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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 15 May 1984

Vol. 103 No. 12

Finance Bill, 1984 [Certified Money Bill] : Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The Finance Bill is intended to give statutory effect to this year's budget provisions and it also incorporates a number of other changes designed to improve the taxation code. It covers a wide area of taxation and includes some measures of major significance for the economy. While the details are frequently of a highly technical nature, the Bill as a whole provides for changes which affect all of us in our daily lives.

Before dealing with individual aspects of the Bill, I would like to make a few general comments on the budget situation. The budget was designed to strike a realistic balance between the need to encourage employment, our greatest priority, and to achieve a reduction, however modest, in borrowing. There is general agreement that this was the only rational option in our present circumstances. The necessity to curtail borrowing inevitably requires that public spending be curtailed.

The critics of our restrictions on public spending, however, will rarely pursue the logic of their case and argue in favour of higher borrowing or higher taxation. The process of reducing our dependence on borrowing will have to be continued. If we abandon this policy and incur higher and higher debts, the economy will suffer in the longer term and so will employment. Reducing budget deficits is not about bookkeeping but about protecting the very fabric of the economy.

The National Planning Board proposals are being considered in detail by the Government. The board acknowledged unemployment to be the most serious economic and social problem facing the economy. They recognised at the same time that, in coping properly with this problem, we have no choice but to bring the amount of current public expenditure into line with what can be financed at tax rates which are broadly acceptable. In other words, discipline in the public finances on the lines already being applied by the Government is seen by the board as an essential part of a correct policy to favour the expansion of employment. Those who criticise the Government for being over-preoccupied with arithmetic would do well to study the views of the planning board on this point.

The board's taxation proposals in particular have received some considerable publicity, largely, I think, because of the immediate and rather hostile reaction from some pressure groups who felt that their position was being threatened. The board have drawn attention to the basic fact that, if tax rates are to be reduced, then the base must be widened and reliefs and exemptions curtailed. Public reaction to the proposals seems to have overlooked the fact that the board recommended tax concessions corresponding to the tax increases suggested, with the objective of ensuring that there would be no overall increase in the tax burden. The board also underlined the fact that tax levels will remain high while we continue to maintain an excessively high expenditure profile.

I want to see both a reduction in the longer term in the overall level of taxation and a better distribution of the tax burden and I aim to make substantial progress in this direction in later budgets. Ultimately, however, the pace of progress must be influenced by our attitude to public expenditure.

We now have substantial reports on taxation both from the Commission on Taxation and the National Planning Board. Their general approach and many of their individual recommendations are on the same lines. Essentially they want to bring down the rates of tax and achieve a better distribution and, as I have already said, this is the policy that I intend to pursue. I have been criticised for paying inadequate attention to the commission's recommendations and the allegation has been made on a number of occasions that the reports to date from the Commission on Taxation have been conveniently put on the shelf. This is not true. Already some of the commission's proposals have been put into effect. Some of the more substantial proposals can be introduced only over an extended period and this fact is recognised by the commission. Some of the individual proposals, both from the commission and the planning board, are impractical, however, at least while tax rates are so high, but it must not be inferred from this that the proposals in general are being set aside or ignored.

The National Planning Board have also made some interesting comments on individual aspects of budget policy. They differentiate between what they call the structural element and the cyclical element in the budget deficit. They consider that the principal focus of the budget should be on the public sector borrowing requirement rather than the Exchequer borrowing requirement. These are important comments and I will consider them very carefully before I arrive at any firm conclusions. No presentational change, however, will alter the fact that, as a prerequisite for satisfactory economic progress, we must improve the position of our public finances.

I would like now to return to the issue of employment. The outlook is reasonably encouraging for the longer term provided we make proper use of our opportunities. It is right that the community should look to Government for direction on this issue and there is much that the Government can do. The Government must provide the best possible environment. They must encourage and attract employment projects. They must implement many individual measures which, taken together, have a substantial impact.

There are items in the Bill before the House which are small in relation to the overall situation but which, nevertheless, can make a most useful contribution to employment creation. The Government cannot, however, find instant solutions and Government policies will not succeed fully unless they are supported by economic interests. The effort to maximise employment opportunities must be a community effort. New structures and new schemes can go only a limited distances in generating employment. Ultimately, the crucial factors are the determination to find new markets, to be more efficient and to be more competitive.

Too many mistakes have been made in recent years in response to demands from pressure groups from all walks of life. The tendency has been to incur expenditures which we could not afford or to allow excessive tax benefits in order to pacify these groups. Pay norms have been set by those in the strongest position to press for increases. We should appreciate by now that this approach has increased our problems. It has to be reversed as a precondition for a more vigorous economy which can provide the jobs we need.

I would not like to refer to some of the more important sections of the Bill, concentrating on the areas of greatest significance. The Bill is a long one and it would be impractical to go through it section by section on this Stage. The early sections implement the budget decisions on income tax, including the changes in allowances, rate bands and exemption limits, the renewal of the PRSI allowance and the increase in the specified amount of tax payable by the self-employed. There are no changes of significance from the budget proposals. In relation to the increase in the relief for an incapacitated person, in section 8, the maximum deduction will be determined by the net cost incurred, subject to a ceiling of £2,000.

In order to shut off a tax avoidance loophole, I am providing in section 9 that, where there is doubt as to the bona fides of a sports club, income tax exemption will be subject to the approval of the Revenue Commissioners. Genuine sports clubs which apply their income for the sole purpose of promoting sports will not be affected by this change. The income levy is being renewed, with an exemption for those on low incomes, in section 10.

One of the items in the Bill that has generated greatest interest is the relief of up to £25,000 a year over a three-year period for long-term risk capital investment. This is the subject of Chapter III.

In the Budget Statement I indicated that the relief would apply in respect of investment in new manufacturing enterprises. This restriction was imposed in order to ensure that investment would be directed towards areas of greatest initiative and highest risk. If, however, the relief were confined to new enterprises, it is unlikely that the scheme would have a significant impact. Consequently, the area of eligibility is being extended, in section 16, to include new and existing trades in manufacturing and certain services, provided that the investment is used to create or maintain employment and fulfils a number of other criteria related in a very direct way to development.

This new incentive should encourage investment in manufacturing and international services. These are priority sectors because of their potential for employment and exports. In the past they have had little appeal for individual investors because they offered no special rewards and investors naturally preferred safer areas of the economy where they were guaranteed a substantial and regular return. This order of things is wrong. The greater rewards must be for those who take the greater risk and provide the best opportunities for development of the economy.

It would be entirely wrong to conclude that the risk capital scheme will be the concern only of the better off. I would expect to see many small scale investments by people of modest means. Indeed, during Committee Stage debate in the Dáil, I agreed to reduce to £200 the minimum level of investment qualifying for the relief where an individual makes an investment in a qualifying company. There is no prescribed minimum where the investment is made through a designated fund. The scheme could be particularly attractive to groups of workers who get together to develop or rescue a manufacturing operation and in this context it could be a useful element in the development of industrial democracy.

Too many incentive schemes have been exploited for tax avoidance purposes and we must ensure that the present scheme is not abused. It is for this reason that the legislation is very detailed in many respects and contains a number of anti-avoidance provisions. Relief will not be available under the scheme to partners of the company or their close relatives or to persons holding more than 30 per cent of the share capital of the company. The shares must be held for a minimum of five years. To be eligible, the shares must be new ordinary shares in an unquoted company.

It has been suggested that this new incentive be extended to other areas of the economy. Further extension would defeat the whole purpose of the scheme. Investment would then be channelled into more secure projects and, as before, industry which carries the greatest risk would be left out in the cold. The unique feature of this scheme is that it carries an equivalent risk for promoters and outside investors. There are no charges on assets or guarantees of refund if something goes wrong. It is a totally new attempt to encourage local investment in industry and I am confident that it will be successful.

Section 29 of the Bill implements the Budget provision to counter the practice of bond washing whereby securities changed hands in such a way as to ensure that the interest accrued to the holder as a tax-exempt capital gain rather than as income. The budget provision gave rise to an immediate furore and the Government were accused of destroying the securities market. What the Government did was to close a tax loophole which had led to blatant abuse. The market quickly settled down again, as was to be expected. There had been adequate forewarning of action against tax abuses and the move against bond washing can hardly have come as a major surprise to those involved in this activity.

Sections 30 to 39 contain various tax provisions which have for the most part already been announced in the budget. In section 31 the scope of profit-sharing schemes is being extended. Interest in these schemes to date has been rather disappointing and I hope that the extensions in this Bill will generate a bigger response. Profit sharing can contribute to the improvement of industrial relations and I would like to see both employees and the trade union movement taking a more active involvement in its development. We appear to be well behind other European countries generally in this respect and this is regrettable.

There is a provision in section 32 for tax relief on donations to certain bodies for the advancement of subjects related to the arts. The intention here is to encourage donations for schools of architecture, art and design, music, theatre and film.

In section 33, provision is made for the continuation of the existing stock relief scheme for farmers. The requirements of stock relief in agriculture are different from those in the construction industry, which gave rise to the new temporary scheme set out in Chapter VIII of the Bill. For this reason, it is preferable to retain the essential features of the existing scheme for agriculture. The unlimited clawback in the scheme up to now has discouraged many farmers from claiming stock relief. The section provides that the period of liability for clawback will be limited to ten years following the year in which the relief is given. The Bill also provides that transfers of family farms to spouses or children will no longer give rise to stock relief clawback. I intend to introduce measures to deal with stock relief in the special circumstances of farm leasing in due course.

A number of capital allowances which were due to expire at the end of March this year are being renewed for further periods. These include certain allowances for plant and machinery, industrial buildings, multistorey car parks and toll roads and bridges. I am also extending the scope of the industrial buildings allowances to included expenditure on laboratories used for analysis work connected with mineral and oil exploration. It must not be assumed from these extensions that these allowances will be continued indefinitely. They will be reviewed as part of the overall review of allowances and exemptions.

