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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 21 May 1980

Vol. 94 No. 4

Prisons Bill, 1980: Committee and Final Stages.

Question proposed: "That section 1 stand part of the Bill."

I mentioned on Second Stage the point in the third interim report of the interdepartmental committee on mentally ill and maladjusted persons relating to the treatment and care of persons suffering from mental disorder who appear before the courts on criminal charges. I quoted from a suggestion in the report that there should be a special unit set aside for prisoners who are disruptive, the prisoners with whom the Minister is concerned in the Bill. That report suggests that a special unit be set aside for them, but that in relation to orders transferring prisoners from regular prisons to the special unit the decision as to whether or not prisoners should be sent there should be made by the courts rather than by the Minister, which is at present the position under the 1972 Bill. I asked the Minister for Justice last week if he would consider amending the Bill to provide that the court, not the Minister, would have the right to transfer these prisoners.

Everybody is concerned, obviously, in the first instance, to ensure that prisoners who are disruptive should be kept away from prisoners who are anxious to rehabilitate themselves. Everybody also accepts that, putting prisoners in a military detention centre like that existing at the Curragh further penalises them in so far as discipline is tougher and the freedom, such as is available to any prisoner, is not as extensive for prisoners in the Curragh as it is for prisoners in other prisons. The educational opportunities and recreational facilities in the Curragh are nothing like those available in other prisons.

In the Minister's reply to the Second Stage debate he went through the services and facilities available in every single prison in the country—we like to hear about these things and it is encouraging to know that there are such facilities available—but if one reads through the report what is signal in the Minister's response is the absolute absence of information about the facilities available in the Curragh. I interjected during the Minister's reply to the debate and asked him to refer to the Curragh. He said he would get to it. In fact, he did not. In fairness, I understand the Department's predicament and the difficulty under which they must operate. Nobody can deny, and the Minister would not deny, that the living conditions at the Curragh, and the opportunities for prisoners in the educational sphere or in the sphere that might help prisoners to obtain work more easily when they are ultimately released from prison, are far more limited at the Curragh.

Transferring a prisoner to the Curragh may be necessary because that prisoner is disruptive, but because it further restricts the limited freedom that a prisoner has, some third party, some other dispassionate and objective tribunal or court, should be the proper body to consider whether a prisoner should be transferred from an ordinary prison to the Curragh.

The report that I refer to acknowledges the need for special units to deal with such prisoners, but it also stresses the importance of having decisions as to whether or not prisoners should be sent there. It emphasises the importance that such decisions be made by the courts. It also emphasises the necessity that evidence be given to the court. The report recommends that the evidence be that of two medical practitioners who can say that the prisoner is suffering from psychosis or whatever. The report suggests that it is very important that medical evidence be available.

I do not want to suggest that the Minister or his Department would be subjective in relation to decisions like this. I am sure that they try to bring to consideration of what is a difficult problem as much objectivity as they can. It is important, so far as the public are concerned, and it is particularly important so far as we as Members of the Oireachtas are concerned, that that decision should be taken from the Department of Justice simply to ensure that we all have a say, that is it objective, it is dispassionate, it is away from the prison service and away from the administration responsible for the prison service in which those particular prisoners have caused difficulties.

I would like to ask the Minister whether, in the circumstances, in view of the fact that this legislation has now been in existence for eight years and the Minister is seeking an extension of another three years, he would consider handing over to the court the power to decide whether prisoners should be transferred to the Curragh.

First of all, the Henchy Report is under review at the moment. The matters that the Senator has raised and the position of the Minister are an Executive responsibility. There is little that the Minister can do in that particular regard, it being his responsibility and so established. The Minister has promised to write to the Senator regarding facilities in the Curragh. I will give the Senator some idea of the recreational facilities and educational facilities that are available in the Curragh.

Prisoners engage in indoor games and hobbies on the ground floor of the cell block or in their cells. The following equipment is provided: a table tennis table, chess sets, ring boards, draught boards, playing cards, a television set and video tape recorder. There are facilities for such craft work hobbies as leather work, matchstick modelling and painting, which are popular among the prisoners. Prisoners are also allowed to have their own transistor radios, cassette recorders, without microphones, musical instruments at the Governor's discretion and subject to proper use. Those in possession of musical instruments are permitted to hold music sessions in each other's cells. Film shows may be allowed once a fortnight. The films are hired from commercial sources.

