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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 7 Jul 1999

Vol. 160 No. 5

Regulation of Assisted Human Reproduction Bill, 1999: Second Stage.

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I thank the Minister for coming to the House and I thank the Leader, Senator Cassidy, for arranging this debate. Lest there be any apprehensions about the Bill, it is a conservative measure and an attempt to introduce legislation in a field of medicine which is not covered adequately by legal regulations. It is far from what could be described as a liberal Bill. I seek to tighten up the regulations because, currently, anyone can set up a clinic and work independently or in association with people in another country in the field of assisted human reproduction.

I am aware that the lack of legislation in this regard has caused considerable concern to Ministers for Health over the past number of years. The Medical Council guidelines are insufficient because they do not have legal standing and many people involved in assisted human reproduction are not medical practitioners. They are physiologists, embryologists, etc., and the guidelines do not cover them.

I thank all those who have helped me in the preparation of the Bill, particularly Dr. David Tomkin and Adam McAuley for their invaluable legal advice and I am glad that they are present. The input of all other interested parties, such as patients, doctors and lawyers, has made it possible to bring forward this Bill, which I hope will satisfy all concerned. It can cover all sides of the debate – pro-life, pro-choice, pro-patient and pro-medical profession.

Assisted human reproduction or in vitro fertilisation, as it is commonly called, has been successfully practised in Ireland for many years. Shortly after the technology became available, clinics attached to maternity units in some hospitals were set up, with infertile couples here as anxious to avail of these treatments as those in other countries. Many more clinics have been established in recent years, some of which are associated with clinics in Great Britain. They do not need to report their practices or techniques, keep records or inform anyone about their charges or the number of patients they treat. This is undesirable and I hope my Bill is supported. Earlier there was a call for a register in connection with the national beef assurance scheme, yet this serious area of medicine is unregulated.

The Medical Council has recognised IVF for treatment in certain cases of infertility and has included ethical guidelines, drawn up by the Institute of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists of the Royal College of Physicians, in its advice to doctors on medical practice. The guidelines which affect IVF and artificial insemination by donor are as follows. With regard to artificial insemination by donor there is no objection to the preservation of sperm or ova to be used subsequently on behalf of those from whom they were originally taken. Doctors who consider assisting with donation to a third party must have regard to the biological difficulties involved and pay meticulous attention to the source of the donated material. Doctors who fail to counsel both the donor and recipient thoroughly about the potential social, medical and legal implications of such measures and the possible consequences for the would-be parents and the baby could face disciplinary proceedings.

IVF techniques should only be used after thorough investigation has failed to reveal a treatable cause for the infertility. Prior to fertilisation of an ovum, extensive counselling and discussion is essential. Any fertilised ovum must be used for normal implantation and must not be destroyed deliberately. These are the Medical Council guidelines. All societies have an interest in this area of medicine from medical, ethical and financial points of view. In most countries where assisted reproductive technologies are practised, some sort of regulations, either by legislation or licensing procedures from the central body, have been put in place to deal with the many legal problems which arise from this technology.

This Bill provides that the assisted human reproduction process shall be governed by principles which are determined, not just by one sector of the community – the medical sector – but by agreement among all the participants so that, as human reproductive technology develops and changes, the principles applied will be conservative and up-to-date.

As I stated earlier, there are legal, medical, ethical and financial matters to be considered. The Bill calls for the establishment of a register of practitioners of assisted human reproduction. This would be established and maintained by the Minister. Those who are not on the Minister's register would not be allowed to practise. There are penalties for those who offend and the register is open to public scrutiny so that the techniques provided, the number of people treated and the costs are known. Approximately 10 per cent of Irish couples may have infertility problems, although a large number of people are affected by this area of medicine. We must take into account that this area of medicine is not covered by the health service, and in some cases large amounts of money are borrowed by patients who wish to get the treatment. We must ensure ethical and medical standards apply to those who say they are providing the treatment.

The Minister would be advised by an ethical committee –"ethical" is built into the Bill. The committee would be broad based, comprising ten persons, three of whom would be appointed by the Minister. These people, I hope, would have some experience, successful or otherwise, of the whole process of reproductive technology as consumers or patients, whichever one prefers to call them. Their advice would be invaluable to any committee. The Irish Patients' Association and the National Infertility Support and Information Group are most insistent that such people should be on the committee. I support this. Two members of the committee would be doctors appointed by the Medical Council. These would be people of good standing and preferably with experience in the field. I would like one to be a person with experience in medical ethics. It has been pointed out to me that this is a matter about which some people believe they know a lot without having done much study on the subject. One would be appointed by An Bord Altranais, again experience in the area would be useful. Two would be appointed by the Higher Education Authority. These would be people with expertise in the technology. I have pointed out that physiologists and embryologists can be some of the most important people at laboratory level involved in this technique, and I believe ethical standards are important at laboratory level and not merely at clinical level. I believe most Irish people feel the same. A person with a genetics background would also be useful. The last two members of the committee should represent the diverse moral views held in Ireland. Because of the high esteem in which I hold the Cathaoirleach of the Seanad, I have suggested he should make the nominations. Having known previous Cathaoirligh, we have always had people who would be suitable to make such nominations.

I hope this committee aids the Minister in formulating what should be public policy in this private area, which has so many social and ethical implications. It is unlikely that we will introduce exactly the same legislation or regulations as other countries, but we could look at the legislation in other jurisdictions. I would be grateful if we could avoid concentrating on the legislation that applies in the United Kingdom, no matter how good we may think it is, because it may not satisfy our needs.

We must ensure all those involved in providing treatment are properly qualified to do so. There is no stipulation at present that this must be the case. It has been suggested to me that the medical guidelines are good enough, but since people other than medical practitioners are involved in the treatment, this is not the case.

The initial in vitro fertilisation technologies were developed to enable women who produced ova but whose fallopian tubes were blocked so that the ova could not reach the uterus and subsequent fertilisation by sperm to occur, to have those ova fertilised in Petri dishes, not in a test tube as is frequently said, and to have those fertilised ova placed back in the uterus. This was just a technical procedure. This initial simple technology has been superseded by the most sophisticated techniques. I have avoided specifying technology in the Bill because it changes so rapidly that I do not want us to be in a position where new technology would be introduced and we would not be in a position to deal with it. Without making a bad pun, who could have conceived a year ago that cloning would be available? It is incredible. However, we know that internationally human ova have been cloned. It will be for the Minister and his broad based committee to decide what is acceptable for Ireland.