The Bill provides in section 40 that, with effect from budget day or 1 March where appropriate, capital allowances on leased machinery or plant may be written off against leasing income only. It provides also that the allowances will not be available for group relief purposes. These restrictions will not apply where machinery or plant is leased as part of a grant-aided incentive package by one of the State industrial promotion agencies specified in the section. Leasing allowances have been used on a large scale by financial institutions to reduce their tax liability. The allowances were never intended for this purpose and a restriction is now being imposed on their use. For the same reason, changes are being made in the treatment of new section 84 loans and artificial preference share arrangements. The provisions in Chapter VI are based on the terms of the budget announcement subject to certain exceptions from the withdrawal of tax advantages on section 84 loans subsequently decided upon by Government. These exceptions comprise manufacturing companies, certain service activities and subsidiary companies of agricultural or fishery cooperatives.

The loss of the tax advantages under section 84 lending in these sectors would have meant a substantial additional cost burden for many businesses which are seriously affected by the present recession. In recognition of the difficulties facing industry at present, the Government reviewed the budget proposal and decided on the modifications which I have mentioned. These are contained in section 41 of the Bill.

In section 47 the transitional period in respect of which advance corporation tax will be payable at 50 per cent of the full rate is being extended to distributions made up to the end of this year. This concession will cost the Exchequer about £5 million in 1985. The case has been made that, for companies which had substantial accumulated capital allowances when advance corporation tax was introduced, the tax should effectively be set aside until these allowances are used up.

These companies, and all other companies liable to advance corporation tax, are simply being required to pay tax to match the credits granted by the Exchequer to their shareholders against the tax on their dividends. If any companies were, in effect, to be exempt, we would continue a situation where the Revenue Commissioners in certain circumstances refund to shareholders tax which has not and might never be collected from the company. In protecting the Exchequer against such losses the introduction of advance corporation tax has brought our system into line with practice in other countries which have an imputation system similar to our own.

In particular, I would like to refute the allegation that ACT, by taxing distributions made out of profits previously charged to tax, involves double taxation. The effect of ACT, in the case of companies with commercial profits out of which dividends are paid with a reduced or zero current tax liability due to the fact that capital allowances have deferred the payment of tax, is to bring forward the payment of a portion of that deferred tax sufficient to cover the tax credit. ACT is thus not additional to the earlier tax charge but simply an advancement of its payment.

Chapters VIII and IX contain the provisions for 1984-85 for stock relief for qualifying traders other than farmers. The new system will broadly relate relief to price changes only and relief once granted, in general, will not be liable for clawback in subsequent years. In addition, relief granted under the old system which would have been liable for clawback due to decreases in stock levels in the year to 5 April 1983 or in any subsequent year will not be withdrawn. Though clawback may still arise under the old or new system in exceptional circumstances, such as on a cessation of a trade, these provisions ensure that clawback will not operate in cases where a qualifying trade changes hands as a going concern.

The amount of relief to be provided in the first year of operation of the new system will be based on 3 per cent of the value of a trader's opening stock. This gives effect to the budget decision that, in order to control cost, relief equal to 33? per cent of the price increase in the basis period will be given. The percentage to be used for calculation of relief this year will be subject to review in any subsequent year's renewal of the stock relief provisions.

Section 67 of the Bill provides for a restriction of the relief from capital gains tax which is available on the disposal of a principal private residence. Where such property is disposed of at development land prices, the relief will be confined to the gain on its existing use value as a residence and any development land gain will be taxed at the appropriate rate. The relief for a private residence is a recognition of the special nature of this property. When, however, the property is traded for development purposes, there is no longer a case for allowing full relief.

I now turn to indirect taxation. There are no major changes under the heading of customs and excise from those already announced in the budget. I would draw special attention to sections 76 and 77, which deal with evasion of betting duty. More effective measures to deal with arrears of duty and further penalties for illegal bookmaking are being introduced, as well as penalties for fraudulent involvement of bookmakers' assistants. Additional grounds for refusal of certificates of suitability of bookmakers' premises are also proposed. While some bookmakers have expressed dissatisfaction that the legislation does not go for enough to penalise those who engage in illegal bookmaking, the principal difficulty is to identify and get adequate evidence against those acting illegally. Once the evidence is there, the statutory penalties are, in my view, adequate. I gave an assurance in Dáil Éireann and I repeat it here that the Revenue Commissioners will in future adopt a more aggressive approach to the pursuit of offenders under the new powers.

The main item in the Bill under the heading of value-added tax is the imposition of the 8 per cent rate on clothing which has taken effect from 1 May. Representatives of the clothing industry have informed me that seasonal factors in their business create a situation in which the application of payment at point of importation on clothing materials from 1 May would cause cash flow difficulties. These difficulties can be avoided without significant loss of revenue and regulations are being made to enable materials, previously benefiting from the zero rate, to continue to be imported by registered persons up to 1 September without payment of VAT at point of entry. They will still be liable to 8 per cent VAT, as will domestic supplies of raw materials, but the importers will account for this VAT in their normal VAT returns at the end of the VAT period rather than making the payment at the time of import.

The continued zero-rating of certain children's clothes will be operated on the basis of appropriate sizes of clothes, not on the age of the particular child involved. It is intended that children's clothes in sizes up those for children of average build under age 11 years will be zero-rated. Following discussions between the Revenue Commissioners and the clothing industry, details of the appropriate sizes have already been published and regulations to give statutory effect to these arrangements will be made soon.

Section 86 contains two changes to tighten up the application of annual turnover limits for VAT registration purposes and in sections 89 and 90 the powers of VAT inspectors are being extended to enable them to carry out their duties adequately in the course of their periodic visits to traders' premises.

Section 96 provides for the reduction of the VAT rate from 23 to 18 per cent in the case of short-term hire of cars, caravans and boats. This reduction is being made to benefit the tourism industry. In Dáil Éireann amendments were tabled to reduce the VAT rate for a number of other items. In principle, this would of course be very welcome but the reality is that we could not afford the change. It is wrong to suggest that VAT reductions would be self-sustaining in terms of revenue. Any revenue loss must be made good elsewhere and this is the essential problem.

Part IV of the Bill deals with stamp duties, including the bank and insurance levies. The provisions for the calculation of the levy on banks are broadly similar to those used in previous years and are designed to yield £25 million in as fair a manner as possible. The basis on which the levy is charged in the case of life insurance business is being altered. This change was requested by the insurance industry and it will have no effect on the yield. I am providing in section 99 for the extension for a further year of the stamp duty relief in respect of the transfer of land to young trained farmers. This relief would otherwise have ceased in July.

The changes in capital acquisitions tax and the new tax on discretionary trusts, which I announced in the budget, are the main items in the final sections of the Bill. The case for taxing discretionary trusts is that otherwise these trusts can be used to avoid or delay payment of tax over a long period. At the same time, trusts can serve a very important social function in certain circumstances and it is for this reason that I have aimed for a scheme which will avoid taxing trusts set up for genuine purposes while minimising the opportunities for avoidance or evasion. This legislation secures a reasonable balance and will not cause hardship. The reorganisation of the capital acquisitions tax is overdue. The spread of tax rates was confusing to say the least and the complete aggregation of benefits is a sensible and fair arrangement.

This Bill provides for substantial changes in our tax code. As well as implementing budget policy, it includes provisions which are intended to make the operation of this code more effective and equitable. We must move gradually towards a more simple and, at the same time, a more equitable system of taxation. Apart from other considerations, the sheer complexity of the present system is a barrier to efficient operation. Taxation is becoming more and more the domain of experts. We cannot continue indefinitely piling more upon more legislation without thought for the understanding and effective implementation of the tax code. This is something to which I am giving close attention and I am satisfied that substantial progress can be made on a gradual basis.

I commend the Finance Bill to the House.

This Finance Bill, which brings into effect the provisions of this year's budget, is yet another lost opportunity for the Government to deal with and cope with the growing needs of our society and, at the same time, continue on the road of financial rectitude. It fails because it consigns to virtual permanent unemployment almost a quarter of a million people, many of whom do not know what it is to work for even one day.

The Minister in his Second Reading speech reminds us that if he is wrong in being over-anxious about the general arithmetic of the nation's finances we should bear in mind what the National Planning Board said. I want to examine the logic of that argument and see where the country will be and what problems the Minister will have to face in four, five or ten years time if existing policies continue to produce the same results as at present. There is no argument against what the Minister said in terms of becoming more competitive, reducing inflation, phasing out the current deficit, bringing foreign borrowing under control, and having wage restraint. These are not only laudable and desirable objectives but they must remain firm objectives.

The difference arises in trying to get a balance between these objectives and the real needs of society. What will the human cost be in ten years from now if the trend in the country today is to continue uninterrupted and unabated? Over the past couple of years there has been a great deal of media attention devoted to the question of borrowing in recent times. I could not try to sustain the fact that all the borrowing which was incurred was done in the best interests of the country. It is probably fair to say that the second last Fianna Fáil Government erred on the side of being over-anxious about coping with our social problems without keeping in check the impact that unabated borrowing would have on the economy. Equally it can be said that the over-emphasis on arithmetic which is now dominating the thinking in the Department of Finance will cause the same if not greater problems.

If we look at what happened last year, which was a relatively poor year in the economy, industrial exports rose by 14 per cent in volume, agricultural exports by 3 per cent and manufacturing exports by 6 per cent. At the same time consumption declined, investment fell, unemployment kept rising and growth was stifled. Let us assume for a few moments that all the necessary criteria, which the Minister referred to, in terms of dealing with our inflation, coping with our borrowing and our current deficit were achieved. I think the Minister will agree with me that these would not cure our unemployment problem. The new technology, mechanisation, equipment, rationalisation and other developments in industry, important as they are in terms of overall competitiveness, have reduced fairly substantially the number of traditional jobs which would be available in this area. Even if these targets were achieved, it is of paramount importance that new and more radical ways are considered in the context of overall economic management to cope with this terrible human problem.