A well equipped gymnasium is also provided and is used daily by the majority of the prisoners. Equipment provided includes a cycling machine, rowing machine, medicine balls, bars with weights and overhead speedball and platform speedball, shirts, singlets and boxing mittens. Additional equipment may be obtained on loan from the Army School of Physical Culture. Physical training classes are held twice weekly by a PT instructor from the Army School of Physical Culture. Classes in English and art are provided twice weekly by qualified teachers employed by Kildare Vocational Educational Committee. Text books and art material are provided. Efforts are being made to secure the services of a music teacher. Mr. K. Warner, co-ordinator of education in the Department of Education, advises on educational matters at the detention barracks. It is hoped to provide improved classroom facilities at the barracks in 1980. There are comprehensive indoor facilities available, both from a recreational and educational point of view.

Outdoor, an exercise yard is available. This area is used for playing football, volleyball, tennis, basketball and walking. The yard is also used for some of the physical training classes and a PT instructor organises games and competitions. A small covered shed in the yard is used for handball. Footballs and handballs are provided from public funds. The prisoners are free to be themselves for 12 hours each day. Exercise and recreation is allowed from 10 a.m. to 12 and from 14.00 to 16.00 with an extra hour for tea in the summer. I imagine that the Minister on the last occasion here went into the disciplinary situation in the Curragh, and it does not differ from what obtains and exists in the other civilian prisons in the country.

I thank the Minister for the information which he has given us. First of all, I want to say that I do not accept that the facilities, so far as education and sports or any occupation are concerned, are comprehensive at the Curragh. If one looks back at the debate in the House last week, if one compares the facilities available in the Curragh with facilities available in the other prisons, the Curragh comes out very very badly. I do not believe for a second that the Minister present would suggest otherwise. The Minister, Deputy Collins did not do so last week. I do not hold that against the Government particularly, but we must acknowledge the fact that the regime at the Curragh is tougher, more difficult and that the facilities are far less than they are in other prisons.

I am not satisfied with what the Minister has said in relation to my request that consideration be given to removing the responsibility of the Minister to decide whether or not to transfer a prisoner from any prison to the Curragh. I accept that it is the Minister's responsibility, but I question the equity of that eight years on from when the original legislation was introduced as a temporary expedient. I would ask for some more definite and acceptable reasons why these decisions should not be made by the courts. If this was the first time the Bill came before the House, fair enough, I think that we might have to say: "It is going to last a couple of years and we are stuck with that", but the Bill has come before the Houses of the Oireachtas on three different occasions and extensions have been allowed on three different occasions. I do not hold that against the Fianna Fáil administration. All political parties were involved in it.

Two extensions have been asked for by Fianna Fáil and two extensions by the Coalition Government, so I am not trying to apportion blame. What I am saying is that just one amendment to the section would remove the responsibility for transferring a prisoner from the Minister's hands to the hands of the courts. The desirability in that is to show everybody, including Members of this House, that the decision as to whether a prisoner should be transferred or not is made by a third party, or a body that is totally removed from the present prison structure and the administrative structure of the prisons. The importance of doing that is because prisoners' rights are further restricted once they are put into the Curragh.

It would require no big administrative change to do it. The easiest imaginable amendment to the 1972 Act would effect this change. I do not believe that any undue burden would be placed on the court system. It would relieve the Minister, who I am sure is a very busy man, from responsibilities that he has at the moment, but I emphasise again the important thing is that the decision-making power in this respect is seen to be objective and prisoners would have the right to have their side of the story considered in open court. That result would be extremely desirable, given the fact that all political parties have been involved in these extensions over the years.

As I already said, it is an Executive decision, and I am satisfied that if given over to the courts the responsibility that the Senator speaks of would create an unworkable situation within the prison system and in relation to prisoners. While I value the Senator's comments and appreciate the concern that he expresses in giving them, one must also realise that there is a particular type of prisoner involved in this situation. It is not the usual situation and it is not the wish of the Government that we have to live with this fact. The reality of it is that we do and, in the situation that we speak about, these prisoners, because they have disruptive tendencies and certain failings that are not commonly found in the normal average prisoner in this country, find themselves isolated in a different environment. Were that not the situation there would be no problem whatsoever having them in the ordinary civilian prisons.

There have been many statements about the unsuitability of the Curragh for long-term prisoners and I agree that conditions there are not ideal, although I understand that improvements are being made, but the conditions there, even now, are much better than they are in some areas of the civil prison system. Mountjoy Prison, which has about 150 long-term prisoners, is not suitable for them in its present condition, neither is St. Patrick's Institution suitable for juveniles, nor is the existing women's prison suitable for women. There are many groups of prisoners in the civil prisons who have less congenial conditions than those in the Curragh. That is not to say that I am satisfied about the conditions in any of these places. I am not. The extensive building programme that is under way shows that something positive is being done about the problem.