Section 13 mentions surrogacy contracts because these do not involve technology but legal contracts. Any contract made by a couple with a woman to bear their child should be considered unenforceable. In other countries where laws equivalent to the sales of goods Acts have been applied to cases where the gestational mother – the woman who bore the child – decided to keep the child, there have been traumatic court cases, sometimes involving the mother fleeing with the child. This must be avoided.

In Irish law, paternity is determined by blood link. There has been confusion regarding paternity in other jurisdictions if paternity is not blood linked. This Bill clarifies the position with regard to assisted reproduction and brings it into line with other more advanced democracies such as the United States, where experience has shown that confusion can arise if paternity is not blood linked. I have, therefore, included section 14 to ensure it is clear that the donor of either spermatozoa or ova does not have the rights or responsibilities of a parent.

As the Minister is aware, and as an editorial in today's Irish Medical Times stated, legislation in this area is urgently needed. My Bill is a modest proposal. I do not pretend it will solve all the ethical dilemmas surrounding assisted human reproduction. While the guidelines of the Medical Council are useful, they have no legal standing and we have no idea whether they are violated. I do not wish to cast aspersions on anyone working in the field, but clarity is needed. I hope the Minister will allow me to recommend the Bill to a special committee of the House.

I have much pleasure in seconding Senator Henry's Bill. I commend her on her initiative to publish the Bill and to introduce it in this House.

The gap now open for predators on human emotions is appalling. When couples who want a baby have a problem conceiving, it is a matter of utmost importance to them. This may become the most important issue in their lives. Their emotions are engaged at the highest level at that stage. In such a state, they make ready victims for those prepared to prey on their human emotions for their economic gain. We have all heard stories of couples paying vast amounts of money to find a solution to this problem.

This is similar in many ways to adoption. The same heartfelt wish for a child and the same possibility of being exploited for monetary gain is involved in both cases. This is one of the reasons we have carefully regulated adoption for many years. We are dealing with vulnerable victims, whether the adoptive parents, the natural parents or the adopted child. The State regulates adoption very tightly to protect these people from being exploited. If for no other reason this is why assisted reproduction must be regulated. We must have regulation quickly because this is too important a field to be left open to cowboys. We take that risk every day we allow an absence of regulation to continue.

We are dealing with present and future risks which are very real. The present risk arises because assisted human reproduction is a fact. It is not a futuristic dream of what technology might do at some point, rather it is a living practical reality here and now. It is, therefore, an option available to childless couples in this country. One does not have to go to England for this treatment. It is available in Ireland but is totally unregulated by the State.

The future risk arises from the variety of possibilities which technology may create before long. Cloning is just one of these. We were all shocked when the first animal cloning took place and Dolly the sheep appeared. Few people realised that technology had advanced so far. Human cloning is very likely to happen in the same way long before any of us expect it. Human cloning could take place and is more likely to take place in Ireland – it would be legal because no legal framework is in place to outlaw or prevent it.

Imagine our shame if the first human cloning took place in Ireland. It is hardly scaremongering to say that could happen. If people want to carry out human cloning, they are likely to do it in a country which has no controls over such matters. The number of such countries is dwindling rapidly and if they want to carry out these horrific experiments they will go to a country with no regulation. The fewer countries which remain unregulated, the greater the attraction of those remaining. We increase the risk every day we fail to take action. That is the reason I hope the Minister will respond rapidly to this.

To be in favour of regulating assisted reproduction is quite separate from approving of it. Some people believe it is morally wrong and should not be permitted under any circumstances. I am sure some Members are of that view. However, if one is against it one should be in favour of the State regulating it and having legislation on it. Without any regulation, one is consenting to the unbridled use of the technique in any circumstances and the unlimited exploitation of vulnerable people who find themselves childless.

I feel strongly there is a gap which must be filled quickly. The question is how do we move forward. The best way forward is for the Government – and I hope the Minister will do so today – to adopt this Bill and carry it forward through the Oireachtas in its own time. The Bill is very simple, although I know a lot of work went into it. It can be adapted in committee as the Government's advisers think appropriate. Senator Henry has provided the Government with a shell which it can fill as it likes. If it does not agree with any aspect of the proposed Bill, it can table amendments to it.

The great advantage of accepting Senator Henry's Bill is that it offers a saving in time. The Government can accept this Bill, spend the summer working on it and bring it back to this House for Committee Stage at the beginning of the next session, which I assume will be early October. That would mean the Bill could be law before Christmas. That would hardly be the case if the Government was to start from scratch.

I wish to impress on the Government the urgency of this matter. Senator Henry published this Bill in February, four and a half months ago. There was widespread comment at the time, acknowledging the urgency of the issue, yet in the intervening period there has not been a peep from the Government regarding its intentions. Time is of the essence. This cannot be put on the back burner and let simmer from one election to another because the Government does not wish to grasp the issues involved. If we do not grasp the issue, it may rise up and grasp us instead. Let us avoid that possibility by acting now. I commend this Bill to the House and I urge the Government to signify its adoption of it. It would be of great benefit to those people who otherwise might fall prey to the whims of predators.

I welcome Senator Henry's Bill on which she has worked so hard and which she has brought before the House. It is a worthy Bill but it is short on detail.

Anybody who has dealt with childless couples, as Senator Henry has, will know that the inability to conceive is one of the greatest tragedies that can befall a couple. It causes terrible strain and stresses within a relationship. Although we have state-of-the-art assisted reproduction facilities in Ireland – and I make particular mention of the Rotunda Hospital in which Senator Henry worked and which operates to the highest international standards – the success rate is not very high. Many couples who have expended a lot of emotional and nervous energy and money trying to conceive are disappointed.

The nub of Senator Henry's Bill is that people under such emotional stress are at risk of falling into the hands of charlatans. These people may have no care for those with whom they are dealing and enter into the business as a financial investment. If one was to probe deeply into their success rate, it would probably be found to be a lot less than that of the Rotunda Hospital. Senator Henry is trying to prevent people from falling into the hands of unscrupulous operators and bring some standards to bear in this field, which, as she said, is changing on a daily basis.

However, her proposal strikes at the core of our common humanity. It raises many moral, social, legal, religious and ethical questions. We know moral and ethical problems are not always synonymous and are not always viewed in the same light. Before we accept this Bill, we should give it more consideration.

The Minister knows there is widespread ignorance and confusion among the public regarding assisted human reproduction, confusion about the issues, expense, techniques and technology involved. Before we go further, the Minister should set up a committee or commission to take submissions from interested parties on this issue and to educate the public – commissions not only take submissions but also educate the public on the issues involved.