The Minister has done an exceptionally good job in getting the public to believe that he is on target with his policies. There are many people who blame the economic and industrial paralysis in the country on the Minister's over-insistence on financial rectitude. However, it must be pointed out that our foreign debt last year increased by £2,000 million and that our current deficit for this year will be practically the same as last year. Admittedly it will be down in percentage terms but it will not be anything close to where most economic commentators would wish it to be.

A national board has been established, a ministerial task force has been appointed and national development corporation enterprise agencies have been set up. One would imagine that with a plethora of committees and boards some new and more radical way of coping with our problems would emerge. It is a long time since it was first said that necessity is the mother of invention but somehow we do not appear at present to be able to come up with a solution to this terrible problem.

This year we will spend £589 million on unemployment benefit and assistance. That is only part of the cost. There is the loss in income tax, PRSI, levies, the qualification of many of these categories for medical cards which they would not have if they were in employment and lower differential rents if they are in local authority houses, not to speak of the degradation of unemployment. Substantial funds are available when a person loses his job but they are not available to try to maintain jobs. Is it not possible to do something about that? I do not want to suggest here that any of these problems are easy to solve.

This human problem is above politics and I would like to be able to support continued cuts in public expenditure. I would like to see parties on all sides of the House recognising that wasteful public expenditure has taken place and requires to be curtailed even if it means curtailing services which people have become used to and think they should have as a right. We have grown to accept a standard of living which we have not fully worked for.

At a recent meeting of the Mid-Western Health Board in Limerick figures were given in relation to some of the problems affecting society today, which would have been foreign to us a very short time ago, such as a figure of 500 on the list of non-accidental injuries to children — child battering. With the exception of Limerick city, a mainly rural region is involved but the problems were not confined to Limerick city. No parent would deliberately attack an infant of six weeks old, or older, but if a standard of living which one had enjoyed had just ended or if one was made redundant, or whatever, one is under pressure. These social pressures are creating problems which will not be solved by fiscal rectitude. The general criteria which the Minister has laid down are commendable enough but if they are followed, the human trail of misery that will be caused will leave us having solved our financial problems but with a more difficult problem to solve. Unemployment does not cause all the problems that I referred to nor am I saying this or any other Government are solely responsible for causing it. Neither do they have the sole responsibility for trying to cure it. We have the same situation with regard to vandalism — the wanton destruction of property, private and public. One could leave this House this evening and go in any direction and one could be certain that not one of the telephones in the telephone kiosks would be working. Local authorities have to find more and more funds each year for malicious damage.

The Minister mentioned in either the Budget Statement or during the Second Stage debate in the Dáil the fact that, in spite of the embargo on recruitment to the public service, the Garda force was an exception. We can appoint more gardaí, build more prisons, extend Loughan House and appoint more High Court judges but none of these expensive cures will get to the heart of the problem that I am referring to.

The opportunity presented to a Minister in a budget should be used to see in what way he can stimulate employment and create more jobs. Is there a case for looking at all the services the Government provide, some of which are now under the control of semi-State organisations, for example the ESB and An Post? To a degree, these are outside the Government's control but on matters within their control they have increased excise duty, VAT, income tax, car tax, put VAT on clothes and so on. These in turn put pressure on employees to look for more wages and salaries. This makes us less competitive and leads to job losses. Is there a case for trying to alter that approach radically? Should it be done in a piecemeal way or should we have a long term strategy, a three or five year programme which would be capable of generating more confidence, stimulating employment and creating initiative? Accepting that the normal economic base, as we understood it, is challenged by new technology and job obsolescence, perhaps we could give a dignity to some service and other jobs which we have not hitherto given.

Can we translate social welfare payments, in so far as that is possible, youth employment levies and moneys of that kind which are now available to the Government, into generating employment without at the same time adding layer upon layer onto the Finance Bill? The system has become so complex that every time a group of people receive payments, they waste at least half an hour talking to one another to see what has happened. It varies from one week to the next and only the most confident and highly trained individuals can fully understand what is happening.

Is it not true that if I was in employment and sought an increase in wages or salary, my employer sometimes would have to give double the amount that I actually required because of the impact of tax and PRSI levies? I am not trying to suggest for one moment that one could come in and change that with a master stroke. I do not see enough evidence in this document or from this Government to convince me that the Minister or those in his Department really believe that the time has come to dismantle, in a fairly radical way, our complex tax code. Where it is necessary to raise taxes to sustain levels of public service——

On a point of order, almost a month ago I raised the issue of interference in the public address system here. Surely it is possible to effect a correction. It is impossible to hear what Senator Smith is saying.

I understand that it was rectified.

It is hard to hear what is being said.

It is some technical fault. We have been trying to get something done about it.

It started only a month ago. It is very hard to concentrate on what the speaker is saying when you have that blaring away.

I thank Senator McDonald. I only really heard it when he raised it. I admit that it is an inconvenience. It just so happened that I did not keep my ear in that direction.

The Senator has excellent concentration.

I thank the Senator. I had just referred to the question of trying to reshape our whole tax code with a far greater emphasis on the creation of employment. The Minister told us that he is trying to reduce the levels of income tax. He mentioned this on a number of occasions. I take it that he is talking about the future because he intends to raise almost £300 million more in income tax this year. There is a provision for an additional 25,000 to 30,000 people losing their jobs this year. The Minister will be extracting considerably more money in income tax this year from a diminishing workforce. I want to put it to the Minister in the context of what I said earlier. Should that base become smaller — as it is likely to do on the basis of the Minister's figures — is the Minister not creating an intolerable position for the average family many of whom see the present tax code as a disincentive?

Income tax, as a proportion of all tax, has been continually increasing. I do not know the exact percentage figure but it is somewhere around 40 per cent. There is probably no simple way of asking those in society who have work and reasonably secure employment to pay to the greatest possible extent to service our developments in education, health and elsewhere. We have a population of a little over three million but there are less than one million people employed. One income is responsible for catering for the person who is employed and two others in national terms. Greater numbers of old age pensioners require to be looked after. The workforce is diminishing. The tax base must be widened and everyone must pay his or her share. If more people were in gainful employment their income tax contribution would reduce the amount which the present working population have to pay.

It is true also that because of these impositions more employers are employing people who are on the dole, but not registering them. I have had complaints from small builders in my own constituency in North Tipperary. Many of them have not been able to compete with tenders for certain developments, although the building industry is in trouble, and the only conclusion they could reach was that the current rates of employers' PRSI and other contributions were not being paid and these could only be avoided where people were actually working and on the dole as well.

Reference was made in the other House to the rates of value-added tax. We seem to have made the system more complicated and imposed on businesses, in particular small businesses, the necessity to be involved in a variety of rates. People complain about having to understand and deal with different kinds of services, provisions and different rates. It is one problem to have a variety of rates but another is when these rates are so high as to give a competitive advantage to products from other countries. We lose out again in employment terms because we have not been able to have a more simplified system at a somewhat reduced rate. Perhaps it is not possible to have a single rate, but it should be possible to aim as speedily as possible at not having extraordinary high rates of VAT and we should have a more simplified system which would enable people, particularly those in small businesses, to manage these complexities without having to waste so much of their time, which is needed in developing their own businesses, expanding these enterprises and not being caught up in these more complex issues. Again, I would ask the Minister to look at this. He intimated he would look at it but it seems that this will be done sometime in the future. Nothing very concrete seems to be proposed here, and I would ask the Minister when replying to give some indication of his thinking on this problem.

I would like to refer to the agricultural scene. Over the past couple of years we have had a continual decline in Government support for agriculture — from just under £100 million a couple of years ago to £85 million last year and £75 million this year. I believe this year's allocation included provision for a revamped farm modernisation scheme. Very shortly after the reintroduction of the scaled down farm modernisation scheme in the earlier part of this year it became clear that more than half the provisions of that scheme could not be implemented because of an EEC directive. If that is the position, then not only has that scheme been a disaster but it looks as if the overall provisions for agriculture are substantially down on even the Minister's figures. I would ask him therefore to have another look at this in conjunction with his colleague, the Minister for Agriculture, to see if this scheme can be revamped and reintroduced not only because of its benefit to the farming community but because of its benefit to the many spin-off industries and services. In Wexford, Portlaoise and many other towns we have seen the results of the decline in farm development and the impact that can have on industries like Kelly's of Portlaoise.

I welcome the provisions in stock relief. I was very glad to hear the Minister refer to a very essential change which we will be considering in the context of the Land Leasing Bill. In my Second Stage contribution to that Bill I emphasised that changes would be made in stock relief, in particular where the lessee could be assured in the event of his lease terminating, that he would not be faced with the kind of clawback situation which would arise in the normal sense. There are other aspects which are not relevant here and therefore I will not discuss them. I was very glad to read in the Minister's Second Stage speech that he is now contemplating this change.

There is a further area in farm taxation which affects the farm modernisation scheme, that is the 30 per cent restriction on cattle allowances where a farmer carries out cattle development. This discriminates against farmers vis-á-vis other sectors of the community who can have 100 per cent depreciation for plant, and provisions of this kind. In the context of overall employment — and I am conscious of areas where the services in hardware, sand, gravel, cement and other developments which have been denied to the middle band of smaller and medium sized farmers — these kinds of restrictive provisions do nothing either to help agriculture or employment. As a public representative it is very difficult to have to say to a farmer with 20 or 25 cows that he cannot be aided, or if he is, that these kind of restrictions will be imposed, when he is living beside a farmer with a farm three or four times the size of his, who obtained all these benefits and grants without the same restrictions being imposed. I do not know how much money would be involved but it seems that the advantage to farm development and employment would more than outweigh the moneys which would be lost to the State as the result of the elimination of this scheme.

