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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 16 May 1990

Vol. 124 No. 18

Larceny Bill, 1989: Motion to Recommit.

I move:

That the Larceny Bill, 1989, be recommitted in respect of the new section inserted by amendment No. 1 on Report, section 3, amendment No. 2 and related amendment No. 3.

The primary purpose of this motion is to put right the unsatisfactory state in which the Larceny Bill was left after the two contradictory votes last week on amendment No. 2. The outcome of that is that as things now stand the Seanad has decided to delete words from the Bill but has also decided not to replace them. We, therefore, have an incomplete sentence in the Bill which, if let stand, would have to be disapproved of by the Dáil. It would then be necessary to return the Bill to the Seanad in order to take appropriate action. In other words, the Bill has been left by the proceedings of last week in a clearly defective state and recommittal is necessary to give the Seanad an opportunity to correct the situation. It will also facilitate the early enactment of this important Bill on the principle of which all sides of both Houses have declared their agreement.

Amendment No. 3 was grouped for discussion with amendment No. 2 on Report Stage last week because the subject matter of both amendments is closely related. It would be unreasonable, therefore, to recommit amendment No. 2 and not at the same time permit the discussion on amendment No. 3 to be re-opened. That is why the motion to recommit includes amendment No. 3 as well.

The recommittal procedure also gives the House an opportunity to reconsider its decision on amendment No. 1, the effect of which would be to decriminalise a form of blackmail. Having had an opportunity to reflect on the effect of amendment No. 1 the House will welcome the opportunity to reconsider its decision.

Standing Order 91 provides for the Leader of the House to propose the motion and make an explanatory statement. He has done that. It also provides for opposing Senators to make their contributions. I am anxious that that will occur and that the various groups will have their representatives speak in opposition to the motion rather than having everybody contribute. If we take the latter formula, we are not going to make any progress.

On a point of order, we have started off the business of the House on the basis of trying to attempt agreement. I accept your entitlement to rule on this matter. I have studied the Standing Order carefully. There is no intention on this side of the House to lengthen this more than is necessary. I have no intention of speaking on the motion but I believe that we should allow the debate to proceed without ruling that there will be only one from each group. It would be regressive and I appeal to you to delay making that decision. Is it necessary to make that ruling at this point? I appeal that you would let this thing simply take its course and perhaps rule if you feel it necessary in a while.

I have no objection if the House feels that a reasonable amount of time be given to it. If we are going to get to the point where everybody is going to speak and speak at length then I do not think that is in the best interests of our business. It is with that in mind and the wish to avoid that that I feel if I get the support of the House it will not be necessary to make the ruling.

The situation, as I understand it, is that we are back to the end of the Committee Stage of the Bill with the relevant motions and not the Committee Stage as a whole. Having regard to that and the procedure that obtains on Committee Stage where a person can speak more than once, if it was agreeable to the House I would see nothing wrong with having one representative provided he was not confined to speaking only once.

If the motion is carried and it goes back to Committee Stage, Members can speak more than once. If it is not and we are left with Report Stage, Members are confined to speaking once. Hopefully, I have agreement on this and that those Senators who are contributing will be brief and to the point. I call Senator Manning.

On a point of order, I want to question whether under Standing Orders we are permitted to bring in a motion in the form that it is being brought in. I refer specifically to Standing Order No. 25 which says:

Motions and amendments, save such as are allowed by these Standing Orders to be proposed without notice, shall be in writing, signed by a Senator as proposer and another Senator as seconder. Motions and amendments may not be moved on a day unless they shall have reached the Clerk not later than 11 a.m. on the fourth preceding day in the case of motions and not later than 11 a.m. on the second preceding day in the case of amendments.

The Standing Order that covers the motion as proposed by the Leader of the House states that such a proposal to recommit may be made at any time during consideration of the Bill.

Yes. It says that at any time during the consideration of the Bill on the Report and we are not at the present time considering the Bill.

We are. The Report Stage is being resumed. We terminated the business on this Bill last week on Report Stage; it is being resumed and it is on that stage that the motion has been proposed by the Leader of the House. It is going to be a matter for the House to decide whether they allow the recommittal motion to go through. I am not prepared to allow the type of discussion being engaged in at this time.

What this House needs like a hole in the head at the moment is a wrangle on procedure. As an indication of our goodwill in this matter and our desire to see the business of the House, not expedited, not rushed through but at least back in operation, we will offer only one speaker on this and I will be brief.