I do not agree with Senator Quinn that it is an urgent problem requiring instant answers. There are no instant answers. There are many political, moral and legal issues which should be dealt with in an orderly fashion before we deal with Committee Stage and pass a Bill. I welcome Senator Henry's Bill. She has done the House and the country a great service. She has kicked the ball into play and the Bill is the beginning of an educational process for us all which will continue for 12 or 18 months. Some people would not share my opinions but attitudes in Ireland to these problems are changing rapidly. Nevertheless, we should stand back and consider the issue. I ask the Minister to set up the commission as a matter of urgency to deal with the foreseen and unforeseen problems that will arise.

I welcome the Minister. As Senator Fitzpatrick said, Senator Henry has given us an opportunity to discuss this issue in what I hope will be a sensible and humane way. Senator Fitzpatrick referred to the need for the public to be educated on this issue and I hope his plea to the Minister to set up a committee will be agreed to immediately. I am interested in the Minister's views and perhaps he will agree to the establishment of such a committee.

Senator Henry stated that the purpose of the Bill is to provide for the regulation of providers of assisted human reproduction. I am concerned because the guidelines issued by the Medical Council have been relied on for regulation purposes despite the fact, as Senator Henry said, that they do not have legal effect. I understand that the council is a statutory body and is financed by doctors. The problem is that sooner or later a legal issue will arise in relation to assisted reproduction providers.

The council is, in a sense, handcuffed because it provides the regulations, which are broad. Senator Henry mentioned the specific reference to in vitro fertilisation, which can only be used after thorough investigation has failed to reveal a treatable cause for infertility and said that prior to fertilisation of an ovum, extensive discussion and counselling is essential. The guidelines also state that any fertilised ovum must be used for normal implantation and must not be deliberately destroyed. These sections are specific. The guidelines also refer to frozen sperm and ova and gene manipulation.

My concern is that if proceedings were taken against people who breached the guidelines, does the Medical Council have sufficient funds to go to court and defend such a case? Senator Henry also wants this aspect addressed. Do the Minister's representatives on the Medical Council bring to his attention the concerns of the council about this issue? We cannot ignore the fact that ultimately the Minister has responsibility for this area. Senator Henry is trying to ensure that the Minister takes on the responsibility of introducing regulations. The Minister owes this to the people because we cannot continue to suggest that they are unaware of what is happening because of new developments and that time should be given to consider it. We can take as much time as we wish, but science and technology are developing so rapidly that I am afraid something explosive may happen and a reactive measure will be introduced to deal with a dramatic case taken by a couple as happened elsewhere.

The Senator's Bill is prudent. It seeks to deal with cases which may arise as a result of spurious advertising and that may hit the headlines. Infertile couples who are seen by the two hospitals which deal with infertility are at risk because they are outside the net of the Medical Council guidelines. They will be subjected to emotional trauma, which is the worst aspect. This area, which has hit the tabloid headlines in the UK, is big business. An infertile couple are charged approximately £2,000 for their first appointment. There is no control and the cost of drugs in enormous. It is important that the Minister takes cognisance of this aspect. I am sure the Minister and the Department are aware of the clinics which do not come under the Medical Council guidelines.

Have the Minister or departmental officials visited hospitals which have infertility clinics? They must have information on this area. For example, I understand that 800 cycles were dealt with last year. Under the guidelines, patients attending the fertility clinics in the two hospitals must be referred by doctors. This is not the case in relation to the clinics which are operating in Ireland without regulation. This is my main concern in this area.

The average age of couples seeking in vitro fertilisation in Ireland is 37 years. They are mature couples who have tried every other avenue in order to have children. They attend the clinics in the Rotunda and University College Hospital, Galway, as a last resort and they are referred by a doctor. However, in Britain, the average age of couples is 26 or 27 years. That is a different kettle of fish. If there are no controls in Ireland, people will be vulnerable to outfits which engage in hard sell advertising. We should move quickly to address this area.

I do not know where the Minister stands on this issue but I hope that even if he does not intend to accept Senator Henry's Bill, he will establish an advisory committee under the Department of Health and Children, as the Senator requested. I understand the former Minister, Deputy Noonan, sought to establish such a committee before the last Government fell and, therefore, it is not a new matter for departmental officials.

Senator Henry's Bill is prudent and I hope that provisions similar to those in other EU countries will be introduced. The regulations in France are particularly good and should be emulated. The controls in Australia are also tight and should be considered. I support the Bill. The Senator is doing the House a service in providing an opportunity for Members to debate an issue which should be addressed sooner rather than later and for interest groups to make submissions to the committee which I hope the Minister will establish.

I agree with Senator Henry that this complex area needs regulation. The Bill is well intentioned in attempting to bring in regulations and stop abuses which might arise in the future. However, the Bill does not go far enough. Some of the definitions contained in it are either too wide or too vague. For example, the definition of human reproductive material is very wide and could include many things. It is a cold expression. It includes human spermatozoa, ova and zygotes, which are fertilised ova that develop into embryos. The registration of assisted human reproductive providers is also laudable.

However, the other part of the Bill, dealing with regulation, needs some work. I mean no disrespect to Senator Henry, who does us a service by bringing the Bill forward. People have dodged this area for years without tackling it properly. Nonetheless, I do not agree with the composition of the ethics committee. This seems to be an unnecessary attempt to remove this area from the Irish Medical Council, which has organised this area extremely well for many years. There have been moves by pro-abortion elements in recent times to take over the council but they have never succeeded because, thanks be to God, most doctors in Ireland are still pro-life and believe in the sanctity of human life.

I am not sure why some people are on this committee. Why should there be a registered nurse but not a social worker, psychologist or representative of one of the other professions? In any case I would deem that none of them is necessary. While it may have been too much to expect a representative of the Christian churches, I would have thought an ethics committee should at least include a moral philosopher.

As to the functions of the ethics committee, it is the business of scientists to discover what is possible and to put it forward. Scientists lead the way in this regard, as poets do in their field, but it is for others to decide on the ethics of what they do. No one would suggest that, because certain scientists developed the atomic bomb, those people should be on an ethics committee.