I am sorry, I must get some more definite answer to this. We went into all this last week. I accept that these prisoners are difficult prisoners. I do not dispute any of that. I hope that the Minister is not suggesting for a moment that the Curragh is a more attractive place than other prisons because on no reading of any Minister's speech since this legislation was first mooted away back in 1972 could one take an interpretation like that from it. Every single Minister who has come before the Houses, of all political parties, has apologised for coming before the Houses and has asked for understanding on all sides because they have had to introduce this legislation. I think we should set the issues clearly before us. There are difficult prisoners involved, that is accepted. Circumstances at the Curragh are more restrictive, to say the least, than any other prison. The big difference between the Curragh and ordinary civilian prisons is the fact that it is administered by the Defence Forces and not by the ordinary civilian—if that is that the correct expression—prison service.

I do not want to say that people are penalised by being put into the Curragh but prisoners' rights, limited as they are, are further restricted when they go to the Curragh. I do not believe that the Minister denies that the disciplinary regime at the Curragh is tougher. I think, inevitably, it must be tougher because the people who are running that prison are people who have been trained in military service, members of the Defence Forces whose ideas and notions of discipline are far different from the ideas and notions of discipline that are instilled in the officers of our prison service. I do not blame them for that, that is their training and that is the way it must inevitably be. I am merely saying that the Minister should have some better reason for saying that the courts should not decide who should go to the Curragh other than to say that it is an Executive decision. The 1972 Prisons Act said that it was an Executive decision. I want to know why that decision, made in 1972, should not now be changed, and I am using as my main reason for arguing that point the fact that it was originally intended, when that Bill was drafted in 1971 or 1972, that it would be an expedient that would last for only two years. It has lasted eight years so far; it has had three extensions already and it is now proposed that it last a further three years. In supporting the overall purpose of the Bill, as we do on this side of the House, we acknowledge the difficulties that the Minister has in relation to the provision of this extra accommodation that is now being undertaken in Portlaoise. However, we have a responsibility to ensure that prisoners are not subjected to anything more than the civilian courts decide to inflict on them when they imprison them initially. The passage of the 1972 legislation takes things further. Matters have been raised as to its constitutionality. One prisoner challenged the constitutionality of the Bill and failed. Nobody can deny that it is a further restriction on a prisoner's freedom when he is incarcerated in the Curragh, and I think that the decision over that should be taken by the court and not by the Minister's Department. I would ask him to give some more comprehensive answer than that which he has given already. Has the matter been considered? If the Henchy Report is under consideration at the moment that is one simple recommendation. There is no difficulty adopting it.

The Minister says it is unworkable, he has not said how or why it would be unworkable. I do not see how or why it would be unworkable, and I do not accept that the Minister has given any reasonable argument why it should not be done. I would ask him for some more comprehensive answer to my question.

The Minister in the course of his address last week indicated that the principle of military custody was objectionable but that is what this Bill is about. The previous speaker indicated that he was in favour of this Bill, and all the reasons for the extension of time were given by the Minister and have been accepted by the Fine Gael Party—I do not know about the Labour Party who are not here again.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Chair has already pointed out to the Senator that the absence or presence of Members should not be referred to in the House, and the Chair would be obliged if the Senator would take note of the ruling that has been there for many years.

I can assure the Chair that I will not say again that members of the Labour Party are not here.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

The Chair cannot accept that from the Senator. The Senator has to accept the rulings of the House as established, the same as every other Senator.

Senator Molony implied that there was a different type of punishment, that there was a tougher line being inflicted on the prisoners at the Curragh. I thought that this matter was discussed last week in detail.

In the Senator's absence.

It was discussed last week in detail and I had a fair amount to say about it. Senator Robinson raised this same question when she was here about a different type of punishment. The Minister indicated to us that the punishments that were imposed there were in accordance with the rules and procedures laid down for civilian prisoners. To imply that the military personnel are inflicting a different or a tougher type of punishment is a reflection on these people. On the last occasion I raised this very matter and I did not think that Senator Molony was adopting the same attitude of trying to imply that the military personnel were inflicting undue hardship on prisoners.

I never used the expression.

The Minister indicated that there was a problem and the problem was a space problem and that was accepted. It was also accepted that it was on a temporary basis and the solution to the problem was the building of a prison at Portlaoise, which is being undertaken. It was agreed that there was no punishment inflicted, other than that being applied to ordinary civilian prisoners in other institutions, and that remedial measures were taken to relieve overcrowding and to ensure that the services and facilities were up to the highest possible standard.

