I am pleased to have this opportunity to speak in the Seanad on the White Paper on Foreign Policy. One of the Government's primary objectives in publishing the White Paper was to encourage and stimulate a process of discussion and reflection on our foreign policy and the views of the Members of the Seanad will be an important contribution to that process.
I have been encouraged by the reactions to the White Paper since its publication. While there are clear differences of view in certain areas and I am happy to debate those differences, there is a general consensus that the publication of the White Paper was an important and constructive undertaking and that it gives greater coherence and clarity to our foreign policy than any previous document.
The White Paper also aims to speak directly to the public to explain the policies and positions adopted in its name in the field of international relations. Our foreign policy is ultimately a reflection of the values and principles of the Irish people. In order to foster this sense of public ownership, copies of the White Paper have been distributed widely to educational institutions, libraries, local authorities and the media. The Government has also given a commitment in the White Paper to organise further seminars on aspects of foreign policy so as to carry forward the process of public consultation which was such a successful feature of the preparations for the White Paper.
A central element of the White Paper is the chapter on the European Union and the new Europe. As the White Paper points out our membership of the EU and our participation in the process of European integration have been crucial to Ireland's development. Chapter 3 of the White Paper also demonstrates the breadth of issues affecting the lives of every person in Ireland encompassed by our membership of the EU. There is hardly any area of Government activity that does not have a European dimension.
As the White Paper demonstrates, at the same time as our GDP has grown closer to the EU average our membership of the EU has offered us an opportunity to influence decisions on a larger scale. After 23 years of membership it can be said that Ireland has sought to engage constructively in the process of European integration. It is fair to say our experience within the EU has been very largely positive.
If foreign policy is a statement of the kind of people we are, our membership of the EU forms a large part of that statement. I do not propose to dwell on this issue on this occasion but, on examining this chapter, Senators will keep in mind the varied dimensions of our membership of the EU.
The White Paper also considers the link between foreign policy and foreign trade. This is examined in chapter 11 of the White Paper. A small country such as ours, which has an open economy depends for all its well being on a stable and peaceful international environment, where major investors are sufficiently confident to commit themselves to projects overseas and where exporting firms can develop a long-term relationship with their customers abroad.
Against this background, we have been developing relations bilaterally with countries with which Ireland can hope to do business. By the end of 1995 we had established diplomatic relations with 93 states, including the 38 in which we have resident embassies. The promotion of trade and investment in conjunction with the relevant State agencies is a major obligation of our overseas missions. The recent crisis in the beef industry illustrates the extent of our dependence on foreign markets and the importance of our relations with other governments. In countries which import large quantities of beef and cattle from Ireland, especially countries outside Europe, Irish embassies were able to use their established channels of communication to assist this vital area of our trade. I am glad to be able to assure the Seanad that following prompt and energetic action of this kind, in close co-operation with the Department of Agriculture, Food and Forestry and An Bord Bia, the prospects for Irish beef now look much more encouraging than they did a month ago.
The environment in which Ireland's foreign policy is formulated has been radically transformed by the ending of the Cold War. The post-Cold War environment presents numerous challenges to the security of Europe and the world. The threat of global nuclear destruction may have receded but new risks of nuclear proliferation have appeared. We have seen war and ethnic cleansing return to the heart of Europe, genocide in Rwanda and a number of open and bloody conflicts in parts of the former Soviet Union. The risks to the environment, the rise of international crime, the scourge of drugs, these and many other problems are cited by governments throughout the world as issues that cannot be addressed by nations acting individually. They can only be addressed in a meaningful way by co-operative action. The issue of security must be looked at in its broadest sense.
Chapter 4 of the White Paper identifies the central elements of Ireland's security policy over many years, including our policy of military neutrality embodied by non-participation in military alliances. Our approach to the formulation and expression of our security policy will continue to be in harmony with our outlook and traditions and, at the same time, responsive to the new and still evolving challenges that face us in promoting peace, security and progress at European and global levels.
The White Paper acknowledges that the majority of Irish people have always cherished Ireland's military neutrality and that this policy has served Ireland well. The Government will not propose that Ireland should seek membership of NATO or full membership of the Western European Union.
At the regional level, we will seek to strengthen the OSCE as a permanent organisation for European security co-operation and to further develop its capacity for preventive diplomacy and peacekeeping. The OSCE has endorsed the pursuit of systematic and practical co-operation between European and other regional and transatlantic organisations that share its values and objectives. Both NATO and the Western European Union have gone beyond their core functions as defence alliances and announced their willingness to contribute to conflict prevention and crisis management tasks at the request of the UN and the OSCE. This reflects a developing feature of the new security landscape — the concept of mutually reinforcing co-operation between these institutions.