Section 11(2)(b) concerns the disposal of human reproductive material. I hope that does not refer to embryos because that would be to dispose of the potential for human life, a miniature human being – in other words, direct killing. That must be fought under all circumstances. Once we adopt that philosophy direct abortion immediately becomes possible. We can see this with the introduction of amniocentesis in the Rotunda Hospital. I cannot substantiate this, but I have been informed that some people who were informed of this decided to undertake what is euphemistically termed a "termination". This again must be resisted.

The Bill is necessary but it needs a lot of work before we pass it. As it stands it would not achieve the purpose intended by Senator Henry. There is the danger of introducing a mindset or weltanschauung that human life at its beginnings is in some way disposable. That is never the case. If it were there would be no need for organisations like the Brothers of Charity, St. Michael's House and St. John of God's which care for educationally disadvantaged or handicapped people. Some people in one of the new hospitals wish to move towards the introduction of direct abortion. We must and will resist this with every fibre of our beings, irrespective of the cost.

Section 14 provides that a donor is not the parent of a child born of donated spermatozoa or ova. If a donor is not a parent, what is he or she? These ethical issues require much teasing out, which is why the ethics committee to advise the Minister must be carefully chosen and not merely feature people with diverse moral views. That would not be constructive. It should not feature scientists who specialise in human reproduction or genetics because, inevitably, they will want this to proceed in order to develop new techniques etc. They are not the people who should make decisions about ethics. That should be left to the sphere of philosophers or theologians because this touches on the essence of the sanctity of human life, which we must protect at all times.

The Bill is not quite ready but what Senator Henry is trying to do is laudable and necessary. I hope the Government examines this Bill and produces one of its own – Senator Quinn suggested this also. The Government Bill should cover more issues but contain narrower definitions. It should look at all issues concerning the preservation of fertilised ova or embryos. This is a sensitive area with a wide range of views. Fortunately, the predominant view in Ireland is that human life is sacred, but we must ensure that is observed in all the legislation going through the House.

I too congratulate and commend Senator Henry on producing this Bill and for her use of Private Members' time in the proper way, to advance urgent issues which the Government has not dealt with, for whatever reason. The regulation of assisted human reproduction is becoming more urgent by the day. The editorial in today's issue of the Irish Medical Times congratulates Senator Henry, with which all of us concur. It describes the Bill as:

a statutory framework for the regulation of assisted human reproduction in this country and, among other provisions, requiring the establishment of an ethics committee to regulate the different aspects of AHR or assisted human reproduction. . . This is a long overdue and badly needed piece of legislation. Assisted human reproduction has been allowed to develop in Ireland on an ad hoc basis since the 80s because the Government and the Department of Health were either too indolent or too fearful to tackle the matter.

I make no comment on the last sentence but I agree that the legislation is long overdue.

It is important to see what the Bill is and what it is not. It concerns regulation, and voting against it will not prevent assisted human reproduction because, as we know and as the Irish Medical Times points out, it is happening and has happened since the 1980s. The editorial mentions that hundreds of Irish couples have benefited from assisted human reproduction since IVF was first carried out successfully in Dublin by Professor Robert Harrison. The revelation in the Irish Medical Times of the first successful IVF pregnancy in Dublin led to outrage in some quarters and dire predictions that it would jeopardise family life and threaten the fabric of society. It did neither but resulted in many happy and caring families who would otherwise not have existed, and we should never forget that.

It is not a good idea that this sensitive area should be unregulated, as I am sure all Members would agree, and it should be of concern that there is no regulation of any kind. It is time to end that. The Bill provides a well thought out, considered and valuable framework in which to do so, by establishing a register and an ethics committee, both of which are necessary and desirable and would be extremely valuable.

Senator Lydon said the ethics committee is not the type of committee he would like to see established, but there is a framework for that. Senator Henry, and indeed all of us, would have particular comments to make on the membership of an ethics committee and so on, but let us have that debate, not in another committee as Senator Fitzpatrick suggested but within the framework already provided in the Houses of the Oireachtas. That framework allows us to put legislation to committee, discuss amendments and have the views of experts taken on board.

The establishment of an ethics committee raises another important aspect which is that an ethics committee can report to the Minister, and indeed publicly, on issues as they arise. That is provided for in the Bill and is something I particularly welcome. The Bill states that the functions of an ethics committee for assisted human reproduction shall be to consider, evaluate and report to the Minister on both the changes in human reproduction technology and their ethical consequences. That is a simple but important statement.

The ethics committee would be made up of a range of opinion, expertise, etc., necessary in this particular area and would report to the Minister and the public. That would assist debate on the issue and allow us find our way in an increasingly technological and difficult area. As Senator Henry outlined, the technology in the assisted human reproduction area has become extremely complex and we, as relatively uneducated individuals in this regard, cannot hope to make judgments and decisions without assistance on the scientific and technological side but also on the moral and ethical side.

This is not just a scientific debate but a moral and ethical debate. Morals and ethics must be at the heart of this issue so that we can find a genuinely Irish framework to deal with this problem. I agree with what Senator Henry said. Let us not simply follow what others have done. Let us have the confidence and ability to devise our own framework based on our own values, ethics and principles. We have had many tortuous debates on moral and ethical issues, particularly in the past two decades, but that does not mean we cannot come up with a framework to move forward. There are people of courage, commitment and strong conviction throughout the country who can, in an atmosphere of tolerance and shared opinion, devise a framework which can assist us to move forward in this area.

The bottom line is that many infertile couples have been assisted by the advance of technology in this area. There are many happy children running around who do not look, sound or act any different from children who are not the result of assisted human reproduction. I laughed the other day when I read that the incidence of triplets here is largely the result of assisted human repro duction. As a naturally occurring triplet myself, I am glad to be surrounded by so many of them. Those births were obviously a very happy event for their families, although I would not wish a multiple birth on any family.

An important element of the Bill is that a surrogate contract shall be void and of no legal effect. In clear language, as is the trademark of the Bill, it simply states that surrogacy is banned.

I commend the Bill to the House. I have heard no reasons for not supporting the movement of the Bill to the next Stage to allow us use the framework of the Oireachtas to properly debate it.

The Minister for Health and Children and I recognise Senator Henry's deep concern in bringing forward the Bill for those couples who find they are unable to have children by conventional reproductive means and who, therefore, choose to try to conceive through assisted reproduction. This is an arduous process which is by no means guaranteed to result in conception and a successful pregnancy, and it also imposes significant physical, psychological and financial burdens on the couples involved.

