Léim ar aghaidh chuig an bpríomhábhar
Gnáthamharc

Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 25 Oct 2001

Vol. 168 No. 9

Northern Ireland: Statements.

I begin by thanking you, a Leas-Chathaoirligh, and the Members of this House for affording me the opportunity to participate in this most timely and important debate. When I addressed this House last year, I observed that implementing the Good Friday Agreement was like climbing a particularly frustrating mountain – just as you think you are reaching the top, a new and steeper slope appears. There have been numerous occasions during the process when it seemed as though the hard work had been done, only for new issues, or old ones in new guises, to appear. Experience has made us all a little more cautious and a little more reluctant to celebrate fully each step forward. This week is different. I am very hopeful that the landscape has finally and fundamentally changed. If we collectively and urgently seize the opportunity with which we are now presented, we can and will see the Agreement implemented in full.

In recent days, genuinely historic steps have been taken. IRA weapons – arms, ammunition and explosives – have been permanently put beyond use to the satisfaction of the International Commission on Decommissioning. This is a momentous achievement. The Government always believed that the commission was the mechanism through which this most difficult of issues would be resolved. There were many who said it would never happen and who doubted our ability to overcome the serious obstacle the question of arms represented in the process, but they were wrong. There were also those who said that unionism was not committed to the process and did not want to share power. They too were wrong. We have seen this profoundly important step receive a positive and generous response from the leadership of the Ulster Unionist Party. We welcome the return of Unionist Ministers to office. We appreciate the difficulties David Trimble faces in securing his own return but I know he is working to achieve it. When he succeeds, the door to renewed partnership in government and on this island will have been unlocked.

It has taken considerable courage and leadership on all sides to bring us this far. People have taken personal risks and endured great strain. I readily and warmly pay tribute to all who have made it possible, especially those republicans who have been prepared to grapple with issues of deep significance to their movement and to their wider community, and to those Unionists who have been committed to making the Agreement work.

I also extend the sincere gratitude of the Government and the people to General de Chastelain and his colleagues. The question of arms has been one of the most sensitive and difficult issues we have had to address. Because they were not in a position to resolve the question themselves, the parties and Governments tasked the commission with taking the matter forward. We deeply appreciate the conscientious and professional way in which the commission has gone about its work to fulfil its important mandate.

As guns are put beyond use, it is appropriate that we also remember those for whom this has been a week of very mixed emotions. The existence and use of guns and explosives has brought great suffering and enormous sadness to far too many lives on all sides. People are still grieving and waiting for closure. For some the wounds, physical and psychological, will never heal. We do not forget them at this time. However, as we said in the Agreement, we can best honour them through a fresh start and through dedicating ourselves to the achievement of lasting peace and reconciliation. As a result of this week's events, we now have a renewed opportunity to show that politics can be made to work effectively for all the people. We cannot afford to let it pass.

We recently saw the remains of ten volunteers from a different era and a different circumstance finally laid to rest with decency and honour and with the full respect of the people for whom they gave their lives. Separated from them by many decades, we can never fully know the thoughts and convictions that individually motivated them. However, we can be certain that they shared a commitment to the right of Irish people to self-determination.

It has been argued, and many would agree, that partition prevented the full exercise of that right and that the people never had the opportunity to decide our own future together and to speak on fundamental and vitally important aspects of how we see ourselves and how we would wish to conduct our relationships with each other on this island.

Throughout the peace process and under successive Irish Governments it was a firmly held conviction that if the lessons of Irish history were to be learned and if the process of healing and reconciliation was to begin, any agreement emerging from a process of negotiation would have to right that historical wrong and that if it was to succeed, any settlement would require the unassailable democratic authority and legitimacy that only endorsement by the people, North and South, voting together could confer.

In May 1998, the people of Ireland, North and South, exercising together their right to determine their future and voting overwhelmingly in favour of the Good Friday Agreement, brought a chapter in our history to a close. The people were sovereign and they spoke, embracing the principles that underpin the Agreement and pledging themselves to work to secure its implementation. It was a watershed.

In voting for the Agreement, the people recognised the equal legitimacy of our differing political identities and aspirations, and put in place a political framework that would enable us to work together in partnership and peace to build a better future together.

They committed themselves to the principle that constitutional change could only be brought about peacefully and with the consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland. They pledged themselves to raising up new institutions, creating a new dispensation in human rights and equality, normalising society and bringing about a new beginning in policing and justice and relationships on the island. After decades of conflict, the people voted for the absolute primacy of politics and for creating the context in which the gun would forever be taken out of Irish politics.

In implementing the Agreement, including the resolution of the question of arms, we are carrying out the people's democratic will. It is the solemn and bounden duty of all concerned to see it through to a successful conclusion. As we know all too well, the task has not been easy. In particular, the question of arms has been a thorn in our sides throughout the process. It has provoked emotions and polarised attitudes on all sides. It became a litmus test for unionism of commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means. Republicans suspected it was being used to mask a deeper reluctance to embrace change, to share power and to make politics work. It dogged our efforts to move from ceasefires to talks.