There is an emerging consensus that the EU should be better equipped to make a contribution internationally in such areas as peacekeeping and humanitarian operations — the so-called Petersberg tasks identified by the Western European Union. It is envisaged that Western European Union involvement in such operations would be at the request of the UN, the OSCE or the EU under its common foreign and security policy. The White Paper states that it is desirable and right that Ireland should be prepared to make a contribution in areas where it has proven capacity and experience. Our other EU partners which have remained outside military alliances — Austria, Finland and Sweden — are, like us, observers at the Western European Union. They have also shown interest in Western European Union peacekeeping and humanitarian tasks. The Government has decided to discuss with the Western European Union the possibility of Ireland taking part, on a case by case basis, in humanitarian, rescue and peacekeeping tasks under the Petersberg Declaration and to consider such changes as may be necessary in the Defence Acts and Garda Síochána Acts to enable Ireland's Defence Forces and Garda to take part in such operations.
The intergovernmental Conference which began recently in Turin is expected to consider how the CFSP provisions, including through the EU-WEU relationship and the handling of the Petersberg tasks in the framework of that relationship, can best be developed to enhance the EU's contribution to European and global peace and security. This is the challenge that faces all members of the EU, neutral or allied.
The White Paper restates the Government's commitment that the outcome of any future negotiation that would involve Ireland's participation in a common defence policy would be put to the people in referenda, thus ensuring that Ireland's policy of military neutrality will remain unchanged unless the people themselves decide otherwise.
Partnership for Peace — PFP — has already attracted much attention. I regret that some of it has been misinformed. I invite all Senators to read the White Paper closely. The White Paper sets out the reasons Ireland should consider participating in this co-operative initiative which the vast majority of OSCE member states have already joined. PFP has already assumed an important role in European security co-operation, particularly in such areas as training for peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, environmental protection and drugs interdiction.
PFP does not involve membership of NATO, the assumption of any alliance commitments or any commitment to future membership of NATO. Austria, Finland, Sweden and Malta have all joined on this basis. Participation in PFP in no sense impinges on our policy of military neutrality. PFP is a flexible arrangement which allows each participating state to focus on its own interests in the security area: ours are those of peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, and environmental and drugs issues. It is incorrect and misleading to suggest that PFP is somehow a backdoor for Irish entry into NATO. The Government has decided that a final decision on participation should be taken on the basis of further consultations, including consultations with the relevant Oireachtas Committees, and that such a decision should be approved by the Houses of the Oireachtas.
Efforts by the European Union and the international community to promote peace and stability in Europe have been significantly influenced by the experience of the conflict in former Yugoslavia. The crisis in former Yugoslavia graphically illustrates the potential for ethnic conflict and territorial disputes which are far beyond the capacity of individual states to handle effectively.
In recent months we have seen dramatic developments in the peace process there through the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. The agreement lays the foundation for lasting peace and stability in the region, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular. The agreement, and the separate agreement on Eastern Slavonia, give rise to optimism that four years of conflict and suffering have given way to an era of hope and reconciliation.
However, the international community must now meet the new challenges generated by this process. Recent events have shown that the peace in former Yugoslavia is a fragile one; the international community must maintain its concerted efforts patiently and persistently to sustain and develop it. This issue is one of the greatest challenges facing the EU's common foreign policy now, and is likely to remain so for the foreseeable future and during Ireland's EU Presidency.
Free and fair elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina are a cornerstone of the peace process. The Dayton Agreement stipulates they should be held in September at the latest. It is important that that timetable is respected. A major part of the burden of preparing for and monitoring these elections falls to the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Ireland is making a number of personnel available to the OSCE mission. The OSCE will also be assisted in this task by the European Community Monitor Mission. During Ireland's EU Presidency, we will have the leadership of the ECMM and will be providing 80 staff.
Another major challenge for the European Union, and Ireland as next Presidency, will be to provide continued support for the peace process in the Middle East. The White Paper reiterates Ireland's support for the Middle East peace process which aims to resolve a conflict which has been one of the greatest challenges to regional and world peace for the past half century. Unfortunately, even in recent days, we have seen the awful consequences of that continued conflict in Lebanon. The tragedy of Lebanon reinforces the obligation on the entire international community to redouble its efforts to work for a just and lasting peace settlement to the Middle East conflict.
The Government has been intensely involved in efforts to bring about an end to the current violence in Lebanon and northern Israel and to ensure the safety of the Irish UNIFIL battalion. This involvement stems, on the one hand, from our involvement in the EU troika and, on the other, from our role as a UNIFIL troop contributor. The Taoiseach and the Tánaiste strongly condemned the attack on the UNIFIL base in Qana on 18 April and the Government has repeatedly made clear its concerns about attacks on civilians and UNIFIL personnel in south Lebanon.
We have been in constant contact with the Irish UNIFIL contingent and have been closely monitoring the situation in south Lebanon. We have also monitored and contributed to diplomatic initiatives which have aimed to end the current crisis. I made a substantial contribution to the debate on the situation by EU Foreign Ministers on Monday in Luxembourg and ensured that prominence was given to the safety of Lebanese civilians and UNIFIL personnel in the declaration issued by the Union on that day.