On behalf of the Minister, I would like to take this opportunity to compliment Senator Henry on bringing forward the Bill and indeed those who are providing assisted reproduction services in Ireland on the high standards they bring to their work and the happiness they have brought to many couples who would otherwise not be able to have children. The Department of Health and Children recognises, however, that the regulatory regime currently in force is general in nature and that scientific developments in this area, or indeed the possible entry of less scrupulous interests into this field, may call into question the adequacy of these arrangements in the future.

The Minister shares Senator Henry's desire that this increasingly complex area of activity should be subject to a greater degree of regulation than currently applies and that progress should be made in this regard. The Government recognises that this is an important issue which needs to be addressed but, given the wide range of sensitive and complex issues which arise, the most suitable policy framework for the regulation of this area has not yet been determined.

For some time the Minister for Health and Children has given serious consideration as to the best way to make progress in this regard. He recognises that a major policy initiative is required and is in discussion with the Attorney General about the possible inclusion of this area in the work programme of the Law Reform Commission as the next step in the process of examining how the area might be regulated in the Irish context.

Some of the matters at issue are so profound that to proceed by legislation alone may not result in their resolution. Among the key issues and consequences which need to be examined in the context of the regulation of human assisted reproduction are whether there should be legislation or reliance on medical ethics, or a combination of the two; the freezing and subsequent usage or disposal of embryos; the freezing and subsequent usage or disposal of sperm; the regulation of those who should be permitted to avail of the service, e.g., the age and marital status of the couples; how donor programmes should be regulated, succession and parental rights; surrogacy; possible screening of embryos for genetic conditions; research on embryos; cloning and other general regulations, such as licensing of facilities, qualification of operators and staff, conditions of storage of embryos and other human reproductive material, protocols for treatment, testing for infectious diseases, record keeping and data collection.

It may be felt that not all of these matters require to be regulated or that they are not all relevant in the Irish context. The Minister's view is that if we are to proceed to regulate this area of activity, we should do so in a manner which, so far as possible, attempts to provide for the future developments in what is a rapidly changing and developing field and which regulates matters in such a way that they will find acceptability among the general population. It is essential also that if legislation is to be introduced it should be the product of careful examination of the whole range of issues involved and that the measures to be introduced are felt, after due consideration of all options, to be the best way to proceed. The Bill proposed by Senator Henry, while well-intentioned, is, unfortunately, inadequate in several key respects.

Given the complexity of the matters at issue, the Bill does not, in the Government's view, provide an adequate framework for the regulation of assisted human reproduction. While it sets out to provide for the registration of services providing assisted human reproduction, the Bill does not set out any criteria which might apply in relation to the type of service provided, the provider or the premises to be used. Some of the definitions employed are not sufficiently precise. For example, the definition of "assisted human reproduction" contained in the Bill is so wide that it might well be construed as including family planning services and the vast bulk of the maternity services, including those provided by general practitioners.

The registration process proposed lays down practically no criteria for registration and might make it difficult for the Minister to refuse registration. The Bill implies that service providers would have a medical or nursing background, although this is not explicit. To grant registration to service providers could possibly be construed as an acceptance by the Minister of the scientific, clinical, ethical and legal implications of the service provided. The introduction of a registration process would require clearly understood defini tions of the type of service to be approved and the scientific, clinical, ethical, physical and other conditions applicable for the registration of each service.

Section 4(4) of the Bill states that "the Minister may attach such conditions to the registration of a provider, relating to the provider's provision of services, as the Minister may deem necessary in the public interest." However, there is no indication in the Bill as to what the scope of such conditions might be or what aspects of assisted reproduction it is considered should be subject to regulation.

The law itself would be silent on such matters and in view of the seriousness of the issues and the deeply held views in society about many of these, this raises the question as to whether it is sufficient to address this whole field by regulation, with the legislation specifying no principles or detail of the regulations.

With regard to the ethics committee which it is proposed would be established under section 9 of the Bill, while at first reading this may appear a worthwhile approach, the role this committee would play in the formulation of regulations for providers is unclear. The Minister is expected to issue regulations after consultation with this committee, the Medical Council and An Bord Altranais. It is not clear the degree to which it is envisaged the Minister should be guided by the ethics committee or by the other bodies referred to. This raises the question as to whether the Minister is expected to take the advice of the experts and transpose this into regulations, or merely to treat their advice as an input into the process. Another issue is that the committee's membership would already include nominees of the Medical Council and An Bord Altranais, so one might ask why it is necessary to consult with these bodies separately, as provided for in the Bill.

With regard to the planned composition of the ethics committee, given the complexity and sensitivity of the matters likely to be at issue, it would undoubtedly be difficult to arrive at positions on the various issues which would be considered acceptable by all the membership. This difficulty would, the Minister considers, be compounded by the stated intention to include two persons who would "reflect diverse moral views concerning human reproduction held generally in Irish society." In effect, this would put in place a mechanism whereby there would be an obligation to ensure the involvement of those representing opposite extremes of the arguments on assisted reproduction. The Minister does not consider that this would be conducive to the effective working of the committee. The Minister notes also that no provision is made for the involvement of legal expertise, which would be an essential requirement, for example, in relation to issues which may have implications for the constitutional protection afforded to the unborn. It would be in line with modern thinking that any body of this type would include consumer representation also.

It is not clear why the Bill proposes to deal with the issues of surrogacy and parental rights to children born of donated spermatozoa or ova but to leave all other matters to the regulations made by the Minister. If it is considered that these two issues should be regulated by legislation, surely the same argument can be made in relation to many other aspects of assisted reproduction, such as cloning, the usage or disposal of embryos or the creation of embryos for research purposes. It is in relation to this aspect of the Bill that the Minister has the greatest difficulty and he is of the view that much more serious and detailed examination of the issues is required, before a decision is taken on the nature of any legislation or any ethical or other provisions which may be considered appropriate. It is only after the most rigorous and considered evaluation of the issues in this very complex subject and the implications of the different approaches for addressing these issues that we should proceed to enact legislation, if that is the option eventually preferred.

Given the approach currently being pursued by the Government in relation to this most sensitive of subjects, the need for a very careful and detailed consideration of the best way to proceed and the shortcomings in the Bill to which I have referred, the Government will be opposing this Bill.

This debate is timely and brings this matter into the public domain. I compliment Senator Henry and those who advised her on the Bill. It is necessary that this issue should be discussed and this debate will add to the Department's consideration of legislation and regulation to deal with this field, which Members agree requires legislation.