On the last occassion we had a discussion here—it is not proper to refer to Senators in their absence—and I am sorry that those who participated in the debate are not here. There is much I would like to say in relation to their attitude, not on the last occasion, but this afternoon. When this important matter come before the House it would seem that it was so important that we were all to be issued with up-to-date reports, up to the minute reports and they had to be in our hands by 4 o'clock in order that we would be fully briefed to come into this House at 6 o'clock to debate the situation, and they still have not turned up. I want to say that there is a lot of hypocrisy, and I quote what Senator Robinson said on Second Stage:

The Labour Party are opposed to the Bill on several important grounds of principle.

I hoped that she would be here to either indicate her pleasure or displeasure, or have they now accepted in totality the Bill as it stands?

With regard to the Executive function, there is no intention to change that position for the reasons stated.

What reasons?

For the reasons stated, that it would be an unworkable prison system. I do not intend to dwell any further on that particular aspect. There is no foundation for the suggestion made by the Senator that there is an oppressive or a more strict regime in the Curragh. The function of the Curragh is to hold in safe custody a number of prisoners who cannot be held in safety elsewhere, and that is all. The basic conditions in the Curragh are, broadly, the same as those in civilian prisons. The Rules for the Government of Prisons, 1947, have their parallel in the Prisons Act, 1972, and Military Custody Regulations, 1972. Thus, for example, allegations of disconduct by prisoners must be dealt with by the governor of the Curragh in precisely the same way as they are dealt with by the governors of the civil prisons. Prisoners who have complaints can seek redress through the same channels as other prisoners, including access to the court.

Most of the prisoners in the Curragh are known troublemakers and disrupters, and they have demonstrated in the past a capacity and a willingness to foment disorder among the other prisoners. Some of them have been involved in disturbances in the past while serving previous sentences. Their objective is to create so much trouble in the civil prisons as to make them unmanageable. It is in the best interests of the management of the civil prisons and of other prisoners that they should be separated from the general body of prisoners. The Curragh offers the only means of ensuring such separation until a high-security prison is built. There is in the Curragh a social welfare officer, through the Department of Justice, to cater for the welfare needs of the prisoners. I am perfectly satisfied with the system that obtains at the moment. While we might like to have another situation in operation, that is not possible.

Active consideration, as I have already said, is been given to the provision of an additional building which can provide a high security situation for this type of prisoner. In the meantime, I want to assure the House that the prisoners in the Curragh are there for the reasons I have mentioned and there is no question of hardship or of any more oppressiveness being imposed because of the fact that they are there. Broadly speaking, the conditions in that prison are the same as in the civilian prisons and, indeed, my reference today to the facilities, both educational and recreational inside and outside the prisons are certainly something that should give the House and its Members confidence in the concern that is being displayed by the Minister in ensuring that the proper and best interests of the prisoners are at hand and being constantly considered.

Is the Minister saying that the facilities in the Curragh are comparable with other prisons in relation to, for example, educational and recreational facilities?

I said that broadly speaking that is the position. Some of the conditions in the civilian prisons are not quite as good as they are in the Curragh.

Is the Minister familiar with the contents of the report of the committee that have been visiting the Curragh for the several years and with the views expressed by the committee year in and year out as to the inadequate facilities at the Curragh?

As a former member of the Garda Síochána, I had quite a considerable number of reasons to visit the Curragh and other civil institutions, and I am satisfied that the best interests of the prisoners in both places are constantly being kept in mind by the Minister.

Would the Minister answer the question I asked? Is he familiar with the report? The Minister is suggesting now that the facilities at the Curragh are comparable with those of other prisons. If one reads the speech of the Minister for Justice of last week, one finds that he detailed the facilities available in other prisons but if one compares these with the facilities that the Minister says are available at the Curragh, one must accept that there is a very great difference between the two. I am not blaming the Government for this. I am simply using it as a reason to indicate why there is a difference between the two. I say that given that difference some question should arise as to the tribunal or the body or the person who is responsible for transferring prisoners. The Minister has said that he has considered and has decided against the proposal that I make to him because it would make the prison system unworkable. He has not given the reason for this, and actually says that he is refusing to elaborate on what he means. Given those circumstances I am certainly suspicious as to what thinking is going on in the Minister's Department about this. If the Minister were to elaborate and give some reasons why it would be unworkable, then if those reasons are compelling I would understand them, but the Minister is saying that he will not elaborate on that.