The priority now is to convince all parties in the conflict in Lebanon to contribute to an immediate halt to hostilities and acts of violence so that peace negotiations can resume. We should not forget the progress made in negotiations between Israel and Jordan and between Israel and the Palestinians. It is imperative that the parties build on this progress and move forward to establish a just and durable settlement throughout the Union. We recognise the sacrifices made by all sides in the peace process and the difficult negotiations that lie ahead. The Government will continue to do everything possible, in the context of our EU Presidency and through all other available channels, to bring the current violence to an end and to support and consolidate the Middle East peace process.
While the challenges which we must address grow ever more complex, the fundamental principles underlying Ireland's foreign policy remain the foundation on which policy responses are elaborated. One of the essential principles upon which we have sought to base our foreign policy is the promotion of respect for human rights.
A human rights unit has been established in the Department of Foreign Affairs to co-ordinate the Irish approach on human rights issues including, where necessary, other relevant Government Departments. Promotion of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights are major policy objectives of the common foreign and security policy under the Maastricht Treaty. We will seek to ensure that our concerns on human rights are given full expression in the common foreign and security policy of the European Union. We will be intensifying our efforts at the United Nations to achieve agreement on a draft statute for a permanent international criminal court.
In its chapter on development co-operation, the White Paper emphasises the interconnection between the economic and social well being of all nations and the maintenance of international peace and security. Irish aid and development co-operation are practical expressions of Ireland's foreign policy commitment to peace and justice in the world. We have long known, both intuitively and from mounting empirical evidence, that lack of development is a fundamental cause of conflict. Today, the extent of that connection is a shocking but easily observed reality. While conflict is not confined to any one region, conflicts are more likely to occur in developing countries.
As stated in the White Paper, this situation poses new challenges for donor countries. New approaches must be identified and gaps in existing responses bridged. The White Paper unequivocally sets out the Government's commitment to the prevention and resolution of violent conflict through peaceful means. Conflict prevention measures include support for the institution of civil society and the promotion of democracy and human rights.
These measures will, of course, continue to be reinforced by Irish aid development policies which have been moulded and adapted over the years in response to the new realities of international conflict, poverty and exclusion. In that context the White Paper commits Irish aid — which this year amounts to a record £106 million — to addressing poverty by focusing in our bilateral programmes on the basic needs of poor people: primary health care, basic education, safe water supply and sanitation and income generating opportunities. It also contains a strong emphasis on capacity building to ensure that, wherever possible, development activities can be contained and expanded by the relevant authorities and the communities in partner countries. The capacity building efforts of Irish aid will be increasingly concentrated at local and community level and focused on the basic needs sectors.
Irish aid will continue to concentrate its resources on sub-Saharan Africa. At the same time, however, we will endeavour to extend the geographical reach of Irish aid through several mechanisms. At the bilateral level, we are committed to a programme of direct bilateral support for development projects in other developing countries, co-operation with non-governmental organisations and the provision of technical assistance. At the multilateral level we will maintain our support for the activities of international development organisations. This involves our contribution, through the European Development Fund, to the aid programmes of the EU and our contributions to the UN development agencies.
One area of the White Paper which has perhaps received less public attention than it deserves is the chapter on the Irish abroad. The tens of millions of people throughout the world of Irish descent are an asset which we tend to take for granted but whose importance should not be underestimated. Many of them assist the Government, directly or indirectly, in the pursuit of our national objectives, for example, in the political sphere by supporting the Government's efforts to achieve a lasting peace and reconciliation on this island and in the economic field by helping investment, exports and tourism.
That there are so many people of Irish descent abroad is a consequence of emigration which has been a feature of Irish life for generations. The Government objective is to keep emigration to a minimum by promoting economic growth and job creation so that as many of our people as wish can remain in Ireland.
An important aspect of the Government's policy regarding emigrants, as set out in the Government's programme, A Government of Renewal, is to make provision for the election of three Members of Seanad Éireann by emigrants. The House has recently debated this issue. Its views will perform a very important contribution to the consultation process which is under way.
In a statement of this length it is not possible to cover every subject in the White Paper. I hope, nevertheless, that Senators will be wide ranging in their comments and that they will give the other areas of the White Paper on which I have not touched the attention they deserve.
As I said at the outset, there are differences of view on certain areas of the White Paper and I respect these differences. It is important that we discuss the issues openly and sincerely. Ultimately, what we are discussing in the foreign policy field is our common future. The White Paper sets out the Government's vision of where Ireland's place in the world should be and how we should go about taking that place.
If there is a common thread running through all areas of the White Paper it is the inevitability of change in the international system. The world will not stand still as it moves into the next millennium and we cannot hope to defend our interests and make the best use of the opportunities arising unless we are prepared to adapt our policies and approaches to the changing circumstances. As the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs remarked in a statement to the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs last week, this does not mean abandoning traditional principles or values. On the contrary, by spelling out these principles and values in the White Paper, we will more easily be able to ensure that our future policies conform to them.
I am honoured to open this debate and to participate in the opportunity by the Government to hear the views of Senators so that we can reflect on them and ensure we approach the new millennium preparing a vision for Ireland's foreign policy for the next century.
