reduction in prices, increase in output and borrowing as a percentage of GNP for 1977, 1978, 1979 and 1980.

Was that in the manifesto?

Yes, the very thing. Obviously this is news to the Senator and it is a bit late but I will tell him all the same. It gives the following figures for borrowing as a percentage of GNP: 1977, 11 per cent; 1978, 13 per cent; 1979, 10½ per cent and 1980, 8 per cent.

We have not got there yet.

Not alone does it spell it out in black and white but if the Senator casts his mind back to the election campaign, which I do not want to be fighting again, he will recall that a number of leading Fianna Fáil speakers, not alone at meetings but on radio, television and in the newspapers said, and I was one of the people who kept stressing this, that this manifesto was not just a list of goodies; it was a coherent plan and involved reducing our borrowing because the then Government had got State finances into a mess and we had to get over this problem, but we could not do the three together. We did have to tackle the problem of reducing borrowing. We kept spelling that out and that is precisely what we are doing.

The first year.

No. If I put it in other terms perhaps the Senator will remember it. I wonder does the Senator recall that on a television programme I likened the situation to somebody who had to take over a bankrupt business or a run down farm——

The economy was on the way up.

——and that the first thing he had to do was to put money into it. After that he had to make it pay. That is what I said on a few occasions. In case the other message was not clear, it was perfectly clear what I was saying then, in terms that anybody could understand, that we had to put extra money into it the first year but after that we had to start cutting back and make the thing pay. So there is no alibi involved for anybody in saying that we told the people they were going to get all the various goodies and that that was all there was to it. That is not the fact.

We used to hear, and we had passing references to it in this debate, that under the previous Government as things got worse and worse that it was all due to what was happening in the world outside us, to the recession which was going on and that Fianna Fáil were, very unfairly, blaming the Coalition when in fact it was all the fault of the Arabs. The facts are that on every occasion when any Fianna Fáil speaker spoke about this he said we are a small, open economy and therefore we have to be affected very substantially by whatever is happening in the world around us. We are being affected by what is going on but this is the big difference between Fianna Fáil and the Coalition. We said it before the election. We said it during the election and we are still saying it. It is this. As far as Fianna Fáil were concerned, because we are so affected by conditions outside, the Government have an obligation to exercise the maximum control over what they can control internally. The greater the outside influence, the greater the obligation on us to influence our own destiny as far as we can. This came to a climax when my predecessor said we had as little control over our economic destiny as we had over a cork bobbing on the ocean.

The reason I mention this is that the world economy began to improve in late 1975. The improvement gathered momentum during 1976 and in the first half of 1977 it began to peter out. Towards the end of that time there were some improvements in the economy. But by the time we took over, on the world scene the improvement was petering out, and the indicators will show that in fact it has been going down since. So what is happening here? I have just been giving some of the economic indicators as to what is happening here and the reason it is happening is because of the policy enshrined in this Finance Bill and outlined in the budget and in the manifesto because this Government believe that to the extent that we are affected by things abroad, there is a bigger obligation on the Irish Government where they can influence our future to do so. That is what we have done. That is what the whole increase in borrowing this year was about. That is what the reliefs in this Bill are about.

Unfortunately we have had not so much in this House, though we have had some references to it, what I can only describe as rather silly references in the other House to the abolition of the wealth tax. I do not intend to delay very long on that. I want to say this. Senator Mulcahy referred to this. Involved in the wealth tax was a discrimination against Irish businessmen in favour of foreigners. Nobody that I have heard who has been attacking us over the abolition of wealth tax has attempted to justify that kind of discrimination against Irish businessmen in favour of foreigners. I would be interested to hear anybody try to justify it. Anybody who imagines that the wealth tax was affecting only a small number of people or only the handful of people who may have left the country is mistaken.

I mentioned in the other House, and in the hope that I may be speaking to more reasonable people I will mention it here because it was misinterpreted in the other House, that before the budget I received a deputation of businessmen, none of whom was subject to the wealth tax. They were all people who had built up a business from nothing, they had reached a fairly substantial level but they were not personally liable for wealth tax. If they expanded their business much further they would become liable for wealth tax, and each of them said: "As far as I am personally concerned I am quite comfortable the way I am. There is no reason why I should be working day and night and probably die young from trying to expand this business except that I am that kind of person". There are people like that, and they are the people we have to cultivate.