Senator Henry is to be complimented on this Bill. It is straightforward legislation and I do not understand the Government's opposition to it. Listening to some Government Senators' contributions one would think we were talking about something that did not exist. It is time we stopped burying our heads in the sand because assisted human reproduction has existed successfully in Ireland for many years. As Senator O'Meara said, there are many happy families in the country as a result of assisted human reproduction.

The Minister of State's contribution makes a strong case for allowing this Bill through Second Stage on principle. He highlighted certain concerns, to which he is entitled, but the principle of the Bill is what is at issue on Second Stage. He said that the Government believes there is a need for greater regulation than exists at present and that progress should be made in this regard. He went on to say that the Government recognises that this is a very important issue which needs to be addressed. I put it to him that it is being addressed by Senator Henry and other Members and the principle of the Bill can be achieved on Second Stage by agreeing to it. The Minister of State could table necessary amendments on Committee Stage, as he has made a case for accepting Second Stage. I ask him to reconsider his position. The Minister has an opportunity to go through the Bill, section by section, with his officials and come back to the House with the amendments he considers necessary.

Facilities for assisted human reproduction exist in Ireland. Senator Henry proposes to bring order and regulation to those facilities. While the Department of Health and Children has failed to act, she has made the necessary proposals. The Minister and his Department have a responsibility to accept Senator Henry's proposals and act on them. It is not acceptable for the Minister merely to have the Bill perused in his Department with a view to taking action some time in the future. The Bill provides the necessary framework and, while the Minister may make the necessary amendments, he should allow it to pass Second Stage.

The Minister says that granting registration to service providers could be construed as an acceptance of the scientific, clinical, ethical and legal implications of the service provided. What are we afraid of? We must stop pretending that assisted human reproduction does not happen. We must deal with this reality and bring some order to what is already in existence. Is the Minister happy to allow some pretended expert to come from a foreign country and set up a human reproduction clinic in an Irish town? There is nothing to stop such a thing happening and no mechanism for investigating the activities of such a person. I know of no regulations, guidelines or criteria to deal with this area of activity.

Senator Henry is to be commended for presenting her proposals to deal with this very sensitive area. The average age of couples who seek reproduction assistance is 36 and 37. The issue of infertility is a sensitive and difficult one for such couples. Many couples have been successfully helped but others have not. Couples who receive help are well counselled by the many excellent clinics which exist. However, there is nothing to stop the operation of less excellent clinics. The Minister and his Department must address this issue by accepting the Bill on Second Stage and introducing amendments on Committee Stage.

The Minister says the Bill gives no indication of the scope of the conditions which might be attached to providers of services or what aspects of assisted reproduction should be subject to regulation but he does not say what conditions his Department would wish to attach to the registration of a provider or what aspects of assisted reproduction should be subject to regulation. He gives no indication of the Department's thinking on this matter or of its policy with regard to assisted human reproduction. His speech is not a policy statement. It merely takes Senator Henry's Bill apart.

The Minister expresses concern about the composition of the ethics committee proposed in the Bill. He sees complications where none exist. Major debates on social issues were held in both Houses in the 1980s and certain members of some parties generated consternation throughout the country with regard to those issues. Surely we are now mature enough to deal with these questions. Senator Fitzpatrick has experience of these issues in his work as a doctor and I hope he will explain the need to deal with this reality to his party and his Minister.

The Minister should take his head out of the sand, accept the Bill on Second Stage, make the necessary amendments and state the Department's policy with regard to registration and control of reproduction services. The Minister appears to accept the existing unregulated situation. That is a very irresponsible approach.

It is very sad to see the battle lines of the past being redrawn when the words "assisted human reproduction" are mentioned. Old battle wounds have obviously not healed. The very idea of discussing the human reproductive system brings the old worries to the fore. While I do not agree with some of what has been said by Opposition Members, I must agree that this area needs regulation.

I compliment Senator Henry on introducing this Bill which pinpoints an area which must be addressed urgently. Because people now tend to postpone marriage and having children until they have established their careers or bought houses, many couples do not realise until they are in their middle thirties that they will have a difficulty conceiving children. They then go in an emotionally vulnerable state to anyone who will promise to help them. Such people are often suffering hurt and stress and cannot be expected to judge matters objectively without the assistance of the State.

It is unfortunate that the title of the Bill has frightened people who do not understand what assisted human reproduction is. The procedures simply help a man and a woman to have a child. There is no greater service to human beings.

I criticise the Department rather than the Minister for refusing to accept this Bill. In a democracy we should accept Bills on their merit, regardless of who proposes them. I do not approve of cloning or abortion. I am neither a pro-lifer nor an anti-lifer. I am not an extremist of any sort. However, I agree with heart by-pass operations. Modern technology allows people who suffer from heart disease to have a by-pass which will prolong and improve their lives. Equally, I agree that couples who wish to have children should be helped by practitioners who can help them do so, within ethical and moral standards.

The register proposed by Senator Henry is necessary. It is a pity that the Government is refusing to accept the Bill on Second Stage. The Minister should accept the need for regulation in principle and introduce amendments on Committee Stage. Both Houses have done much excellent work in passing legislation in the past few days and it is a pity we cannot continue that work with this Bill.

I hope the Minister will bring the message to his Department that this issue must be dealt with. I will be bringing the same message to my parliamentary party. If the Bill is defeated on Second Stage, the onus will be on the Government to introduce similar legislation very soon. It is not sufficent to say this is a complex and serious issue but one with which we are afraid to deal. As a member of the Government party, I am not afraid to deal with this issue and the Government should deal with it now.

I thank Senator Cox for sharing time.

On Senator Henry's Regulation of Assisted Human Reproduction Bill, I agree that assisted reproduction is a problem which must be faced legislatively at some stage. However, a clear principle of the right of the unborn to life is a vital component of any such legislation. The problems created by the Supreme Court decision in the X case in 1992 should be addressed by a referendum and protection for the unborn restored before we address assisted human reproduction. The new constitutional position would then form a suitable ethical basis for legislation on in vitro fertilisation. In the meantime the ethical guidelines of the Medical Council are a good basis for controlling the situation.

The Medical Council starts from the proposition that human life from the earliest stages must be treated with respect and cannot be deliberately destroyed. That is also the constitutional position in most circumstances. Senator Henry says that the Medical Council's diktats only bind the medical practitioners and not others involved in IVF such as embryologists. However, the constitutional protection binds all and IVF procedures cannot take place without the active co-operation of medical practitioners. The Senator may correct me if I am wrong, but to the best of my knowledge all IVF units in the State have medical directors.

