I welcome the Minister, Deputy Fahey, to the House and I warmly welcome the opportunity to move this important and much needed Bill. As Members are aware my former colleague, Pat Gallagher, drafted and moved a similar Bill this time last year. He put forward a comprehensive, cogent and well-founded Bill which would have radically changed the way lobbyists operate. To its eternal shame the Government decided to vote down the Bill on that occasion. Given what we have learned in the intervening 12 months about the role played by certain lobbyists in the corruption of the political system, I genuinely believed the Government parties in the House would have put to one side their petty political jealousies and taken a principled decision to support the Bill.
The proliferation of paid lobbyists prowling the corridors of power makes regulation of their activities inevitable. The public has the right to know who has lobbied, is lobbying and will lobby politicians, and for whom and why lobbying takes place. The shocking disclosures by Frank Dunlop, lobbyist extraordinaire, to the Flood tribunal in recent weeks revealed the web of intrigue, bribery and corruption spun by one professional paid lobbyist to secure the interests of his clients, namely, big business and big developers.
If the legislation had been accepted by the Government when first introduced in the Seanad a year ago it would have prevented some wrongdoing in the intervening 12 months. Had it been in place 15 years ago it would probably have made the Flood tribunal unnecessary. The lobbyist, his clients and their activities would have been a matter of public record. The web would not have been spun and politicians and public servants could not have been ensnared.
The Government voted against a similar Bill introduced by the Labour Party 12 months ago. While agreeing with the principles in the Bill the Government said more research was necessary. The amendment tabled by the Government today makes precisely the same point, namely, that the Labour Party has tabled a good Bill but that the Government does not want to accept it yet. Nothing has been done by the Government in the past 12 months to show it has the slightest intention of regulating lobbyists. The cancer is now clearly evident and the Government should not be found wanting a second time. It can support democracy by supporting the Bill. It would be a belated but welcome conversion which would uphold the standing of the House and demonstrate the seriousness with which we treat the current public mood of revulsion caused by the near daily revelations of alleged corruption and malpractice in so many areas of public life.
However, the amendment in the name of Senator Cassidy has dashed those hopes. It will be most strongly resisted by the Labour Party and other Senators who have correctly recognised the unprecedented growth of the lobbyist industry over the past number of years and the urgent need to put in place a fair regulatory system. The amendment tabled once again proposes prevarication instead of action and lethargy instead of parliamentary innovation.
The amendment refuses to address the core issues covered by the Registration of Lobbyists Bill. It puts all progress on this front on the méar fada. Unfortunately for the Government, the long finger approach was the stance it adopted in June 1999. The Minister of State, Deputy Moffatt, declared in the House at that time that "there are a number of initiatives in hand which are relevant to ensuring the highest standards of ethical behaviour and conduct and guarding against wrongdoing in public life. I expect the standards Bill will be published later this year." He went on to say "This Bill will provide an opportunity to consider bringing lobbyists within the scope of the new commission". Not a single thing has happened since then. Lobbyists still operate without public transparency or a regulatory framework. A standards in public office Bill has not appeared despite being promised on numerous occasions.
How on earth does the Government expect us to accept an amendment which again postpones action on this vital issue, given its disgraceful track record of indolence and inaction over the past 12 months? The shocking evidence of Frank Dunlop to the Flood tribunal has demonstrated beyond a shadow of doubt that lobbyists need to operate within a regulatory framework in order that decision-makers and citizens can be aware of their clients and the vested interests they represent. It beggars belief that in the wake of such evidence the Government is still resisting this important Bill.
The action of the Government is not only damaging public confidence in the political system but is damaging the lobbyists' profession. Members of the profession support the introduction of a fair regulatory framework, such as that proposed in the legislation. They are annoyed and disgusted at the bad name of their profession which the Dunlop revelations have engendered. The Government alone is intent on adopting an ostrich-like position on this crucial issue. That demonstrates how after three years of the comforts of power the Government is rapidly losing touch with the electorate. It believes that it has a monopoly of wisdom and if the collective wisdom of the Government is not to do anything, then nothing will be done.
Lobbying has become established as a permanent feature of our system of parliamentary democracy and decision making and in future years the practice of lobbying is likely to become more sophisticated and intense. There is no reason this Bill cannot be accepted by the House at the second time of asking. Detailed examination of the legislation can be undertaken on Committee Stage. It is designed to disclose the activities of lobbyists and their clients in the public interest, and is not aimed at preventing or stopping them.
If powerful groups in society are using public affairs consultants to change laws or influence public policy then the public has a right to know about such activities and who is behind them. It is a simple democratic principle, which the Government seems intent on rejecting again. There are no formal rules relating to the activities of lobbyists, yet there are laws on our Statute Book, such as the Ethics in Public Office Act, 1995, with which public representatives and public servants must comply. Under the new planning legislation similar standards will apply to elected local authority representatives.
Furthermore, if public and private companies are required by law to declare the names of their auditors and legal advisers in documents submitted to the Companies Office and in annual reports, legislation should be introduced which requires lobbyists to make similar declarations about those for whom they work. The Bill will go some way towards correcting the perceived notion or suspicion that lobbyists are able to gain unfair advantage for their clients. This impression has been further reinforced by Frank Dunlop's evidence at the Flood tribunal. The legislation would require individuals who, for payment or reward, lobby politicians or senior public servants to register their activities with the Public Offices Commission and this documentation would be open to the public for inspection. Nothing more drastic or radical than that is proposed. The legislation covers representative and non-governmental organisations which employ in-house lobbyists to influence office holders, in addition to covering those whose business it is to act as professional lobbyists, such as public affairs consultants.
I will not delay in regard to the detail of the Bill. This is the second time in 12 months that the House has discussed this issue and nothing has changed in the intervening period. The Government has not done anything despite its stated commitment in this House. Given the Government's failure, surely it is time that this House behaved like a proper legislative body and sent a strong message to the Executive that if it fails in its duty to govern and to live up to the commitment it gave to this House last year, then as an elected assembly we should proceed with this much needed legislation. If we fail to do so, it will be a sad day for the standing of this House.
The public is deeply shocked by the revelations of the past three years and, in particular, by the evidence emanating from the Flood and Moriarty tribunals. It is not good that the Progressive Democrats Party and Fianna Fáil spout fine words about standards in public life and the need to address issues. We have heard such words before and know how shallow and easily forgotten they are. It is time to take action and put on the Statute Book a rational and fair system for the registration of lobbyists. That is the question before the House. I ask Fianna Fáil and the Pro gressive Democrats Party members not to turn their backs on this measure for the second time in 12 months. Enough is enough. We must accept the Bill and debate it on Committee Stage.