The Minister says that as a former member of the Garda Síochána he has visited the Curragh and was satisfied with the situation there. This is fine, but I would like to tell him that the committee who have been appointed by the Government to visit the Curragh are dissatisfied and have been dissatisfied since the foundation of that prison. I want to ask the Minister specifically whether he has read those reports or whether he is familiar with the recommendations and with the points they have made with regard to the inadequate facilities in the Curragh. I must say for the umpteenth time that I am not blaming the Minister or his Department for that: force of circumstances has brought that about. What I am saying is that by any standard, facilities at the Curragh are different, are more strict, are worse than they are in other prisons. I refer specifically to the reports of the prison committee to witness what I am saying. Given those circumstances, the Minister is entitled to answer my question as to why he would not consider transferring the power to transfer prisoners to the Curragh from the Department to the courts. All he has said is that this is unworkable. He has not said why it is unworkable.

The disposal of prisoners once sentenced is the function of the Executive, and the Minister responsible for the proper management of the prison system, in order to fulfil his responsibilities, must retain discretion to transfer prisoners from one place to another and in and out of military custody. It would not be a workable proposition to hand over any of these powers to the courts. Furthermore, I also make the point—and this has been made before—that it would be preferable if we did not have to have these particular type of prisoners in the Curragh. It has also been said before and I am saying it again today that, broadly speaking, the conditions and the facilities in the Curragh are the same as conditions in the other prisons. In some instances, you have better facilities in the Curragh than you have in civil prisons and in other areas you have better facilities in civil prisons than you have in the Curragh. If it were possible for the Minister to dispense with this method where the Curragh is concerned he would be only too delighted to do so.

I accept the last point the Minister has made. I am not going to mention again the limited facilities in the Curragh. I would just refer the Minister and every other Member of this House to the reply to the debate last week of the Minister for Justice in which he detailed the facilities available in other prisons. Unless there are fantastic facilities in the Curragh to which the Minister has not alluded, we must conclude that the facilities of the Curragh are more limited. We are told that art and English are the two subjects in which classroom facilities are available in the Curragh. The Minister's speech was dotted with the tremendous facilities available in other prisons which cover a far wider range of subjects, including carpentry, cabinet making and so on. None of those facilities exist in the Curragh, and I am blue in the face in trying to make the point clear that facilities are different there. I will not make it again.

I will go back to the major point that I am trying to make in all of this and I would remind the Minister that the responsibility he has to transfer prisoners from ordinary prisons to the Curragh arises through the operation of section 2 of the 1972 Prisons Act. There is no power other than that. The power to sentence prisoners other than that is given to the courts under the Constitution. The Minister has no power under the Constitution in this respect. He is taking powers onto himself under the Prisons Act, 1972 which we are now been asked to amend. I am asking the Minister why he would not consider amending section 2 (3) of the 1972 Prisons Act, and I want to say that I am dissatisfied with his failure to elaborate on his reasons. I would ask him to detail the grounds upon which he says it would be unworkable.

I am sure that Senator Molony would agree, that the maintenance of order in prisons is a very vital necessity. I would hope that he would also agree that one of the great difficulties of recent years in many countries has been the breakdown of effective prison administration and discipline. We have all, on both sides of the House, agreed that this situation vis-a-vis the Curragh is for many reasons unsatisfactory and that we hope in time to change it. But effectively the position at the present is that a Minister quite rightly the Minister for Justice, has responsibility for our prisons and for order and discipline in prisons. I am sure that Senator Molony would quitely rightly be among the first to object were order or discipline in our prisons to begin to breakdown. This is a necessary measure for the time being to maintain this order and discipline, a responsibility of the Minister which he is carrying out and which he should continue to carry out and in no way should transfer into what could well be a very prolonged, inefficient and ineffective court process. This is necessary for the discipline to be maintained in our prisons and it is a vital factor for the maintenance of law and order and discipline in this country, a law and order and discipline which is under very considerable threat at the moment.

I do not think it should be interpreted at all that Senator Molony is saying something other than what he has been attempting to say. He is simply making the case that perhaps the final decision as to whether transfers should take place from civil prison to military custody should be put in the hands of the courts rather than in the executive hands of the Minister responsible. We are talking about a principle in this whole matter which cuts very deep to the core of any democracy, namely the transfer of people from civil prisons into military custody. None of us like that. We do not like to see it happening but in such a Bill as we are presented with here we are going to postpone further discussion on this very deep principle involved for three years—until 1983. We will not have an opportunity to discuss this principle. It is rather incongrous to me that people who are in civil prisons for what can be ordinary criminal matters but who due to some mental disturbance or some quirk of the rule of nature or whatever, are regarded as being unmanageable, are transferred by decision of the Minister responsible into military custody, particularly without any accountability to the Houses of the Oireachtas. I would prefer to see a Bill such as this coming before us on a yearly basis until the need for it no longer exists rather than disposing of it here and not giving us the opportunity of discussing it for another three years. If I felt that the high security prison on which construction has begun would be completed in a short time, that in other words it would be operational before the three-year period had expired, I would say well and good, but we have it from the Minister's own speech that the prison will not be ready for at least three years. I find it rather difficult to accept a situation where we will not be able to discuss this matter of transfer from civil prisons into military custody for another three years. That is why Senator Molony raised this point that surely this matter of decision should be left to the courts. At least that would keep this problem in the public focus. We may well be trying to cover up a very deep sore in our society by disposing of this piece of legislation.