Had we not abolished estate duty?

These people said: "None of us is prepared to put in the effort and the work and the risk that is involved in expanding our business if we are as a result to be coming in under wealth tax". None of these was liable for it and to my mind that is one of the significant aspects of this. If people want to look at the risks, if you take it as a first priority to create jobs, then you cannot in all conscience say that the wealth tax was helping this country. It was not. It was inhibiting development, and as far as this Government are concerned the creation of jobs is the first priority, not just in economic terms but in social terms, and there are many desirable social improvements that we could bring about and that we need to bring about, but none of them is more important than the creation of jobs especially for our young people. Indeed I might say in passing, that the comments so far on the Green Paper would suggest that a number of people who are commenting, and in particular a number of people from the Opposition parties, are indicating first of all an unwillingness to contemplate any kind of change at all, certainly any kind of even semi-radical change, in order to create jobs. If they want to attack the proposals there and say they will not work that is a fair proposition, but I suggest that if they do that they have got to produce an alternative, and if they do not produce an alternative then the people of this country, and in particular the young people, will come to the inescapable conclusion that there is only one party interested in and trying to do something about jobs——

The Minister does not believe that himself.

Indeed they have come to that conclusion already. We had ritual references to a national development corporation — I say ritual reference because we get this from time to time from certain predictable quarters. If anybody wants us to consider this proposition seriously would he please tell us in something like the way in which it was done in the manifesto or in the Green Paper, in relation to this national development corporation which was trotted out before the election, how many jobs does he see being created, and when and where and how, under a national development corporation? If we could get specific proposals of that kind, then everybody could consider them realistically, but it is not good enough to have this ritual reference to a national development corporation without saying what is it going to do, where is it going to do it, in which areas.

I believe that, given the kind of economy we have, the most important contribution that any Government can make to progress is in the economic climate that it creates. Obviously, as I said, there are difficulties in the world situation, and at the moment they are getting worse, though one hopes something of an improvement will emerge following the economic summits coming up, the EEC Summit and the summit of the larger industrial countries in Bonn in July. One hopes that at least enough will come out of that to ensure that unemployment in the European Community will not get bigger, of which there is a great danger, but given that kind of situation it is all the more important that the Government here should create the kind of economic climate which will encourage all those who can to contribute to the creation of jobs. In that context it has been suggested that we are relying solely and exclusively on the private sector. We are not. Indeed it is clear we have not been this year and we said that we would not be this year.

I have taken the opportunity to speak to people from various semi-State companies to make it absolutely clear to them that we expect the State companies to contribute to this effort in job creation and indeed that we were disappointed with the lack of proposals from that area heretofore. The truth is that, given the kind of economy we have, we will not get the results unless the private sector can be got to perform. Without that we have no hope of tackling our unemployment problem. How do we get the private sector to perform? Only by creating the climate and the inducements and the incentives to get them to perform.

That is what this Bill is about. I am sorry that some people regard us as being shackled —"the shackles of the manifesto" we were told. I repeat, the manifesto represented a coherent plan put forward originally in the autumn of 1976. Little attention appears to me to have been paid to the fact that this Government have introduced a planning cycle: effectively you could regard the manifesto as the Green Paper which preceded the White Paper that came out at the end of last year. We now have the Green Paper and there will be a White Paper towards the end of this year, and next year the same, and the year after. We hear from people time and again that we ought to have proper planning. Now we have embarked on it and the people who talk about it either do not recognise that it is going on or they are running away from the implications of it. Of course planning means that you have got to make projections, the best projections that you have. We are all human, we are not infallible and obviously some of the projections we make will be wrong — by definition some of them must be wrong because we do not have all the information available.