I have sympathy with the point made by Senator Fallon. The case he makes is a reasonable one, that there is a certain sense of defectiveness about the Bill as it would be sent to the other House in its present state. However, against that, there is what I think is a stronger principle and that is the principle that when an amendment has been made in this House made properly, under proper procedures, it is preferable that the normal course as envisaged in the Constitution takes place and that the Bill goes back to the other House where it can then be considered. For that reason we have a conflict here.

I have great sympathy with the case made by Senator Fallon. However, we will be opposing it. I am not going to elaborate. In my earlier statement I said why we opposed it; for that reason we will be opposing it. I also say I do not want to get the House bogged down in procedural wrangles at this stage. I want to see the House back to discussing the substance of the Bill as soon as possible.

What Senator Manning has said is more or less my own position. I can understand the position of the Government. I do not think there could be any hard feelings with the employment of a tactical manoeuvre. This situation was created by a tactical manoeuvre. As I understand it, among the reasons the Government would wish to put forward is that the impact of amendment No. 1 that was successful is probably directly contrary to the intentions of those who put it down and is, therefore, confusing.

I do not want to get into the substance of this issue. I merely draw the attention of the House to how this arose. It arose because it was a voice vote. That is an important point. I would like to point out that I did not, in fact, either propose or second the amendment. There is no inconsistency in whatever stance I may subsequently decide to take with regard to the substance of the amendment which has caused the referral of this Bill. It is a very sophisticated point of law.

What has happened over the past few days is a classic example of what is wrong with the Seanad. I do not intend to apportion blame to any side here. It is not particularly the Government's fault, except that they were caught napping. I would like to put in a sentence here. I think the public perception of what went on is incorrect. It is not correct to say that nobody was doing their job in Leinster House that day. Many people like myself were listening on the monitor. I managed to get here in time and speak. I really do think it behoves everybody on every side of the House to say that people do their job not alone in this Chamber but also in their offices where they are consulting with constituents, on the telephone to constituents, writing letters and listening to the monitor. That point needs to be made.

Anybody who feels that Fianna Fáil alone are guilty of dereliction of duty should consult the record of the House. I will say no more because I am going to have to work more closely with people on this side of the House than perhaps with people on the other side of the House. All sides of the House have been in some difficulty.

However, the real problem — and this addresses directly this procedural problem — is that this is a sort of delicate, sophisticated legislation that cannot satisfactorily be dealt with in an ad hoc way. There will be people coming into the House and voting on issues they do not fully understand. You may have people on both sides doing so. This Bill and matters like it should be in committee.

I have looked at this very carefully and there is a clear argument, but it is a very refined argument, in favour of Senator Costello's amendment and I will try in my contribution on the main part of the debate to deal with this issue. I understand the Government's motivation quite clearly. It is an honourable one and one that is perfectly justified. I think, however, Senator Costello can sustain an argument. How strong that argument is remains to be seen this afternoon. This kind of legislation should be dealt with in committee. I believe we have a Minister who is amenable to good sense. I am sure he must be aware as I am of the irony of himself appealing to the concept of blackmail when they have singularly failed to reform the law internationally known as the blackmailers charter. I will leave it at that because I think it is important, long-winded as I tend to be, to get beyond this procedural stage into the main discussion by a vote.

The main point is, if we are all serious — and I believe that Senator Fallon is serious and the Fianna Fáil people are very much committed to making the House run efficiently — we must look at a committee system of discussion where the technical intricacies of a Bill can be teased out by those who have a real interest in it and who are prepared to do the homework necessary to understand what is going on. We will avoid this kind of wrangle if we do so.

There are a number of points I would like to make. One of them is certainly that what happened the other day is not unprecedented. I saw it happening in the early seventies. I meant to check it today but I had not the time; I think it was the Forcible Entry Bill that was being introduced by Deputy O'Malley. At the time there was an outcry from all sorts of groups that all the liberties of people were to be taken away; that it was the end almost of a type of society and it would have terrible consequences. At that time when Senator Cranitch finished speaking the Cathaoirleach looked to the Opposition benches and there was no one there, just as happened here last week. It is a thing that can happen; it is also something that should not happen. There was another case when Senator Dooge was Cathaoirleach. It can happen and it has happened. None of us likes the feeling of being wrong. If we were wrong on this side quite a considerable number of Senators on the other side were also wrong.

In studying the words that were deleted I begin to wonder if the Senators knew what they were at. My advice is — and I take it from somebody I have great respect for and who is respected in the legal profession — that what they did was to take away the protection for homosexuals that was in the Bill. That is what they have succeeded in doing.