If the crimes that these people have committed were associated with political violence which was pre-eminent in 1972 in an emergency situation and which could be said to give rise to the situation, one could say that we have to accept that as part of the emergency situation that continued to exist but we are not in the same situation that we were in in 1972. I wonder in regard to these prisoners who have been transferred in the intervening years, what length they are serving. Are they there for ten years or 15 years? Would it be right to keep them in such an environment in the Curragh for a period like that without having further opportunities for discussion by the Oireachtas on the matter? The Minister has not answered Senator Molony's question as to what is wrong with giving to the courts the right to determine transfers. He is not trying to read anything else into it or say anything other than that. We abhor the situation that we are presented with, whereby people are taken from civil prisons and put into military custody. We are just trying to have it continually exposed to the public as well as to discussion and debate by the Houses of the Oireachtas. If we pass this legislation we will hear no more about it for three years. There is no point in the Minister saying that we can talk about it on the appropriate Estimate each year. That is not an appropriate occasion for discussion of the principle which is involved here and which cuts very close to the whole core of any democracy.

In introducing the Bill to the House last week I think I detected in the Minister's speech a note of reluctance, an understandable reluctance and a reluctance that has been shared by almost everyone who has spoken on the Bill. As the Minister said, the principle of the military custody of civilian prisoners is objectionable. I am glad to hear the Minister say that it is not unconstitutional because at least while we are debating this Bill we will not have the spectre of the Supreme Court breathing down our necks to say that what we are doing is repugnant to the Constitution and thereby giving the citizens of the State another opportunity of pondering whether they are in fact being governed from the Four Courts or from Leinster House.

Many speakers have spoken about the unsuitability of the Curragh as a prison. One of the minor facts that I should like to refer to about the unsuitability of the place is that since the introduction of this Bill the Curragh Camp has become a no-go area for civilians. This is regrettable because it is a good thing to see a good relationship between the military personnel on the Curragh and the local community, particularly when in the local community there is a long tradition of careers in the Army. There was a time when one could drive through the Curragh. One could go to the cinema in the Curragh. One could go into the chapel there and say a prayer or have a drink in the Curragh, but not any more. However, while we all have our reasons for regarding this Bill as unsuitable, yet in the heel of the hunt, while we all know some of the facts, the Minister is the only man who because of his position and responsibility knows all the facts. He is entitled—indeed he is obliged—to take any steps that he thinks fit to ensure that the citizens of the State and the institutions of the State are adequately protected. In that regard what Senator Molony suggests—the Minister should abrogate that responsibility by handling over his executive power to the courts—would not only be undesirable but it would be a very dangerous precedent.

The Senator made remarks which could be interpreted as reflecting on the Supreme Court. Such remarks are not in order.

Regarding the point made by Senator Molony that the decision-making process should be transferred to the judiciary, there is a serious principle involved. This responsibility rests with the executive branch of Government. The Minister and the Department have this responsibility for our prisons and to seek this change seems to suggest that they are not suited to the job or are incapable of carrying it out in a responsible and impartial way. I do not know whether that actually was intended in part or in whole by the suggestion but it is entirely without foundation. Indeed it is mischievious. Apart from that point of principle I have no doubt that there are many great practical problems involved. The circumstances in which it is necessary to have prisoners transferred to the Curragh arise partly from the absolute necessity to preserve order and a proper way of life and carry out rehabilitation in our civil prisons. This is a very serious job that goes on every minute of every day and very often there is a great deal of urgency and a great deal of decision making needed, and to refer that to the judicial process as a matter of necessity each time a decision arises could be absolutely impractical and counter-productive as far as the preservation of good order in the interests primarily of the prisoners themselves are concerned.

Whatever one says about the facilities in the Curragh, I see nothing wrong in the selection of art and English as subjects for study. They have a very basic quality and a basic addition to make to a lot of the remedial education that is needed in those cases. It is an essential part of the rehabilitation work that is done. However that is not the main point I am making here. My final point is that regardless of who makes the decisions as to whether prisoners should be transferred the facilities are going to be the same. I do not see the relevance of that point in relation to the plea that this decision making process should be handed over to the judiciary. I fully accept that the proposals the Senators on the opposite benches are making are impractical from the day-to-day point of view and in relation to criticising the facilities in relation to this point as to who should make the decision, they are basically illogical.