It is now almost six years since the Governments established an international body, under Senator George Mitchell, to seek an agreed basis for progress on the negotiations and on decommissioning. It stalled progress in the talks. It is over four years since the Governments put legislation in place and established the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning as the mechanism through which the issue could be handled and resolved. It seriously hampered our efforts to secure full implementation of the Agreement. Rightly or wrongly, the question of decommissioning became so entangled with question of devolution that, for over 18 months we struggled to find an agreed basis on which the institutions could be established. Just as the institutions were beginning to demonstrate their immense potential to deliver real change, another crisis on decommissioning in February last year saw them brought down for over three months.

In working to achieve their restoration at Hillsborough in May last year, the Governments realised that we could not continue in this manner. We needed to broaden the context and to focus on all areas where implementation had not been achieved rather than on any one issue. We identified the outstanding elements of the Agreement and mapped out how they could be progressed. In response, the IRA took a significant step, identifying the context within which it would initiate a process to put arms completely and verifiably beyond use and opened its arms dumps to independent inspection. On that basis, the institutions were restored at the end of May 2000. They operated effectively until last October when, in the absence of further tangible progress, the Ulster Unionist Party moved to prevent Sinn Féin Ministers from attending meetings of the North-South Ministerial Council.

In July of this year, following the resignation of David Trimble as First Minister, the Governments and parties worked intensively at Weston Park to find a way forward to allow the four last pieces of the jigsaw – policing, demilitarisation, decommissioning and the stability of the institutions – to slot into place. At the start of August, a package was put to the parties. Particular proposals on policing, demilitarisation and the stability of the institutions were made and we said that decommissioning was indispensable. We looked to others to respond and, on 6 August the IICD reported that it had reached agreement with the IRA on a scheme for putting its weapons beyond use.

That the IRA's engagement with the commission has now resulted in that scheme being implemented is a cause of the greatest satisfaction to all who have worked hard to achieve full implementation of the Agreement. A profoundly important decision has been taken by the republican movement. We have always acknowledged that decommissioning is a voluntary act. Equally, we have always said that it is indispensable, a necessary contribution to the consolidation of peace and democracy and to the creation of mutual trust. In taking the step that it has, the IRA has greatly enhanced the prospects for peace and for the full implementation of the Agreement. It is a vindication for all those who have argued for a political way forward. We need to move quickly to capitalise on this opportunity. The institutions are the democratic core of the Agreement. We need to have them fully back in business.

David Trimble has now re-appointed his Ministers and has made it clear that, subject to the views of his party's executive, he will seek re-election as First Minister. I know that everyone in this House wishes him success. Now that Ministers are back in place, we need to see each party reaffirming its commitment to playing its full part in all of the institutions and enabling the other parties to do likewise. The days of stop-start in the institutions must be finally and permanently put behind us. There will be those who will seek to play a disruptive and negative role – refusing to engage fully with the new dispensation as mandated by the people. They cannot be allowed to hold up our work. We need to see renewed programmes of work and meetings in the institutions – the North-South Ministerial Council, the British-Irish Council – with Ministers participating fully in all meetings relevant to their responsibilities. In particular, I look forward to early dates being set for outstanding meetings of the North-South Ministerial Council in plenary format as well as meetings on education, health and food safety. These sectors have been particularly disrupted by the impasse and they urgently need to be able to press forward now. At Weston Park we also suggested to the parties that to enable planning and preparation to proceed, meetings and ministerial attendance should, as far as possible, be agreed six months in advance. I hope that this is a matter which the parties will implement in the period ahead.

I very much welcome the speed with which the British Government has moved to reflect the significant reduction in the level of threat that the putting of arms beyond use represents. The removal of installations in Newtownhamiliton and Magherafelt and on Sturgan and Camlough mountains is an important demonstration to people on the ground that things are moving forward and that politics delivers change. The British Government has promised a rolling process of demilitarisation, ultimately to a point where normal levels of security prevail. I look forward to that work progressing quickly. It is critically important that the people of south Armagh, west Tyrone and all areas benefit to the full from the implementation of the Agreement.

Clearly it would be enormously assisted were other paramilitary organisations to follow the IRA in putting their weapons beyond use. There is simply no place for violence in a democracy. The people do not want it. The Governments will not stand for it. The world is a changed place – you are for peace or you are against the people. That is a message that must be heard loud and clear, particularly in the streets of north Belfast and Ardoyne. It is completely unacceptable for people to daily give vent to their grievances by hurling abuse and worse at the young schoolchildren of Holy Cross School. It must stop.

Senators

Hear, hear.

The Agreement guaranteed the right of everyone to freely choose their place of residence and to live free from sectarian harassment. Campaigns of sectarian intimidation and violence must not be allowed to continue. Those responsible must be caught and brought to justice. Their activities have no place in a civilised world.