The Bill may be unconstitutional in its attitude to life at its early stages. It speaks of the storage and disposal of human reproductive material, including living embryos and even, by implication, cloned embryos.

The Bill, in allowing donated sperm and ova, stipulates that the donor is not the parent of the child. Such a statement appears to fly in the face of reality. It is difficult to see how the donor is not the parent of the child. The child also has a right to know his or her parents, especially the parents' health profiles.

Infertility is an agonising problem for some couples and there are various ways of addressing it apart from IVF. There is NAPRO technology where the couple are studied carefully and any abnormal hormonal deficiencies which prevent conception are adjusted. From the pro-life viewpoint, IVF is frowned upon where it is disrespectful of human life by the wilful destruction of human embryos or by storage in a manner which creates "surpluses" such as those which horrified the world a few years ago when Britain destroyed thousands. This is where the storage of embryos inevitably leads. Germany and currently Italy have devised legislation which forbids storage and insists that only a maximum of three ova are fertilised and implanted. Their laws respect human life.

Instead of regulating IVF, we should first conduct a clear examination of all its implications. Aspects of it have been widely criticised by members of the medical profession and by leading feminists such as Germaine Greer for its traumatic physical and emotional impact on women. The vast majority of clients will spend large sums of money and never give birth to a baby.

While the area of assisted reproduction must be faced at some time, this should only take place following a reaffirmation of legal protection for the unborn which the people placed in the Constitution and the courts undermined by deciding that "an equal right to life" of mother and baby does not really mean that they have equal rights to life.

I wholeheartedly appreciate the agonising difficulty infertility poses for some couples. There is much that can be done by new treatments such as NAPRO technology, an emerging technology which is helping couples to conceive in a less traumatic manner.

I concur fully with the Minister and compliment those involved in this field in Ireland. They operate to a high standard and have assisted many couples who otherwise would not have been able to have children. Assisted human reproduction is a complex and sensitive issue requiring much specialist investigation and deliberation before any Bill is brought before the Oireachtas. The reverse is being done here. The Bill seeks to hand this to a committee which would not be responsible to the Oireachtas and that is not the manner in which we should approach it. Senator Henry's Bill does not offer a satisfactory resolution to the problems which confront us and, therefore, should be rejected.

On the Order of Business earlier this year I raised some questions on assisted human reproduction, as I am sure the Members will recall, in the context of the con cerns which were being expressed in the area of experimentation on human cloning. It was pointed out in a number of articles at the time, to which many people gave credence, that most countries obviously regard as illegal experimentation in the area of human cloning but that there were some countries where this was not the case. One semi-official report in Britain at that time suggested that advanced experimentation had already taken place in Britain on human cloning. It was at that time also that Senator Henry pointed out that she was preparing a Bill for discussion here.

I am glad Senator Henry's Bill has come this far because it has brought about a calm and informed debate in an area which is highly emotive. I need not remind the Members of that. Any issue of this kind is highly emotive. One need only look at the recent elections, where the issue of abortion was very much in the background. It was evident at that time that many members of the public feel that to some extent their views are not being taken on board, that legislators, either through legislation or the lack of it, are not prepared to listen to the voice of the majority of the people. That does not help any debate. It does not provide us with any extra insight into the difficulties which exist. Even in today's debate, many questions have been raised for which we do not have answers. It is not only on one side of the House that that is happening. In fairness to the Minister, nobody here would suggest that the many areas, which would have to be considered in the matter of regulation, have been teased out in any satisfactory manner.

I am not too sure that legislation in the first instance is necessarily the best way for advancing this. It has already been mentioned on both sides of the House, that there are areas concerning ethics. There is not a person here or in the country who would not be concerned with that. On the one hand, one must give deep consideration to the needs of childless couples who wish to have that blessing. Obviously they would feel that they are entitled to any legitimate service available.

If one looks back at the many offerings which we have seen from the tabloid press over the years, unfortunately in this area of assisted human reproduction we only read the unsavoury type of stories. On the other hand, when one sees the photograph of a child who has been brought into the world as a result of assistance in that area, one sees the human face of it and one also feels that this is something in which not only the couple but all of society would rejoice. On the other hand it must also be said that such legislation and regulation would impact not only on the couple directly involved but, from an ethical point of view and perhaps in other ways, it would also impact on society. None of us should feel that we have a monopoly of compassion or concern in this area. On the other hand we are leav ing a dangerous vacuum by not giving not only detailed but urgent consideration to this. While that vacuum exists there are many predators who could do immense harm to couples who would be expecting results and who, without those results, would be left with deep psychological and emotional problems. In fairness to Senator Fitzpatrick, he put forward that view perhaps from his own experience in the medical world and I thought he did it in a helpful manner. Likewise, Senator Henry did the same. As a person endeavouring to find a way forward on this subject, I thought that the help we were given today should be taken on board and I am sure that is exactly what the Minister is doing.

When one looks at the ethical questions of the frozen embryos, particularly if we end up with surplus embryos, and asks what exactly will happen in that case, in fairness it is not simply a matter of saying that one disposes of them. There are many people who would find that repugnant to their beliefs. They would certainly feel that it may open a door for other aspects regarding abortion. I have not yet heard a person stand up and say he or she favours abortion – even those seeking legislation on abortion express their opposition to it. In that atmosphere, we must be particularly cautious about legislation we introduce. While this Bill may not proceed any further today, I hope urgent consideration will be given to the content of this debate. If at all possible, I would welcome further debate on the matter in this House.

I accept that many of the speakers today are well placed to advise us on these matters. In the past, we tended to look to the Medical Council for advice. The council has expressed unequivocal views in this area. We must take those views on board as this matter cannot be discussed in isolation from them. The Medical Council comprises eminent medical people on the one hand and, on the other, people with deep held convictions which, in many ways, reflect the convictions of society at large. Are we to sideline the views of the Medical Council? I am not for one moment insinuating that that has been suggested today.

I compliment Senator Henry on the work she has put into this Bill and praise her for the manner in which she introduced it. We have learned one thing today, namely, that there is a need for further debate on the subject. There is a need to provide a forum and an opportunity to other people to make known their views. I would not like this debate to become overly emotive. At the end of the day, that would not allow progress to be made. It would not allow us to take on board the range of views which exist and, above all, it would not allow us to ensure that people's deeply-held convictions on human life are heard. I fully accept that human life exists at the embryonic stage.