First, I wish to set straight a couple of points. I do not suggest and I was at pains to point out that I was not suggesting, that the Minister was anything less than objective and dispassionate in making decisions in these matters. The importance that I see in transferring the role the Minister now has to the courts is to ensure that all members of the community are satisfied that it is objective. Justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. That is the principle behind my argument. Secondly, I want to say again that I do not understand the preoccupation that Senators Cassidy and Donnelly and the Minister have shown in relation to this executive power that the Minister has. The fact is that the Minister had no power to transfer anybody into military custody until the Prisons Act of 1972 was enacted. That is the only reason the Minister has the power. There is no well of authority the Minister has that allows him to transfer people into the custody of the military.

Our Constitution does not anticipate, except in the most extreme cases of emergency, the incarceration of private citizens of Ireland into military custody. It had to be done as a necessary expedient in 1972 and the Prisons Act had to be enacted in order to give the Minister the power. That is beginning and end of his responsibility and power. I want to remind Members of the House that because the Minister had to seek the permission of the Houses of the Oireachtas in obtaining for himself what is called executive power we in effect are the people who are deciding it, not the Minister. It is not a power that the Minister or the Government have. It is a power that we are giving them, and we are giving it for the reasons that the Ministers says.

Senator Cassidy says the Minister knows all the facts, but I say that if we do not know all the facts, we have no right to pass this legislation. In fact our duty must be quite the contrary. Our responsibility is to ensure that we know all the facts.

In the Second Stage debate I diverted to the fact that the prison's committees reports are sketchy—they are very inadequate. The ordinary prisons report published by the Department of Justice includes no report on the Curragh. It is a very different prison. It is not a civilian prison. It is a military prison. The Minister has no power whatsoever in this regard other than the power bestowed on him in 1972. He is coming in now and asking us to extend that power, and what I am saying is that it is no longer a temporary expedient. It was a temporary expedient in 1972. I accept the necessity for it. I accept that the prisoners are disruptive but I say that the responsibility is ours. We must know all the facts, and if the Minister says it is unworkable that the courts should operate this system, I say he should tell us why it is unworkable.

I would like to assure Senators Donnelly, Cassidy and Conroy that there is no question of the courts being unable to handle this. In fact the suggestion from me that this matter be transferred to the courts is not an original one at all. It is taken straight from the Henchy Report. They suggest that it be done. In a draft Bill that they enclose in their report there is set out the manner in which the legislation might be drafted. It is very simple and it could be done quickly and efficiently. I sincerely hope that Senator Donnelly's suggestion that the manner in which people are transferred to the Curragh is by way of split-second decisions is not accurate. I understood that a full review took place before these people were transferred to the Curragh. If I were to think for one second that split-second decisions were made about transferring people from Mountjoy or Arbour Hill to the Curragh, I would object most strenuously.

I was not suggesting that.

The suggestion that the Senator made to the House was that the courts would not be quick enough in arranging the transfer of a prisoner to the Curragh. There is no difficulty. The application that is set forth in section 27 of the draft Bill proposed by the Henchy Committee Report is something that could be effected in a matter of a couple of days. I hope that at least that length of time is given for consideration by the Department as to whether any prisoner should be transferred to the Curragh.

I am getting away from the main point. The main point is that it is our responsibility. There is no particular divine right or responsibility that the Minister has. We are giving it to him and we are giving it to him today. I have asked a question that I still have not got an answer to. Why is it unworkable? Why should not the courts have the right to decide?

The Minister always had power in relation to transfers from civilian prisons.

But not to military custody.

The military custody in this situation is something that results from the fact that these prisoners have to be isolated because of accommodation not being available. The Minister exercises the power given to him under the particular Act we are dealing with and he is exercising it again because of the nature of the situation that is involved. The Senator says he does not like split-second decisions. When an incident occurs in a prison, as has happened by these people who are destructive in many ways, a split-second decision must be taken to isolate that person.

By whom?

By the Minister, to transfer him. If we did not have that situation quite clearly the prison system would become unworkable and would break down. That, I think, is an answer that is understandable and clear. I have hoped that the Senator would have identified that as a fundamental reason why this power must be retained in the hands of the Minister.

In relation to the Henchy Report, the Senator has given that as one of the only reasons why this executive power should be removed. I want to state also that the Henchy Report, which is under review, refers only to mentally-ill and maladjusted prisoners. There is a constant review and examination of the condition of these prisoners. Any situation where there is requirement of that type of assistance or treatment from prisoners, I can assure the House it would be made readily available as it is both in civilian prisons and in the Curragh.