As I say, in some areas these projections will turn out to be wrong. Clearly if you were following the old-fashioned kind of politics you would never produce that document. We would never have produced the kind of Green Paper we produced. We would not have quantified. You are putting your head on the block when you quantify because you would say 25,000 jobs a year and somebody will say, "Ah, but you only produced 24,950, therefore you are out". That is the old-fashioned kind of politics, but that is not what the people want today and that is not what Fianna Fáil are giving them today. We are indicating the direction in which we should be going. We are trying to quantify with the best information available, we are prepared to take the risks involved in that, and the people understand what we are trying to do, they have asked us to do it, they have given us the mandate to do it, and those who do not understand what has happened and the change that has taken place, well, I am afraid that is their worry but they have things to worry about politically. If they cannot come up with alternatives, if they can only find themselves making various kinds of negative criticism, they have a lot to worry about also politically, but it is not my duty to be telling people this, they should know it for themselves.

There was a question raised by Senator McCartin about the need to take account of the difficulties of training apprentices. I want to remind the House that we reduced the social welfare stamp by £1 a week in respect of people earning less than £50 a week, and I would imagine that would include all or almost all apprentices. In addition, we increased the employment premium for young people from £10 to £14 a week, precisely to cover the cost of the stamp. So not alone are we aware of the problem referred to by Senator McCartin but we have tried to do something about it.

Senator Mulcahy referred to a point and so did Senator McCartin. I am not sure if I am quoting him correctly but I think Senator McCartin said that he regarded Governments boasting about jobs in the public service as being outrageous. That was the sense of what he said. I want to make the point that Senator Mulcahy made, and that is that we needed teachers, we needed people in the health services, we had new buildings for the health services in different parts of the country lying there unopened because we had no trained staff to put into them. We needed these people. I fully accept that you cannot just go on creating these kind of jobs for the sake of creating jobs. You have to have a need for the jobs and secondly you have to be able to pay for them. In this case they form part of the coherent plan, which was that by the creation of these jobs, the payment of these people, the taxes they pay, the goods they consume, they are themselves contributing to the upturn which the private sector will start to take up next year. By this very process they will not pay for themselves fully immediately, but they will go close to it and in the longer term they will certainly pay for themselves fully, and we need them.

I am dwelling a little on Senator McCartin because I have a high regard for him and for his views, again primarily because he is a man who has shown that he knows what the problem of creating employment is all about, especially in a difficult area of the country, and that is why I think it is important to pay attention to what somebody like Senator McCartin says. In talking about farmer taxation he found himself in a bit of a dilemma, because on the one hand he talked about the Coalition Government having grasped the nettle or shown courage in this context, and then he said in effect that it was not so much the amount that was being collected that was important but the fact that farmers were being taxed. I think that all it amounts to is that it was a cosmetic exercise designed to satisfy the critics who said that the farmers should have been paying tax but were not willing to devise an effective scheme.

I like to think that while any system is not perfect we are on the road at least to creating a system of farmer taxation which on the one hand will collect considerably more tax from farmers but on the other hand will be much more geared to the real requirements of a taxation system for agriculture, in other words that it will be geared much more to encouraging production in agriculture, and while it will get a reasonable return in tax from the farmers concerned will not operate as a disincentive to increased production.

I was asked why I do not have provisions in this Bill for increasing tax on beer, spirits and tobacco. Of course nobody should assume from that that there never will be at any time in the future in any Finance Bill a provision for increasing tax on beer, spirits or tobacco, but the fact is that it was part of the psychology that we were trying to establish. The psychology of inflation was doing terrible damage to us, and in order to break that vicious circle of people expecting more and more inflation and therefore having to take steps to try to protect themselves against it and each person showing up the ante a little more and thereby creating inflation, we did not impose these taxes, welcome and all as the additional revenue might have been. I think we were successful in our effort as shown by the latest consumer price index figures, but I repeat that there is no guarantee that never again will these taxes be increased.

In regard to some comments made on the Green Paper and the setting out of options, basically the manifesto proposals were for a limited assault, "to turn the economy around" was the phrase I used before the election. I certainly made it clear, and anybody who looked at it could see, that even with full and complete success in the plans laid out in the manifesto we would still end up with a substantial unemployment problem.

The Green Paper goes further than that and sets out options for the achievement of full employment, and full employment in this context means full employment. It means nobody on the dole, it means that anybody who is medically unfit to work would be treated in that way, but anybody who is medically fit to work would either have a job or be in a training educational situation or would be employed by a State agency where he would be doing various jobs, but in fact his employer would be a State agent. There would be no dole. That is what we are talking about.