I also welcome the exemption from stamp duty of young trained farmers which was introduced a couple of years ago. This was a very welcome step and was a sincere attempt to deal with this situation in a fairly progressive way. The idea of the 100 hours course with increased emphasis on training for agriculture is, and should be, part and parcel of future policies. I am not saying that the extension for one year is better than a long-term commitment, because if it were considered on a long-term basis, that might outweigh the inherent advantages of the scheme.

Although it does not come within the ambit of this Bill I want again to put it on record that I would like to see a Minister of Finance come into this House with some proposals which would encourage the greater harnessing of our resources. We have referred, and people in the media have referred, to the scandal of food imports but each year all that happens is the amounts we pay for food imports increase. It will have to be brought home to all the people, to the Government and the different agencies that there is no reason in the world why with a disease-free environment and many other advantages for food production our present position should continue. On the shelves of our shops and supermarkets we have products which we should be in a better position to produce and sell competitively. If we make alterations in our tax system but do not take up the possibilities that exist, we will be failing to use our own resources at a time when they were never more desperately needed.

The sum of £100,000 which is being provided for the potato industry is small but it is a step in the right direction. The grading, presentation and production of the right varieties with the best tonnage possible from our land is just one area where progress can be made. I remember a few years ago when Cypriot potatoes were being imported and the housewives were paying twice the current rate for the Irish potato. They were prepared to admit that Irish potatoes were a match for the best in the world but because of the way they were graded and presented the housewives were prepared to buy an inferior but better presented product.

There is too much reliance on traditional products in the dairy sector and greater reliance will have to be placed on new products, but this is going to need funds. The farming community and the co-operatives, like any other group who have a vested interest in these developments, will obviously be called upon to pay their share, but we would expect the Government, in particular the Department of Agriculture to put their house in order and show a lead in introducing innovative thinking.

I would like to make a plea to the Minister for Industry, Trade, Commerce and Tourism. For far too long we have neglected the possibilities and underestimated the capacity of the tourist industry. As a community we have failed to develop the kind of civic spirit and attitude to our environment which would enhance, beautify and attract more people to this country. If we take the right decisions now, at some time in the future we may be able to look back on this as a time when we won for ourselves in a fairly competitive world market great opportunities for this industry. Tourism provides many thousands of jobs, but this industry has been struggling since 1969, when the serious troubles in the northern part of this country started. This industry has immense potential provided it is given the opportunity to develop and expand.

It may not be possible to make any radical reduction in the VAT rates and develop a more reasonable and simpler value-added system, but if and when such development is near its final preparation I would ask the Minister to provide possibilities for very low investment. We talk of agriculture when compared to industry and other areas as having a very low import input but we should be able to cater for our tourists by importing very little. These are the areas — the development of our resources, our harbours and seaside resorts, with the community playing a very substantial part in the uplifting, upgrading and presentation of their areas, people taking a pride in their community and a national spirit which is so necessary at the moment — which could help to revitalise and present Ireland as a country which was the envy of all. When dealing with agriculture I forgot to mention the many farmers who are suffering severe financial hardship. I ask the Minister to continue the interest subsidy schemes. Because of the difficulties which have arisen with regard to the super-levy and the fact that developmental schemes envisaged increased production on these farms so that they could be viable in the longer term and since this scheme has now been interrupted, the Minister should look at this again and incorporate whatever is necessary to ensure that these farms can be viable again.

In our fishing industry we have more or less the same problem. I was alarmed to learn that the repayments of up to three-quarters of our fishing fleet could be in arrears and that An Bord Iascaigh Mhara are planning the repossession of a number of fishing boats. Is there not something fundamentally wrong when we have not been able to develop this resource on a viable basis so that those engaged in it could get an income which would enable them to live and meet their commitments? This, too, requires fresh thinking and other infrastructural developments as well as aids towards processing on the boats or in the fishing ports. We need to be able to put more thought into research, development and marketing and if there is anything fundamentally wrong with our overall strategy in terms of how we harness our own resources it is that we have neglected to look at what the consumer wants and thought in traditional terms of producing, and continuing to produce what was available in the past ten, 20 or 30 years, without modernising or looking to consumer orientated Europe and the rest of the world.

I want to refer now to the problems affecting our local authorities and to ask the Minister, why, when our local authorities use outside contractors, the VAT level is 5 per cent, but when they use their own equipment the rate is more than four times greater. In North Tipperary, we would have paid the bulk of £1 million in VAT last year. I am not trying to argue for a simplified value-added tax system or for an exemption for groups of this kind, but I am suggesting that because of the desperate situation as far as funds are concerned, some cognisance be taken of this problem and some compensation made in respect of these additional burdens. We were told at a local authority meeting about a year ago that the proper cycle for resurfacing of our country roads was about seven to nine years; but the cycle under existing conditions from existing funds would be in the region of 23 years. Recently the county engineers told us that the 23 years cycle has now become a 36 years cycle which means that in the life time of many people living in a rural area their roads will not be repaired. We have a number of men working short time repairing roads that have been very badly damaged by increased axle weight. This is not under our control but nevertheless it is happening before our eyes.

In this year's Estimates the Minister for Finance provided £98 million for roads. That is less than is provided for CIE. There are staggering differences when one compares the freight and traffic on our roads to that being maintained by CIE, but we spend more on CIE than we do on our total road network which carries more than 90 per cent of our freight and passenger traffic. This gives food for thought. Before the end of this century, because of the increased axle weight on our roads and the many services required on a number of county roads, some Government are going to have to spend enormous amounts of money undoing the damage that is being done now. I do not think one can argue for further borrowing or for additional taxation to cope with this, but one is, and must be, obliged to say it is a serious problem and, even if it means taking funds from other sources, it must be obvious to everybody who gives this situation even a cursory glance that something exceptional will have to be done.

There are a number of other specific matters in this Bill which we can deal with on Committee Stage. In my view the Minister could have shown more imagination. He could have tried to cope with our problems, particularly the problem of unemployment, in a more intense and dramatic way. Most of his aims are understandable and laudable but they have to remain firm. If the balance between those and the present day needs of Irish society is not achieved fairly quickly — and I argue that that is not done in this Bill — the cost of solving the problems which we are creating will be unsustainable in the future.

I welcome the opportunity to make a few comments on the Finance Bill. As the Minister told us, the purpose of this Bill is to give effect to the budget provisions. The Minister and the Government are to be congratulated on the flexibility they have shown here, and the manner in which they have responded by introducing adjustments to certain budget provisions since the budget was introduced. This was in response to concern expressed by certain interests. This measure of flexibility is rarely seen. I also welcome what the Minister had to say in the concluding paragraph of his speech. He spoke of the need to move gradually towards a more separate and, at the same time, a more equitable system of taxation. He referred to the sheer complexity of the present system which is a barrier to efficient operation. He said that this is something to which he is giving close attention and is satisfied that substantial progress can be made on this issue on a gradual basis.

That is something we all welcome and I applaud the Minister's commitment but might I suggest that he have another look at the word "gradual"? Greater urgency brought to bear on the achievement of this point would benefit all concerned and for that reason I hope "gradual" will not be too gradual.

The taxation provisions contained in this Bill are measured by the need to create balance in the revenue and expenditure affairs of the State. We must recognise that they are necessary. Many of them have been the subject of criticism, because of the disastrous mismanagement of the economy in recent years, which has resulted, amongst other things, in high unemployment, high inflation, high taxation and low investment. As a nation, we have no option but to pay the price for the good times we enjoyed in the past and to pay for the years in which we were quite content to sacrifice the future for a good present. The duty of the Government, through their taxation policy, among other things is to create a climate for investment, and for the attraction of investment, leading to job creation. As both the Minister and Senator Smith have said, job creation must be the main preoccupation from now on. I am confident that the steps taken by the Minister and the Government to achieve balance in respect of revenue expenditure will bear fruit and will enable the Government to concentrate their entire energy and direction towards the object of increasing employment and reducing the unemployment numbers.

The aim of taxation policy must be in that direction both in the short and long term. I would like to join with the Minister, and I am impressed by the optimism he expressed, in anticipating progress in the next few years where employment is concerned. In that regard we should recognise and register the value we put on the progress that has been made in manufacturing output in the past year. There has been a remarkable success in that area. It is something we hope to see translated into more jobs in the not too distant future.

I am at one with the Minister in saying that our taxation policy must create a climate for investment. I welcome the provisions in that regard in the Finance Bill, for instance, the income tax relief of up to £25,000 for investment in new and existing trades and in manufacturing and some service areas. I welcome the fact that capital allowances which were due to expire on 31 March are being extended for a further period and I welcome, too, the Government's decision to ease the budget provisions with regard to certain categories of section 84 loans. Much more is needed but as anybody looking at the scene objectively must recognise, the availability of more sources is hampered by the need to bring Government finance into balance.

I wish to make a few comments on the general area of revenue expenditure and to put a particular emphasis on the need, because of the position we are in now, to ensure that value for money has the highest possible priority in determining the spending of funds at national level. Millions are being made available to semi-State companies, some of which would appear to have lost the will and the capacity to combine two essential things — one is to give an adequate service in the fields in which they operate and the second is to make a reasonable attempt to pay their way while doing so. I do not think I would be unreasonable in commenting on the binge of extravagance that many of these semi-State organisations have indulged in in recent years. They embarked on projects in which little value was placed on economic factors, which in many cases could be categorised as empire building and which were continued and could be continued in the knowledge that at the end of the day the taxpayer was there to pick up the tab. There was too much of that mentality. The curbs that are being introduced in regard to that activity are very welcome and I emphasise the need for them to be continued. I hope the Minister's and the Government's attitude to projects of this nature will be absolutely ruthless and that we have seen the end of that waste of public funds.