That is the legal opinion I have received and I have very good reason to respect that opinion. That is what they succeeded in doing. I do not believe they meant to do that. Blackmail is the lowest crime there is and I do not know if there is a sentence long enough for the blackmailer. Homosexuals have suffered in the past from blackmailers. It is dreadful to think of what they may have gone through because of blackmail. No matter what the crime involved may be, blackmail is a horrible thing. I do not know if the Senators realised what they were at because that is exactly what they have done. They have done away with the protection the section afforded to homosexuals against blackmail. It is a very good reason for putting this through now.

On a point of order, are we discussing the amendment?

Senator Norris dealt with the section and I do not believe he would deny me the right to make any point. I would like to point out that a terrible mistake has been made. It did not enter any of our heads that anyone would want to delete the words. No one denies Senators the right to use any parliamentary tactic they see fit to use. It certainly never occurred to me or to anybody else that Senators would want to delete such a section. What should be done is to have the section amended without delay and then we should forget the whole business because nobody came out with honours last week.

To clarify the position, I understand we are currently dealing with the motion under Standing Order No. 91 regarding the recommittal of this Bill. I want to make a couple of brief points. It is quite clear and unequivocal that the motion before the House is proper and correct. I am surprised that there has been some dissent and objection to it by the other side, both from Fine Gael and Labour.

The first time this motion was used and this precedent established in parallel circumstances was in the other House less than two years ago when on the Judicial Separation and Family Law Reform Bill the eminent and well-respected lawyer and parliamentarian, Deputy Alan Shatter, used this tactic successfully and with the whole-hearted support of Labour. It is very unbecoming that within such a short period of time that particular Senators on the Labour side should have such severe objections.

I would like briefly to endorse what my friend, Senator Des Hanafin, has said, that the implications of the amendment which succeeded on the last occasion here were not fully understood. I fully support the point he made. We are not talking purely about protection for homosexuals. It could be rapists or other people. That point should be made.

I appeal to the Cathaoirleach. We are at this juncture discussing whether this motion be accepted. That should be decided first and if the motion is accepted, we can then debate the relevance of amendments. I would urge that rather than prolong the debate, covering ground already ploughed, the question should be put as to whether the motion is accepted and if it is accepted, we should then deal with the Bill.

Thank you for the opportunity of speaking. I was the person who put down the amendment. Everybody seems to be an expert on it now and seems to take responsibility or credit as the case may be. When I was here in the House with Senator Neville we were looking on all sides for support. It is amazing what you can hear after the event.

The Larceny Bill was introduced some time ago. I put down 24 amendments to that Bill because I regarded it as being a very inadequate updating of the Larceny Act of 1916. I debated them here with the Minister and again we were virtually on our own on this and the other side of the House. I remember quite well facilitating the Minister when the now Chief Whip, Senator Wright, requested me, so that the Minister could get out to a meeting he had to attend at 5.30 p.m. I do not like to be criticised as the House was criticised on the last day for in some way obstructing the Minister and delaying the process of this Bill because I certainly did not obstruct it and I was the person who was dealing with the greatest amount of amendments and taking the Bill through the House for the Labour Party.

May I point out in relation to amendment No. 1 that the amendment is seeking to delete a particular offence, which is, as it is put, the abominable crime in relation to homosexual acts. What is being done is to assert that crime in the Bill and then to perpetuate the protection against blackmailing. Already in the civil law there is protection against blackmail. Why perpetuate it and assert it in the new Larceny Bill, especially since the Law Reform Commission has urged that it be deleted? That is what we are talking about. It is a desirable amendment because it is a deletion of a section of the old 1916 Act and that deletion is recommended specifically by the Law Reform Commission. There is very good reason for allowing that amendment to stand.

I have been extremely surprised that this Standing Order is being introduced at this time. I remember quite clearly hearing on the radio that a question was asked in the Dáil of the Taoiseach as to what he was going to do in relation to the Larceny Bill now that amendments had been put through in the Seanad and he said he would bring it back to the Dáil and would deal with it in the Dáil. Suddenly we find that is not what is to happen. What are we to believe?

I must point out to the Senator that the motion before the House is what we are dealing with and what the Taoiseach said or did not say outside this House is irrelevant.

I came in here today to find that a Standing Order is now being introduced and I had no inkling of it before.

The Senator does not have to have notice as perceived by him under Standing Order 25. We merely have this motion put to the House in accordance with Standing Order 91. That is what we are doing.

I appreciate that but what has been said by the Taoiseach was the opposite. There is a contradiction.

The Taoiseach has not the responsibility to propose this motion. It is the Leader of the House and it is this House that decides it.