I again compliment Senator Henry for the astute manner in which she introduced the Bill. I hope we will all endeavour to find solutions to the many complex problems which exist in a very humane and Christian manner. The Minister's well thought out speech was a major contribution to this debate. It was not a knee-jerk reaction to Senator Henry's Bill. It is regrettable we did not receive it sooner.

I wish to make a very short contribution to this debate and will take Senator Ó Murchú's very temperate and courteous contribution as my starting point. His comments set a tone for the debate.

I lived through the battles of the 1980s and many of us still bear the scars of the battles on divorce, family planning and the abortion referendums. I do not believe any of us want to live through those experiences again as they were deeply divisive and personally offensive and nasty at times. Things were said and done during those years which nobody in public life would ever wish to see this country subjected to again.

A subtext ran through this debate this evening, namely, that this Bill might result in the introduction or legalisation of abortion. I do not believe that is true, it is certainly not the Bill's intention and it does not form part of its content. The case on the Bill's objectives has been eloquently made. Senator Cox made a wonderful speech, as did Senators Taylor-Quinn, Henry, Jackman and Fitzgerald. Virtually everyone who spoke did so with humanity and expertise.

The Minister's speech was a good and careful contribution to the debate and I believe he accepts the Bill in principle. The Minister seemed to say that this Bill is crying out for Committee Stage examination. Experts could be brought in and various points of view put across in the calmness of the committee room or on Committee Stage in this House. Anyone who takes the trouble to examine the thinking behind Senator Henry's Bill will realise she does not claim it to be perfect but that its underlying principle is very important. We all accept that.

I compliment Senator Henry on her Bill and hope that, even at this late stage, the Government will accept the Bill's principle and provide for a searching Committee Stage examination.

I thank Senators and the Minister for the constructive debate we have had this evening. I would welcome further debate on this Bill, as Senator Ó Murchú requested. If the Bill were allowed to proceed to Committee Stage, we could seek expert advice, listen to the diverse range of views within the House and make great progress.

The word ‘urgency' has been used over and over again. Even though Senator Fitzpatrick stated that he thought Senator Quinn was placing too much emphasis on urgency, he pointed to the urgent need for the establishment of a committee to advise the Department, where necessary. This is a very serious matter.

People have spoken about the great joy IVF has brought to families in this country. However, other people have suffered terrible stress and incurred huge debt. As legislators, we have a moral duty to take speedy action in this area. I can understand Senator Rory Kiely's concerns, but it is very important that we bear in mind the comment made by Senator Quinn, namely, that regulating is not the same as approving. If one wants something to be regulated, it means one wants the tightest possible regulations to be introduced in a particular area. Perhaps Senator Kiely would agree to become a member of the committee which I would like to set up.

I am disappointed the Minister feels he cannot allow the Bill to proceed to a committee of the House. There has been some criticism that the Bill is not sufficiently adequate or precise. It is the function of a committee to address those shortcomings. I included some provisions and omitted others for various reasons.

The Minister asked why I included surrogacy and donor insemination in the Bill. Neither of those techniques are particularly new. On the issue of surrogacy, we should recall all the trouble with Hegar and Ishmail in the Bible. Sarah, who was childless, asked her bondswoman to bear a child for her by Abraham. When Sarah subsequently became pregnant with Isaac, Hegar and Ishmail were sent off into the wilderness and we are all aware of the problems which ensued from that point onwards. Surrogacy contracts have existed since biblical times although they may not have been legal contracts.

On the issue of donor insemination, it is a wise child who knows its own father. I take Senator Walsh's point about genetics. However, we cannot allow a situation to develop where a person turns up and says, "That is my child" when the child, conceived through donor insemination, has lived with a couple for 16 years. On the other hand, we cannot allow a situation to develop where a child turns up somewhere in the Isle of Man calling someone "Daddy" and where the man must try to take responsibility for the child. Such an incident occurred in a case between Sweden and Denmark. I am not talking about hypothetical cases.

Senators raised in a very emotive way a number of issues in regard to frozen embryos and the disposal of embryos. These issues must be addressed within the terms of the legislation. The position on the freezing of embryos changes by the hour. Pro-nuclear freezing may be possible before the DNA of the two gametes join properly. That will remove a huge moral dilemma for many. There are areas which have huge ethical consequences and we are not looking at them.

I take issue with Senator Lydon who was inclined to exclude scientists from the ethical debate. I would not allow that to happen. They must be as involved as anyone else in the moral, ethical and philosophical debate. This leaves scientists with the view that somehow they have been separated and are working in a different area where one does not have to make moral, ethical and philosophical judgments, particularly in this area where one is dealing with the basis of human life – human tissue. It is essential that they are included. Ethical considerations in the laboratory are as important to me as ethical considerations in the clinic and operating theatre.

I am disappointed the Minister of State has decided the Bill cannot move forward. I thought we had a good debate and that the Minister of State would be in a position to give us the responsibility to move forward with the Bill. When he said the matter should be left with the Department, I thought of the mental health Bill which has been promised for nearly 30 years. Earlier this year the Minister, Deputy Cowen, informed me that I would definitely have something by July, but I am still waiting. That is the reason I am not a great believer in the philosophy of "live horse and you'll get grass".

This matter is too important to let go. We are dealing with the basis of human life. Urgency is called for. The word "humanity" was used several times. Work has been ongoing on the mental health Bill for 30 years. The Department has not even started to work on this one. I am disappointed the Minister of State was not in a position to support it.

Question put.

Burke, Paddy.Caffrey, Ernie.Coghlan, Paul.Connor, John.Costello, Joe.Cregan, Dino.Gallagher, Pat.Henry, Mary.

Jackman, Mary.Manning, Maurice.O'Meara, Kathleen.Quinn, Feargal.Ridge, Thérèse.Ross, Shane.Taylor-Quinn, Madeleine.

Níl

Bohan, Eddie.Callanan, Peter.Cassidy, Donie.Chambers, Frank.Cregan, JohnFinneran, Michael.Fitzgerald, Liam.Fitzgerald, Tom.Fitzpatrick, Dermot.Haughey, Edward.Kett, Tony.

Kiely, Daniel.Kiely, Rory.Lanigan, Mick.Leonard, Ann.Lydon, Don.Moylan, Pat.O'Brien, Francis.O'Donovan, Denis.Ó Murchú, Labhrás.Ormonde, Ann.Walsh, Jim.

Tellers: Tá, Senators Henry and Quinn; Níl, Senators Finneran and T. Fitzgerald.
Question declared lost.
Sitting suspended at 6.45 p.m. and resumed at 7 p.m.
Barr
Roinn