We are concerned with unemployment and in that context I wish to turn briefly to the performance of job-creating agencies in the State. Here again I emphasise the need to apply that doctrine of ensuring value for money where these agencies are concerned. There is a need in some agencies to reappraise and re-examine their performance and effectiveness. I wonder whether we have too many of them. In my own region, the mid-west, we have the IDA, SFADCo, the regional development organisations, county development teams and other bodies, all of which would appear to have basically the same aim but whose effectiveness may be lessened by reason of their overlapping. We have reached the stage when a serious and intense examination of their activities is required. Many of these bodies have performed well in the past but the great performances we can attribute to some of them can be attributed to the rising tide. The true test of their capacity and the true test of their achievement is where they have been, what they have been doing since the tide went out.

In relation to the area of the semi-State sector — the public service and semi-State bodies — performance and accountability for many years would appear to be something that did not apply with the same effectiveness and vigour as applied in the private sector. I have often felt that when some of these operations became non-viable and when redundancies occurred these redundancies occurred at the wrong end of the ladder. As a society we have failed to ensure that in regard to these public bodies, responsibility and accountability were of the extent and of the nature that were necessary.

The object of taxation policy, especially in terms of the need for job creation, must be towards the encouragement of investment. In industrial development there are many elements. There are taxation policies, incentives, grants and the question of taxation on profits. I should like to pick up a point that has been made here this afternoon and that is that somehow or other we have allowed ourselves to drift into a situation down through the years where we have put a tax on employment, where we have put a tax on the creation of jobs. That is represented in terms of PAYE, PRSI, income tax and so on. Where small businesses in particular are concerned this taxation on employment is a clear disincentive to the creation of jobs. That might not be totally correct but if it is not, I want to put it this way, that it is a clear incentive for the replacement of man or woman by machine. There is an urgent need to look at this situation very clearly, to see what can be done to rectify this tendency because down through the years we have drifted into that sort of a situation where the taxation on employment has brought about that incentive to replace the person with the machine.

I accept that wage costs together with taxation have been and are inhibiting factors in the creating of jobs. I accept and support the necessity for moderate wage claims but I also want to make the point that wage claims are not the sole and only factor in this whole area of competitiveness. There are other factors there we can talk about — energy, transportation, communications and so on — but there is one other matter that apparently escapes the scrutiny that we as a people apply to other aspects. That is the question of industry. I cannot understand how the present level of interest rates can be justified when inflation is at something like 10 per cent. The attitude of the financial institutions is that they are not going to be losers. I will go further and say that I question very seriously whether they are playing a genuine part in the economic revival that is necessary.

Again, in the field of taxation policy we must look in the years ahead to restoring the advantage in being gainfully employed. It appears that far too many people find they are better off unemployed, particularly if they can succeed on being on the fringe of the black economy. We must look at that situation. It can be approached in two different ways, by way of compulsion, that is by way of penalties and so on and by considering the question of incentives so that people who are able to operate on the fringe of the black economy while being unemployed and having access to social welfare payments will be encouraged to return to legitimate business.

I congratulate the Minister on his proposals in regard to tourism. He has shown his recognition of the potential value of this industry to the economy. There are three principal measures in this regard in the Bill which I welcome and which I expect will be a boost to the industry. There is the provision of £300,000 for extra promotional funds. There is the reduction from 21 to 18 per cent VAT on car hire, boats and caravans and there is another very valuable element or advantage being introduced also, that is the refund of VAT on gifts and souvenirs purchased by tourists. I advocated such a concession here some months ago, based on the system that operates in Sweden. However, fears have been expressed within the industry that the Revenue Commissioners will so complicate the payment of this refund as to reduce to some degree its value as a tourist attraction. Those fears may be groundless but I expect the Minister will avail of the opportunity of this debate to clarify the situation. I am one who believes firmly that our tourist industry has tremendous potential in terms of job creation, of assisting in our balance of payments situation and in terms of the revenue that can be generated from it. But I want to emphasise one or two points in relation to the industry.

In the sixties we had a successful tourist industry. We have very few natural advantages as a tourist country. We cannot guarantee sunshine though there are indications that our climate might he changing to give us that advantage. However, we have certain advantages. We have beautiful scenery, virtually uncluttered roads, our people are friendly and generally Ireland was good value for money. The Minister for Finance has just left and I am sure the Minister of State will convey to him certain observations that I am now going to make. In the past decade or so the difficulties in Northern Ireland have affected the tourist industry here but we have also succeeded in doing something else. We have succeeded in eliminating the advantage we had of Ireland being a cheaper place for a holiday and we did that by applying an ever-increasing volume of tax to those items that are essential to the tourist. I refer to petrol, food and to the drink that one likes to have when relaxing. For as long as we persist in having the highest rate of taxation in Europe on beer and spirits we are continuing disincentives to the creation of a successful tourist industry. I accept that the Government have been faced with this very difficult situation of bringing balance into the finances of the State but I earnestly suggest that these aspects of the tourist scene are matters that require serious consideration.

Senator Smith spoke about the local authority scene. I wish to refer to a statement attributed to Mr. Keenan, Chairman of the General Council of County Councils, which appeared in The Sunday Press of 13 May, to the effect that one county council will find it necessary to lay off workers for one week out of every four and that the people laid off will find, by virtue of reduced PAYE and by virtue of certain social welfare benefits, that at the end of the year they will be £500 better off. I have no objection to their being £500 better off but it is a disastrous system that permits such a situation to apply.

Hear, hear.

The total number of jobs in local authorities is about 35,000. Senator Smith spoke of a twinning between expenditure in local authorities and social welfare payments or something like £600 million between unemployment and benefit being paid out by the end of 1984. I do not believe it is beyond the capacity of the people in charge of affairs in this country, whether at Government level, Civil Service level or any other level, to devise a method by which this twinning can be achieved and by which part of that money can be productively applied within local authorities and in the achievement of environment projects.

From my experience as a local authority member I believe there is potential for an increase in the numbers employed by local authorities and that this can be achieved by utilising in an effective manner the financial resources that are already available.

I accept that the budget and the Finance Bill represent an honest attempt to deal with a particularly difficult situation but that situation represents a measure of what we have to pay for the good days we all enjoyed in the past. I am encouraged by the fact that the Minister in his address today was optimistic so far as unemployment is concerned and I accept his assurance of his intention to work towards creating that climate where we can bring about investment and job creation. In so far as the Finance Bill is a step on that road, I welcome and support it.

We know that the function of this Finance Bill is to give statutory effect to the budget proposals. We are discussing this Bill at a time when the confidence and morale of our people are at an all-time low. We are discussing it at a time when unemployment is at an all-time high. We are discussing it at a time when taxation, both direct and indirect, also is at an all-time high. We have reached the position of diminishing returns, when profit is considered by this Government as an ugly word, as a means of squeezing more for the Exchequer from the people who happen to make the profit and when savings are a thing of the past.

The Minister, in referring to the question of employment, said that the outlook is reasonably encouraging for the longer term provided we make proper use of our opportunities. He went on to say that it is right that the community should look to Government for direction on this issue, that there is much the Government can do, that the Government must provide the best possible environment and must encourage and attract employment projects. I would agree with him on all those matters but unfortunately the report which was published in all the papers last week was not as encouraging. I hope the Minister is right but we have now a responsible report. The biggest problem we have is the problem of unemployment. Many groups have come together, knowledgeable people who understand and appreciate the problems that exist, but unfortunately they have not come up with the answers. The Government are not sufficiently looking at or exploring the "Buy Irish" campaign. It is in this area that there must be real job opportunities for people. If our Government Ministers clearly spelled out at every opportunity that the "Buy Irish" campaign can create many more jobs we would be all better off. Therefore I would encourage efforts to improve the "Buy Irish" campaign.

If one examines the legislative programme of the Government in the past year, one finds that it has not been sufficiently strong in its endeavours in the area of employment. We have had many Bills that have been important up to a point but which in the national context have been of minor importance. We had had talk of the planning board, of a National Development corporation and in this House last week we had the Hours of Work Bill, which are all supposed to help create jobs but at the end of the day no jobs have been created. The Hours of Work Bill is a Bill that will have minimal effect. I would ask the Government to come up with clear, defined, immediate policies that will create jobs for our young people.

We have in the Finance Bill elements of human misery. The tackling of the budget deficit could be done with less of this human misery. I do not believe that the problems of reducing the budget deficit and creating employment are opposite objectives. If properly handled and tackled they could go hand in hand. This would mean shorter dole queues, fewer social welfare payments and more to the Exchequer in terms of PRSI and PAYE. The area of social welfare is an example of where the human misery arises. The Social Welfare Act of last year was a national disgrace. It was the cause of one member of the Labour Party taking positive action. He resigned from the party. This year's Bill was somewhat better but nonetheless on examining it we found there was misery there for our people. We found that all the allowances and all the give-outs were delayed. We found that the family income supplement will not come into effect until November. In this Bill the good points for the people were delayed for as long as possible and the levies and so on were implemented almost immediately.

In the area of social welfare and in the whole area of health we find nothing but cutbacks, human misery and generally problems for the people who find themselves in receipt of social welfare or who are in need of hospitalisation or health care. When one examines the health boards we find that almost every one of them has had a cutback. My own health board — the Midland Health Board — has had a cutback of over £2 million. We know this is going to lead to job losses so where is the incentive for job creation? The same goes for the Southern Health Board which has had a shorfall of £2.1 million. The North-Eastern Health Board has a shortfall of over £2 million. Patient care and services will suffer and suffer greatly. This whole area is one that should be of concern to us all and it is one in which cutbacks should be treated in a very delicate way.

With regard to the health scene and hospitalisation generally in Dublin, an extension to a cardiac unit at the Mater Hospital in Dublin was promised. That has run into financial problems. Yet it is a well known fact that people are dying because of lack of facilities for open heart surgery.