I agree that this seems to many people to be the impossible dream. I will tell you this: as far as this Government are concerned we are producing this with the biggest majority ever behind us one year after we are in office. We are not heading for an election. We mean it. We believe that the people of this country deserve to get the opportunity to opt for full employment, and anybody who does not go along with this but agrees with the objective has got to produce an alternative proposal. Otherwise these are the only options on the table, and the Government will be making their decisions as to what line we are going to take on this and publishing them in the White Paper later this year. But do not anybody misunderstand this. We mean business.

I was asked by Senator Kennedy what did I mean by moderation in incomes. We referred to this in the Green Paper where we stated that in effect it means a smaller increase in wages than would otherwise be available. It does not mean indexation nor does it mean holding it at a particular level. It means an increase, but a smaller increase than would otherwise be available having regard to the growth that will be achieved in the economy. That is what it means.

We have had that type of situation during the past ten years.

The Senator made a statement quite a number of years ago that the increase in wages had been outstripped by prices. I cannot say that that is untrue in regard to any of the years back, I think it is, but I can tell him it is certainly not true of this year. There will be a real increase in incomes this year — bigger than has existed for workers and for people generally for many years.

In the context of job-creation, I do not want to be difficult in any way with Senator Kennedy, but we get, from time to time, what I might describe as a lecture from the Irish Congress of Trade Unions on employment and unemployment. I asked a question some time ago, and I am going to ask it again now, and that is, why do not some of the trade unions, particularly the better off ones, do what trade unions have done in some other countries and themselves invest in industry and business and create jobs and set a headline in industrial relations? Some of them have enough money to do it.

The Minister knows full well that trade unions are precluded under enactments by previous Fianna Fáil Governments from investing in anything other than trust securities, which means Government loans, corporation loans and so on.

I am afraid, Senator, I am not aware that that is so, and if it is so I do not understand how an investment could be made in a place like Liberty Hall which is not a trustee investment.

The biggest trustee investment of all.

I do not dispute that — I am talking legally. I congratulate Senator Kennedy on that investment, which is certainly a very sound one. The point I am making is that this happens in other countries—Israel is one, but there are other countries. It is a proposition which ought to be considered seriously and if there is a legal problem I can assure Senator Kennedy that the Government will be very co-operative in removing that legal obstacle. Think about it. It could have enormous influence in many ways, certainly in a matter — I agree entirely with what Senator Kennedy says: if I remember his words he said something like "We do not have a problem in unemployment, we have a crisis"—that requires, as I said earlier, fairly radical action to tackle it. That is one way in which a contribution could be made to it.

I am afraid I have kept the House rather longer than I should, but there is one final relatively small point I should like to mention. A few Senators opposite referred to emigration. Indeed one Senator said something about the word cropping up recently. As far as I am concerned, when I went out of office in 1973 emigration had disappeared. In fact, there was an inflow of people. It was trickling away in the late sixties, it disappeared, I think, finally officially in 1971. I found it extremely disappointing that when we came back into office emigration had started again, whatever the reasons. I am not going into the reasons about recession or anything else. I am just saying that I find it very disappointing that it happened again. As far as I and my colleagues are concerned, one of the reasons, by no means the only reason, that we want to get a job-creation programme working effectively in the shortest possible time is to put an end once and for all to emigration. I believe that can be done. I would not like Senators opposite to get the idea that emigration is something that has only happened in the last year. Unfortunately, we found we had inherited that, too, when we came back into office, and we are trying to tackle that.

It is very funny that every time you come back to office the population of the country drops.

It is a very strange thing. Did the Senator ever think about that? Did he ever think about what happens when we go out of the office? What happens to the unfortunate economy of this country? Anyway, I think I have made the point. I am trying to outline, and one can only outline, the kind of problems we are facing, the kind of approach I think we should have to it. This Bill embodies a good deal of the, if I may use the word, weapons that we are using this year to tackle these problems and to the extent that these weapons are necessary, although they are not the only ones available to us, or the only ones we are using, to tackle the problems which are urgent indeed of crisis proportions, as stated by Senator Kennedy, I commend the Bill to the House.

Question put and agreed to.
Committee Stage ordered for Thursday, 29 June 1978.
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