I am horrified at some of the things I have just heard from the Minister. He tells us that the Henchy Committee Report is under consideration in the Department. He then tells us that a major section of it, paragraph 12 of the report, and section 27 of the proposed Bill are now, so far as the Department are concerned, completely unworkable. One presumes from that, certainly in so far as those suggestions of the Henchy Committee Report are concerned, that they have been considered by the Department, they will not be considered in future, they are out of the question.

That is not so. That is misleading the House.

There will be no question of misleading the House. I am going to detail to the House the contents of that report. The first point I want to make about what the Minister said last relates to the fact that the Henchy Committee only considered prisoners who suffered from some mental disorder. I want to refer the Minister to paragraph 12 of that report which states:

Section 27 of the Bill provides for a special category of persons who are not suitable for detention either in a prison or in a designated centre. Those are violent persons who come within a class sometimes referred to as psychopaths or sociopaths but which we consider it more proper to identify as persons suffering from a persistent disorder or disability or personality which manifests itself in abnormally violent or aggressive conduct. Because of their propensity to cause injury to themselves or to others, such offenders create problems of security and therapy or care which prisons or kindred institutions are not equipped or staffed to cope with. Nor would designated centres be suitable for the detention of such persons, for, as the committee has been advised, such persons are not generally amenable to any conventional psychiatric therapy and the conditions of high security which they require would be otherwise counter-productive in a designated centre. As there is likely to be at any given time a small number of such persons requiring suitable detention, the Committee envisages the designation by the Minister for Justice of a unit, which the Bill refers to as a special unit, for the detention of such persons. The special unit should be designed and run so as best to deal with the special problems presented by such persons who, according to the expert advice available to the Committee, do not fit into any recognised category of mental disorder and who do not accordingly qualify for exemption from criminal liability by reason of mental disorder.

All I said in relation to this report, was that my suggestion that the powers——

The Chair feels that that report is not relevant to this discussion and consequently only a very slight reference can be allowed. The Chair must also point out that it is not in order for Senators to quote at length. The Senator can quote short passages, but certainly not four or five pages.

I only did that because the Minister in his last response indicated that the Henchy Report dealt only with prisoners who suffered from some mental disorder.

I appreciate that.

I want to stress that paragraph 12 which I quoted is concerned entirely with the type of prisoner that we are concerned with here. There is no question of any difference. These are disruptive prisoners that everybody acknowledges must be handled in a special way. I very much regret the Minister's indication. Perhaps I misunderstood him.

The Senator did.

I will look at the record and see exactly what he said, because I am quite convinced that he said that the matter of the transfer of those prisoners being a power reserved for the Minister needs to be left that way so that split second decisions can be made in relation to them. I want to point out to the Minister that the Henchy Report suggests otherwise. The Minister tells me the Henchy Report is under review, but he seems to have indicated that that particular question has been reviewed and that it has been rejected by the Department. I ask the Minister to comment specifically on the suggestion I made.

I do not only rely on the Henchy Report as a reason. I use that simply to show that it is not an original suggestion from myself. The reason I would like to see it there is because I believe that it is desirable, in the circumstances, that the intervention of an outside agency would play a crucial part in the transfer of prisoners to the Curragh so that, as I already said, justice would not only be done, but would be seen to be done.

I think Senator Molony is totally misinterpreting the Henchy Report. I have listened to the quotations that he gave and he is totally confusing the situation regarding people to whom the Henchy Report quite Rightly refers as not coming under a specific mental category. They are quite unlikely, in many cases, to be the persons that we are referring to or that are being dealt with under this Act or under military custody. The Henchy Report——

The Chair wishes again to emphasise what I have said to Senator Molony, that the Henchy Report is not directly relevant to this.

I accept it is not, but Senator Molony is totally confusing what is in the report.

I accept Senator Conroy's concern that I might be, but I would like to assure him that I have studied it very carefully. I have asked people's advice on it and I am absolutely satisfied that paragraph 12 of that report deals with just the type of prisoner the Minister is concerned with here. I do not wish to quote from the report any more. All I can do is to ask the Senator to read section 27 of the draft Bill proposed in that document.

I want to conclude by expressing regret that the Minister has not given any reason other than the necessity to make a split-second decision in relation to the transfer of prisoners to the Curragh. I am sorry that those decisions are made on a split-second basis. I would ask the Minister to——

The incidents in relation to the Curragh are not on a split-second basis.

I ask the Minister to reconsider the position that he has adopted in relation to this matter.

Question put and agreed to.
Section 2 agreed to.
Title agreed to.
Bill reported without amendment, received for final consideration and passed.
The Seanad adjourned at 7.05 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 28 May 1980.
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