Senator Howard referred to tourism, a very vital area to our economy. I take a week's annual holiday and I tend to spend it in Ireland. Last year I spent a week in Kerry in beautiful weather. It was as good as any place in the world to spend a week. Assuming that we have the fine weather that we had last year Ireland should be a mecca for holiday makers. They should come from every country in the world to us because we would then have the weather, scenery and good food — alas, good food at a price, because of taxes, because of hotel prices. Petrol and drink are taxed through the roof. These are clearly reasons why people from other countries do not come and enjoy a stay here. A full investigation should be carried out in this area of Government and we should make more money available to the Exchequer for the promotion of tourism.

There are some section of the Bill to which I would like to refer. In Part IV of the Bill we have references to levies and taxes. There is a 3 per cent levy on insurance policies, 1 per cent of which is a levy on the insurance companies — an unfair levy in many ways. It has nothing to do have an underwriting loss they still must pay it. It is a levy on their turnover. They could have a loss of £50 million and yet have to pay their levy of 1 per cent. There is also a levy of 2 per cent for the compensation fund for the PMPA, which is most unfair. I hope the Minister will take note that this should not increase. You find old grannies with a small fire policy who never had a car in their lives being asked to pay 2 per cent on their premiums to bolster up the fund and have it there as a compensation fund if something goes wrong with the PMPA. This is unfair and my hope is that it will not continue for much longer, and certainly that it will not increase.

Sections 76 and 77 contain two aspects of the Bill which caused quite a good deal of controversy. Two Deputies referred to the question of taxation and their attitude to it. I do not wish to comment on the morality of it but everybody knows that tax is not being paid on the big bets. I am not talking about the man who would wager £1 each way or £2 each way or £5 on the Grand National. He pays his tax first as you or I or anybody else but it must be well known that the large punter rarely pays the appropriate tax. If a review was carried out in this area and if the bookmaking association gave positive and real guarantees to the Minister that on a reduction of the tax from 20 per cent to, say, 10 per cent, every bet struck would carry the duty, then it would be extra money to the Exchequer. I would call for a review of this system. I sincerely believe it would be beneficial to the Exchequer and it would be a cleaner and a better way right across the board. The whole area certainly needs examination.

The VAT of 8 per cent on clothing is generally going to hit what is known as the rag trade in a big way. In fact, people in the retail drapery and hosiery line have told me that it is hitting their sales already. This is going to hit the poor. In large families the children must be clothed, whether they are ten, 12 or whatever, and the 8 per cent is adding to the human misery to which I referred.

Regarding the whole area of taxation, I would like to ask the Government when will they restore the respect and dignity of the individual who provides for himself and pays his way, that is outside the realms of State bureaucracy? People who are doing this are caught in every pocket and are taxed to the last and this is unfair. When we talk of this Finance Bill the target must surely be the encouragement of productive industry, giving adequate employment and operating in a competitive environment. In this way we could have an adequate support system for the less well off and money with real purchasing power. This would be a prosperous alternative to the whirlwind suicide in this Finance Bill.

Generally, when Senators are discussing the Finance Bill they try to come to grips with the complexity and the intricacies of high finance. It is only at this stage of the Bill that we have an opportunity to make a general contribution about the overall financial situation of the country, what the Government of the day are trying to do about it and what each one of us feels the Government should be doing. If we judge the performance of any particular Government on the realities of the day, then we will be judged by the electorate to have been successful in our budgets or our Finance Bills or we will have been unsuccessful.

It was rather to listen to the Taoiseach yesterday talking about the amount of money that is going out of the country, this year alone something like £680 million, to service debts that have been incurred by Governments over the past ten years. What would that mean to the economy of this country if we had it available to us to generate employment, to stimulate the public sector, to be able to ensure that a proper public service was available for people who are unable to provide this service for themselves? One does not need to be an economist to realise that the impact on this country would be immense. We would have a major reduction in our unemployment figures and indeed the various Departments — including the Department of the Minister of State — would not be faced with the dilemma of trying to make the best possible use of the money that is available to each Department in a particular year, taking into consideration what we can generate by way of taxation, earned income, taxation from the private sector and borrowed money.

The private sector have reminded us fairly consistently that they do not consider it their function to provide employment, that the function of the private sector, in their opinion, is to create profits. If that is the only motive with which people go into business, then the amount of employment this country can depend on from the private sector is quite limited. That is what puts such strains on a small economy such as ours, an open economy. As a member of the European Community with no special benefits, particularly for our industry, we are faced with the dilemma that there are tremendous demands made on the public sector. Those of us in my party have always advocated, and still advocate, a very strong public sector involvement in the economy of this country. We do so in the knowledge and belief that any Government worthy of being called socially minded must have regard, not alone to the economics of the public sector, but the actual social impact that they can have on our people. This would depend to a large degree on the service that is provided and much of which can never be provided on a profit-making basis.

For this reason, a strong vibrant public sector is important to us. The National Development Corporation, to which we have aspired for many years, was outlined in detail by our party leader and Tánaiste recently at our annual conference. We in the Labour movement depend on the philosophy of the National Development Corporation to evolve a strategy of stimulating production in the private and the public sectors. Both could run with one another and, in fact, act in conjunction with one another and assist one another. If that philosophy is thought through and if there is sufficient commitment on behalf of the Government to put up sufficient share capital to make it function, it could make a major contribution to eliminate the curse of our nation at the moment, that is the curse of unemployment.

While we have high rates of unemployment major demands will be made on the public sector, particularly in the areas of health services and social welfare services, on which many of our people have to depend in times of economic restrictions. It is because of this demand that there is a crying need to broaden the tax net, to broaden it to such an extent that people who are in the PAYE, PRSI and industrial sectors who contribute a share to the coffers of the nation, will perceive that there is some equity coming into the tax system for the first time in many years. For too long, too many people were able, by way of expert advice and otherwise, and through loopholes in existing tax measures, to escape the contribution that they should morally and legally have been making to the Exchequer for many years.

This Government have shown a lot of courage in the past 12 months. In last years' Finance Act they brought a whole new segment of the private sector into the tax paying area. I believe that it is only in this year, from 5 April onwards, that the benefit from some of that will, in fact, accrue to the Exchequer. When that is perceived by people to be happening, it will be accepted by those who have been taxed to the hilt. Those who have employment and are fortunate to have employment, feel that they have contributed more than their fair share to the Government and the running of the State.

There is a need to continue this trend towards tax equity. We have made a minor step in this year's Finance Bill. We have relieved some of the less well-off sections from the payment of the employment levy. We have also removed quite a number of people from the tax code by increasing their tax allowances. As the Commission on Taxation have said, you can only have a fair tax system if there are more people in the tax net, and that is the contribution this Government want to make, to ensure that there is equity and that equity is seen to be there.

It is perceived, wrongly or otherwise, by people that there are large, uncollected pots of gold around the country. I have heard various figures mentioned from £1,200 million down to £300 million. It is quite obvious that there is still a sizeable amount of money due to the Exchequer which should have been paid in a long time ago but because of the procedures of appeal and otherwise these people seemed to have escaped the net. I was glad to read recently in a statement from the Minister for Finance that he has taken positive steps towards ensuring that the people who have been avoiding paying their fair share will eventually be caught in the trap of having to pay a contribution to the running of this country.

The Minister has placed a lot of emphasis on the report of the National Planning Board. While I feel there are elements in that report which are certainly worthy of consideration, there is much in it that I would have the gravest reservations about, unless a major effort is made to broaden the tax net. If everybody in this country is paying his or her fair share, based on ability to pay, then certainly we can look at some of the anomalies that the National Planning Board have mentioned for consideration by the Government. The Commission on Taxation, in both of their reports, have come up with some very good ideas that could be implemented by a Government, but only if they broaden the tax net as widely as possible.

There are whole areas of the economy where assistance is required. We are faced, as public representatives, with the dilemma of trying to respond to legitimate requests from people throughout the country, whether they are in agriculture, tourism, forestry or in any other area, but particularly in the public sector. If we are to respond positively to them with additional funds to stimulate what they are doing, the only way it can be done is by increasing the tax base from which we can collect the money to assist parts of industry that need assistance.

Over the past 12 months the Minister has shown some concern particularly in the areas of risk capital to stimulate productive investment and in the reduction of VAT in regard to tourism. All these are important stimuli. Where we know there is potential for development the Government have a responsibility to respond positively to it and to ensure that money is available. That brings us to the problem of where the money is to come from. Everybody objects to paying any more tax. Everybody objects to being brought into the tax net. Foreign bankers object to us looking for further assistance from abroad. We are then accused of just balancing the books without considering the implications. If one is realistic and looks at the dilemma with which we are faced we can certainly realise the problems in a small country which is so dependent on much of our native industry which is not producing at its maximum because of inflation problems we had, running in the double figure bracket. Thankfully it is down to something like 10 per cent now and I hope it will continue to fall. While that kind of inflationary figure was there, there was certainly no incentive for further investment, particularly in agriculture.

Agriculture is one of our most important industries. A plan has been formulated and put before the Minister for Agriculture. I hope the Minister for Agriculture will have consultations with the Minister for Finance because there are proposals within that plan which could stimulate agricultural production, increase output and increase employment, maybe not directly in agriculture itself but in the industries servicing agriculture and in our food processing industry which has been totally under-utilised and under-developed.

I am concerned about proposals that have emanated from the management of some of our public State bodies like Bord na Móna and the ESB. Recently we saw proposals from Irish Shipping which makes us wonder about the calibre of management in these areas of the public service. I will always defend the public service as being a necessary part of our economy and something which the Labour Party upholds, but I do not think any of us would hold a brief for any management that are guilty of negligence in this area. That has been proved in the case of Irish Shipping. We dealt with it in a recent Bill and I will not go over the area again, but now we are faced with the dilemma that proposals are emanating from a body like Bord na Móna who are an efficient and have been looked upon as an efficient semi-State body for many, many years who use the natural product of our soil for their products. Their products cannot be over-produced.