The motion was properly put, there was no Government Senator in the House at the time and the motion was passed. A subsequent division took place, a second amendment was put and was carried. Those two amendments were properly put and properly carried. The Government are now trying to overturn them by means of a Standing Order which was introduced as a beneficial and a positive order that would allow some situation that needed rectification to be remedied. It was not intended to obstruct the business of this House as properly conducted and properly voted on. That is why I am opposing this Standing Order at this time.

It is an obstructionist means, it is a negative one, it is not in the spirit of the Standing Order. If somebody stands up, as one or two Senators have done, and states that it is in line with previous use of similar Standing Orders in relation to the Dáil, I say that is not true. We have gone through the proper process of voting. Everybody on this side is satisfied that no amendment or part of an amendment requires rectification. That is an abuse and it is overturning a democratic decision that has been taken. It is being introduced at the present time by the Leader of the House and by the Government to save the embarrassment of having to go gack to the Dáil, not because there is any great rush and not because there is any delay in getting the Bill through. This Bill had gone through the Committee Stage prior to the Easter break and it could have been dealt with at that time. To say we are obstructing the business, to say the Minister must deal with it urgently and that it cannot go back to the Dáil is something I cannot accept as a valid argument. I feel it is anti-democratic, it is against the spirit of Standing Order 90 and it is overturning a democratic decision that has been taken here in this House. It is another reflection of how this House is held by Members of the Lower House and by the Taoiseach. For those reasons the Labour Party will be opposing this Standing Order and seeking that the Bill be dealt with in the proper fashion as intended and as stated by the Taoiseach in the Lower House a week ago.

I am in a peculiar position because I came in here to oppose the Government's motion. I have to confess I was absent last Wednesday as well and I was relying on newspaper reports. I understood at that stage that Senator Costello had introduced an amendment which I would have supported enthusiastically, to dispose of our primaeval, penal and reactionary legislation to deal with homosexual acts in private. I have since been educated to the fact, while I accept that was his intention, that that is not what the amendment does.

I am sorry for dealing with the substance but I want to explain why I am taking this unusual position. The amendment would simply eliminate the possibility of prosecuting people who blackmail people for doing those things. I have to say — and I say it to Senator Costello who is one of my oldest friends in many a battle against the Establishment — that I cannot agree with him. Because I cannot agree with him, I will actually support the Government in the recommittal of this Bill to have what I regard an unfortunate, erroneous amendment deleted. I will have my say on the amendment about the appalling delay of the Government in restoring this country to full compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights which is a separate issue.

I will have to support the Government proposal, having listened to the arguments to recommit the Bill because I believe it is a perfectly correct way of dealing with what seems to me to be a mistaken amendment in the legislation. I do that with considerable reluctance. I am not in the habit of giving aid or comfort to any Government but I have listened to all the arguments and I will be voting with the Government on this issue if there is a vote.

Question put.
The Seanad divided: Tá, 32; Níl, 21.

  • Bennett, Olga.
  • Byrne Hugh.
  • Byrne, Sean.
  • Cassidy, Donie.
  • Conroy, Richard.
  • Dardis, John.
  • Fallon, Sean.
  • Farrell, Willie.
  • Finneran, Michael.
  • Fitzgerald, Tom.
  • Foley, Denis.
  • Hanafin, Des.
  • Honan, Tras.
  • Hussey, Thomas.
  • Keogh, Helen.
  • Kiely, Dan.
  • Kiely, Rory.
  • Lanigan, Michael.
  • Lydon, Don.
  • McCarthy, Seán.
  • McGowan, Paddy.
  • McKenna, Tony.
  • Mooney, Paschal.
  • Mullooly, Brian.
  • O'Brien, Francis.
  • Ó Cuív, Éamon.
  • O'Donovan, Denis A.
  • O'Keeffe, Batt.
  • Ormonde, Donal.
  • Ryan, Brendan.
  • Ryan, Eoin David.
  • Wright, G.V.

Níl

  • Cosgrave, Liam.
  • Costello, Joe.
  • Doyle, Avril.
  • Harte, John.
  • Hederman, Carmencita.
  • Hourigan, Richard V.
  • Howard, Michael.
  • Jackman, Mary.
  • McDonald, Charlie.
  • McMahon, Larry.
  • Murphy, John A.
  • Naughten, Liam.
  • Neville, Daniel.
  • Norris, David.
  • Ó Foighil, Pól.
  • O'Reilly, Joe.
  • O'Toole, Joe.
  • Raftery, Tom.
  • Ross, Shane P. N.
  • Ryan, John.
  • Upton, Pat.
Tellers: Tá, Senators Wright and Fitzgerald; Níl, Senator Costello and Upton.
Question declared carried.

We should note the 32 votes in the House. I believe it is a first. Fair play to the boss.

(Interruptions.)
Barr
Roinn