There is a crying demand in areas like my own and that of the Minister of State for the Bord na Móna product. Last year they made tremendous profits which were publicly declared recently. Still there are proposals from them to curtail the work force in the new factory which was opened recently in Littleton, a factory that cannot produce enough. The board are almost offering to buy the jobs of people in that industry. That is unfair. That is not the way to progress as a semi-State body and it is questionable whether any job is for sale because if somebody loses a job or becomes redundant that does not necessarily mean that that job will never be offered to anybody else in the future. It is important that we state exactly what we mean by rationalisation and what we mean when we say that there is work for people and instead of putting them on social welfare that they can be usefully employed in productive and economically viable operations.

That brings us immediately to the area of the financing of local authorities with which the Minister of State is very conversant, being himself a member of a local authority. We find that local authorities are now almost totally dependent — 66 or 70 per cent — on central Government to finance their enterprises which means that the financing of local authorities is now in such a state of collapse that something positive would need to be done as soon as possible. That means that somehow property owners, whether they are house owners or land owners, will have to come to grips with the fact that if they want local democracy to remain and have a voice which represents them at local level, and if funds are to be available to carry out the work they demand of us as their public representatives, they must, in fact, be able to face up to contributing to that system.

There is no better system than local government and it can produce and deliver a service at local level that no central Government could ever possibly do. If it did, the dead hand of bureaucracy would be on it and it would direct councils to do specific work in line with grants that were made available from central funds. That is not the way local authorities want to develop. That certainly is not what we want in rationalisation for local authorities. I hope that when the Minister for Finance and the Minister for the Environment get their heads together and consult with local representatives they will see how we feel about how local authorities should be financed to be able to carry out the very valuable and necessary work we all feel they should be doing.

There is much talk about people on unemployment assistance and that it would be more beneficial to have them at work, particularly as there is productive work and work that local authorities could have more people doing. The Minister for Labour, a colleague of our own, Deputy Quinn, has, in fact, spoken publicly on this subject recently. No doubt it is an area that will be discussed at length within the trade union movement and by agreement with them because we must realise that a social welfare fund is an insurance fund to which people who were in employment contributed and no other Department has the right to pilfer that fund without some arrangements being made to ensure that if there is somebody who is ill or unable to work or loses his or her job that the fund they contributed to is still available to cushion them during that traumatic period.

That is the philosophy of the social welfare code and that is what it is about. It is not money that is held by the Government in one Department to transfer to another. The principle of it is very good and the philosophy of it is very good but how you can actually do it in practice without impinging on the rights of social welfare recipients is another question. Certainly our party have shown a lot of courage in Government and have actually put in sections in previous Finance Bills and Social Welfare Bills to ensure that there was not a disincentive to be employed, that there were incentives for people to go out and work and that they would not receive more by being at home or on a shorter working week. We have shown courage in that and it has cost us dearly to show that courage. I hope the public will realise that we have been courageous, particularly in that area which is very sensitive for a small party like ours which receives an average of 10 per cent of the votes and gets 95 per cent of the blame for everything that goes wrong. We have shown some courage on the principle that it is appropriate that people are happier at work. The experience of those of us in public life is that people genuinely want to work. There might be 40,000 or 50,000 genuinely unemployable people in the country. Apart from them, the majority of people want to work. What worries us is the number of people who involve themselves in the black economy. They can only do that by the assistance of employers. If employers lend themselves to that, by employing people that they know are signing on, they are doing an injustice to themselves, to the employee, to the social welfare code and to the country as a whole which has a responsibility and puts a very considerable amount of money into this area.

The same thing could apply to health. It is important for us to maintain a decent health service. Health boards have been set up. I am a member of a health board. I know the colossal amount of money that health boards are costing this country and they are costing it because of the escalated demand for the service. All of us are succumbing to that demand by trying to deliver at every crossroads a general regional hospital, which is impossible to do if we come to grips with it.

It is important to be able to deliver, at community care level, a decent level of health service which does not cost the colossal amount that institutional care costs, whether it be in acute hospitals, geriatric hospitals, psychiatric hospitals, surgical hospitals or any other type of hospital. That is expensive, and it is still necessary that we should be able to satisfy that demand in a rational way.

I hear from all over the country about major cutbacks in the health service and still when we look at the estimates and go through them page by page we find that there are economies that can be effected in the health service without interfering with the health service. As members of health boards we have that responsibility. Having gone through that exercise, if in the final analysis there is a balance that cannot be achieved by economies without interfering with the health service, then we have a responsibility to tell the Minister that. To refer to them as cutbacks is unfair on the basis that they are a readjustment of what we looked for. If every health board and every county council and town commissioner incorporated in Ireland and every Department in the Government all got the money that they wanted this country would be broke overnight because it could not match the demands that people perceive are their right because they pay a certain amount in PAYE or PRSI.

I was pleased that in the Finance Bill this year efforts were made to ensure that there would be as little tax avoidance as possible — I have referred to the efforts the Minister has made to collect some of the outstanding tax from private individuals and people in the private sector, particularly in regard to bond washing. It was an extraordinary reaction from a section of the community that had obviously been moving large sums of money around various institutions which was referred to afterwards as bond washing in which nobody benefited. There was not one extra job created by it. Many people made additional money by it through Government gilt edge securities, which is highly questionable. I am glad that something specific has been done about it.

Section 84 was another contentious one, and I am glad that the Government had a rethink on how section 84 was used. The banking institutions are the major beneficiaries under section 84, but they have passed on some of the benefits to other enterprises, particularly in the co-operative and agricultural processing and exporting industry. Because the banks benefited and because many jobs were at stake it was important to have another look at section 84.

I still feel that the principle of section 84 as an instrument to aid that industry is questionable in how it is operated, and I hope the Government and the Minister will look again at this section, and if these other areas like co-operative movement and the agricultural processing industry need assistance by way of cheaper financing, the Government should be seen and perceived to be doing it directly and not allowing another section to avail of a loophole to be able to create that advantage for one sector and also the advantage for themselves.

These are important, because when the ordinary worker pays his tax before he gets his pay if he feels that there are large sections of the community getting away with large amounts of money in unpaid taxes, then we are heading for a situation where people will be most unhappy. People in employment will become disillusioned and feel that it is more important to be unemployed than actually to make an effort gainfully to employ themselves and be of benefit to industry as a whole. We have made some progress and that is some consolation to us. I would ask the Minister to continue to make progress towards tax equity and broadening the tax net.

We in Labour have advocated differently from the other two main parties who suggested a budget deficit of about £750 million. We have said that is too low and that the public sector that we all subscribe to, and the services that we all look for, would be in jeopardy if that figure was achieved or was adhered to. We have managed to push that up to between £900 million and £1,000 million. That is probably the limit that it must be allowed to reach without again resorting to indiscriminate borrowing for non-productive purposes that happened in the past, to which the Taoiseach referred yesterday. If we draw the line between what is necessary for the country and a position that will not be too deflationary we will have achieved something by being in Government as a small party. We have proved that we have made a contribution in this area. The country in the long term will attribute some credit to us, because in the short-term the people certainly have.

In this Government's life span we will have made a major input in this area of the budget deficit which affects each and every one of us in our daily lives. If you talk about budget deficits to the man in the street he does not understand it. What it means is that if you have it too close to what was looked for by other parties you will have a curtailment of the public services that people demand and feel they are entitled to. We aspire to a stimulation of the public sector. We hope the National Development Corporation will be able to do this, and if that takes place within the lifetime of this Government I can see a major impact being made on the tragic unemployment figures that we now have that seem to have eased a little, not as much as we would like. I hope that this trend will continue. In Europe they seem also to have been afflicted with the same problem of unemployment. There are 13 million people unemployed in Europe, and we have twice as many as what is acceptable to us in this country. If we can make an impact on that and maintain the services that we give to people we will have made a contribution to this Government.

We are looking at this Finance Bill probably against the background of the worst economic crisis that the country has ever felt, and no matter where we look we do not see, as a result of this Finance Bill or the budget of this year, any hope of getting out of the crisis that we are in. We see a rise in unemployment at a time of year in which we would normally see a decrease. We see in this Bill an increase in taxation overall. We have seen a drop in take home pay and a continuing drop in consumption. We have the decimation of traditional industries like the motor industry, and the construction industry is now totally on its knees. We have seen a total lack of incentive to anybody, even though this Bill devotes many of its pages to the £25,000 reinvestment programme which is couched in a language which would make it virtually impossible for anybody to get benefit from it and which is only being given to the manufacturing sector. In the last few days there has been a change in that, and certain parts of the service sector will benefit. The service sector which the Minister was talking about is what would be called external services and not the service sector as we would see it in Ireland, which has never got anything from any Government and which today is getting nothing from the Government and which has a lesser drop in numbers employed than in the sectors which have got massive State grants throughout the years. We have been told that this Finance Bill is coming to us in the face of world-wide recession, but if one looks at the figures for investment throughout the world investment is rising, employment is rising and there is a feeling everywhere except here that the recession is on the wane.

We have heard much from Senator Ferris about the public sector and our hopes for it. He did not mention at all the fact that the private sector is in need of help to a far greater extent as can be seen from the amount of money that is being spent on current rather than on capital expenditure this year. The only benefit that can come from Government spending generally will be from the capital expenditure programme. It will be seen from figures I have here that the capital expenditure programme for the first four months of this year has fallen asunder, that there is a major drop in capital expenditure. I totally agree with the Minister's opening remarks concerning the changes that have been made which affect all of us in our daily lives. In his opening speech in the other House the Minister referred to the fundamental necessity to restore order to the public finances. He referred to the first quarter Exchequer returns and suggested that the trends in revenue and expenditure were broadly in line with the budget projections. Even though it was much too early to draw conclusions, he said the monitoring systems would identify any adverse trends immediately.

I presume that the monitoring services are working overtime at present, because from the time figures came out recently there have been further drops which would tend to show that we are in for problems later on this year. The current revenue for the first quarter was £1,290 million which represented a 14.3 per cent increase over last year as against a budget forecast of 13.6 per cent. The current expenditure was £1,790 million, an increase of 10.3 per cent as against the 11.4 per cent budget forecast. The budget deficit was £429 million as against £430 million last year, or a drop of 0.4 per cent. It could be considered from these figures that since the first quarter returns were broadly in line with the Government's projection the budget has given us hope for improvement in the nation's finances. But we must analyse these figures further. Any analysis, in my opinion, would give the lie to this hope.

It has to be pointed out that there were tax increases during 1982 and 1983. The only tax increase that we can see at this stage for 1984 is the 8 per cent which is to be levied on clothing. If we take the figures for the first quarter, the proportion of annual deficits occurring in the first quarter has been from the order of 4.8 per cent in 1980, to 24.9 per cent in 1981, to 39.9 per cent in 1982, to 44.4 per cent in 1983 and 44 per cent in 1984. If we take the 44 per cent this year and the 44.3 per cent last year, were it not for the fact that there were taxes imposed in 1983, we will note that during the year there was an increase in VAT of from 18 per cent to 23 per cent, which helped in the latter part of the year to bring the finances of the State into order.

My reading of the figures for the first quarter would indicate that because the figure given by the Minister is £16.5 million from the 8 per cent imposition of VAT on clothing, we will have a mini-budget. I do not think we can avoid a mini-budget towards the end of this year — the way the figures are going it may not be towards the end of the year but sooner rather than later. I sincerely hope it will not be necessary for the Minister to introduce any further taxes on what is an already totally over-burdened taxpaying community, but the signs are ominous. The 21 per cent increase in VAT returns is extremely disappointing, being £40 million to £50 million short of budget expectations when one takes inflation and volume into account.

One of the most worrying aspects of the figures for the first quarter was the capital expenditure return which showed a drop from £236 million in 1983 to £212 million in 1984, giving a drop of 10.2 per cent as against the budget forecast of plus 14.5 per cent. We have had a huge increase in capital receipts which gave a drop in capital borrowings of 24.9 per cent. Apparently the huge increase in capital receipts in the first quarter was because certain big payments came in from the EEC during the first quarter and therefore capital borrowing dropped by a substantial amount.

It would appear from these figures that the Government seem to be setting off a projected budget deficit against the huge drop in capital borrowing. This may seem a clever ploy in the short term balancing of books, but of course the long-term implications do not bear thinking about. We have seen over the past few years a dropping off in capital infrastructure expenditure. The results of these cutbacks can be seen in the ever deteriorating standards of our roads, of the slowing down in rural Ireland of essential water and sewerage works and in the slowing down of the marvellous housing, both private and public, programmes which had been a highlight of the preceding decade.

In his Second Stage speech in the Dáil the Minister stressed that "the encouragement of more employment is the top priority of the Government". We are now well into the second quarter of the current year and I can safely say that not one extra job has been created as a result of the budget. When one looks at the unemployment figures it would seem that as a result of the budget jobs are being lost. One of the reasons why jobs have not been created is that the capital spending programme has been slowed down and we have not seen the seasonal adjustment in employment in the building and allied trades. This is to be quite plainly seen in the changes in cement sales up to March of this year which showed a drop of 10 per cent in the previous six months whereas we had approximately a 2.4 per cent increase at this stage last year.

We have seen a virtual annihilation of the motor industry, where the latest figures would indicate a 38 per cent drop in sales over the past 12 months. When one looks at these figures one realises that the base from which they were starting 12 months ago was way down on the base for the previous year. Last year for the first time ever the Northern Ireland motor trade sold more cars in Northern Ireland than we did here. It looks as if double the number of cars will be sold in Northern Ireland this year than in the Republic. This is a direct result of the extra taxation. Unless something is done nobody will be able to buy a car in Ireland because there will be no motor trade in Ireland. People will have to go across the water to purchase their cars.

We have seen the latest report from the beef trade that the number of registered hauliers registered to transport refrigerated containers out of Ireland has dropped by 51 per cent in Ireland over the last two years. It would appear from their figures that hauliers will have to be invited into this State from outside to haul out our exports. We saw earlier in the year, because of the cost of keeping vehicles on the road, a huge fleet of Bulgarian trucks coming through here and taking the trade away from Irish people. There is absolutely nothing that we can do to stop people from inside the EEC doing that, but surely we must act faster when people like the Bulgarians come in. When one looks at the reasons why the refrigerated containers are not on the road, one can see the enormous taxation that has to be carried by vehicle owners. Their vehicles will cost double what they would cost in Great Britain and a little more than double what they would cost on the Continent. The road tax is twice as high; the cost of spares is 33 per cent higher than in England. They are driving on roads which are not fit for these trucks to drive on. They have the imposition of standards from Europe which they would adhere to if they were given the proper conditions.

At the annual general meeting of the Licensed Road Hauliers last week in Kilkenny this was the first industry that stated categorically that they would put up the money for enforcement of the law. We are gone to a queer state in this country when there is no law enforcement, generally speaking, to keep cowboys away from legitimate businesses, when a trade would have to put up the money to monitor themselves to see they were keeping the law.

When the budget was introduced in February it was considered to be a neutral budget, but as the year is progressing we are seeing it as a budget which has neutered the progress of industry, which has not given to young people the hope for the future which is their right. It has not been forward-looking enough in its approach to taxation reform to give anyone the impression that anything else but window-dressing has been going on, while one listens to continuous calls for reform from Government Ministers.

The 1981 Fine Gael manifesto contained a provision for a system of tax credits. This has now faded into the wilderness. We have seen the proposals of the Commission on Taxation despatched into limbo. There is no doubt that a number of methods of simplifying the tax system which were contained in that document would have been useful, but we do not see any hurry on the part of the Government to implement any of these simplified tax systems. We recently saw the report of the National Planning Board and we hope the Minister will bring forward a Green Paper on taxation reform based on the two excellent reports from the Commission on Taxation and this follow-up document from the National Planning Board.

During 1983 the Irish economy showed practically no growth. The rise in industrial production was not at all sufficient to offset the fall in the construction and services sectors. One must compliment workers and management in Irish industry for their excellent performance in the last 12 months in difficult times. When one looks at the production statistics in the industrial manufacturing sector here one can see that they are higher than those in 90 per cent of countries throughout the world which in the public eye have a better industrial image. This is the one bright spot that we have, that Irish workers, given the proper conditions, can produce goods which are of quality and can stand up to anything else in the world. They do not get enough credit for producing in this way.

In many cases there is total disincentive for them to stay in employment when one considers that most married people on short time, because of the system of unemployment benefits and tax refunds, find that it is better for them to be on short time than to be working, because at the end of the year the only taxable income they have is the income they get from their place of employment and what they get from short time unemployment benefit is not added on to their taxable income. It is the only system in the world whereby people can earn money which is not taxable — and, of course, in the weeks in which they are not working, they also get their tax back. People are better off being on short time. It is very hard for Irish manufacturers who see their order books increasing to try and get back workers who have been placed on short time because of earlier economic problems. Who can blame a worker for being reluctant to go back to work where he will have a drop in income? People would have to be mad not to use the system as it has been devised.

We have seen over the years a drop in consumer spending. As yet, there is no sign of recovery in this area. This is a continuing sign of the depression abroad.

It is peculiar to hear the Minister talk about the need for tax reform and to hear Senator Ferris talk about redistribution of wealth and tax reform. The personal taxation proposals in the Bill increase the level of taxation for the average working man and mean a drop in his real income. The changes in the personal allowance and the abolition of the 25 per cent band favour those on higher incomes. The Labour members of Government have stated that people on lower incomes are helped but when one analyses the figures it is the people on higher incomes who are benefiting. The extra tax free allowances are worth more at higher income level.

We will see on average a drop in real living standards this year as a result of the budget: for a single man, around 2 per cent, for a married man, 1.3 per cent and for a married man with three children, there will be a drop of some 1.4 per cent. This is the fourth year in succession in which real take home earnings will have dropped. Average and marginal tax rates remain at very high levels. A single person on average male earnings in 1984 is now faced with a 63.5 per cent marginal tax rate.

There is no comfort in the budget for employers or employees. You have on the one hand the fall in take home pay and we have seen taxation increase unit labour costs. The average working man is now working 2.5 days per week for the State. A certain Minister said some time ago that everybody should work one day for the State. Under this taxation system, hardened by the budget, he is working 2.5 days per week for the State. We must reform personal taxation. We have seen increases in untaxed social welfare income and a closing of the gap in income levels from work as against income from unemployment.

The National Planning Board document states that the tax base is too narrow, that tax rates cannot be further increased and that public expenditure is too high. We have heard all these things before. This is what that whole document is about. There has to be a will from the Government to ensure that there will be reforms, not alone in taxation levels but in the broadening of the base.

We have heard much throughout the year at local authority level about the need for people to subscribe to local plans. We have been told that the local authorities have now got the power to impose charges. What happened is that a Labour Minister gave the county managers the right to impose extra charges. There is a big difference between giving to the county manager the power to impose charges and giving to local authorities the amount of money that is needed to run their business. We have seen, because of the inequities within the State taxation system, that local authorities are not at all getting their fair share of the moneys that are available. The proportion of moneys which now comes from central Government is 70 per cent as against 30 per cent from local sources. In the past that position was reversed.

Debate adjourned.
Sitting suspended at 5.30 p.m. and resumed at 6.30 p.m.
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