In a little over a week's time the Police Service of Northern Ireland will come into being and the new beginning in policing promised in the Agreement will be under way. New recruits will enter shortly. Early next year we will see their presence on the ground. The Northern Ireland Policing Board and district policing partnerships will inevitably take time to establish themselves, but their vitally important work in making the police service fully accountable to the community it serves will begin shortly. The oversight commissioner's review – to be published a year into the new arrangements – will be an important benchmark of how matters are proceeding and where changes are necessary to ensure that the Patten report is being implemented in full. We are embarking on an enormously important process of change. All parts of the community should be fully involved and enabled to play their full part. I strongly welcome the presence of Nationalists and Unionists on the policing board. It is a great shame that republicans are not there beside them, giving voice to the concerns and interests of the communities they represent. They have shown good leadership in other areas. I hope that, in time, they will come on board for the new beginning to policing.

The Agreement is about replacing conflict with political engagement and overcoming the divisions of our past. It promised a new beginning in which partnership, equality and mutual respect were the basis on which relationships were to be built and sustained. It said we would strive together, in every practical way, towards reconciliation and rapprochement. For too many that vision has yet to become a reality. That this is the case has been manifest in our political difficulties which have, in large part, stemmed from our failure to build bridges of trust and confidence between the two communities. People still live apart in their own communities. There are our shops and their shops, our streets and their streets. We have yet to build the common ground on which people can live, work, prosper and thrive together.

Overcoming this legacy of mutual distrust and misunderstanding will be a longer-term project. Our chances of success will be immeasurably improved if it takes place in an active and politically dynamic context. We need to see the people take full ownership of the task, to see civic society fully engaged, active and vocal in its support for the Agreement and its full implementation. The business community, North and South, has a particularly crucial role to play. The potential is clearly there for a dynamic move forward in business co-operation and common action on the island. It now needs to be actively pursued. We have had a good week. We have moved closer than ever before to our goal, but we must acknowledge the distance yet to be travelled and the critical work that remains to be done if we are truly to realise the Agreement's full potential.

We should not underestimate the scale of what we have achieved in Ireland. Sitting on the Security Council one becomes sharply aware of the great number of countries in which conflict is a daily reality and in which hope is in very short supply. We do not pretend we have discovered a universal solution. We know each conflict has its unique origins, issues and solutions. However, at this difficult time for the global community, Ireland can send and is sending out a positive message.

We are not complacent, but we have shown that peace can happen, politics can work and mindsets as well as guns can be decommissioned. Senator Maurice Hayes, writing perceptively in today's Irish Independent, probably spoke for all of us when he stated, “Whatever way we look at it, this is one of the great days in the development of democratic institutions in Northern Ireland, in a resolution of an age old conflict, and in the potential it presents for a better and safer life for all the people there.”.

We also know that no process of conflict resolution will be without its setbacks and problems. The enemies of peace cannot be allowed to succeed. With the right mixture of determination, patience and good will, even what seem the most insurmountable obstacles and intractable problems can be overcome. We have been privileged to have had the solidarity of the international community in our effort. We deeply appreciate and value how our friends throughout the world, especially in the United States, have stood by us sharing our bad days as well as our good. Having received so much, we have a solemn duty to repay our debt in kind. Wherever there is conflict, there are people working for peace. Wherever and whenever we can lend a hand and help make a difference, we will not be found wanting.

I welcome the Minister to the House and compliment and thank him for a fine address. I thank all those who made possible this day and offered the people of Northern Ireland the potential of a life of political normality, peace, stability and, most of all, the chance of a new beginning. It will not be easy.

Experience and history tell us that nothing in Northern Ireland is easy, that as soon as one problem is resolved another appears, words take on different meanings for different people, unexpected loopholes appear out of nowhere and that the burden of history sits heavily on too many people.

Let us not forget either that sheer evil and malevolence are never far from the surface. It is visible in the example referred to by the Minister, the sectarian intimidation of children trying to go to school and in those prepared to stir up sectarian hatred in the interests of destabilising everything achieved so far.

We would be foolish to ignore the fact that the Good Friday Agreement and all that has flowed from it still has some very powerful enemies. Not everybody in Northern Ireland or, perhaps, in this part of the country is wedded to the peace process. There are still those who want no truck with the promised future. Other guns have yet to be silenced and further decommissioning must take place.

In a strange way, it is the voices we have not heard this week which are most significant. These silent voices give us most cause for concern.

It is necessary to proceed with an element of caution. We have all shared the euphoria, hype and joy before, only to see it followed, often very quickly, by the great let down.

The Minister was right to thank those friends who stuck with us during the bad times as well as the good times because, even since the Good Friday Agreement was signed, there have been some very bad and bleak days when people thought the whole process would run aground. All praise, therefore, goes to those who did not lose faith in the process.

It was interesting that the reaction in the North on Monday and Tuesday was low key. People are battle weary and crisis worn. They have been disappointed too often in the past and will not cheer too loudly until they see things working as has been promised. This time, I believe, things are different. All the important building blocks and preconditions for success seem to be in place and many are already working.

Decommissioning is not a surrender. What we are witnessing is a victory for constitutionalism and peaceful democratic politics of the type practised by the SDLP for 30 long, difficult and unrewarding years. In a real sense everyone is a victor today, but if there is an ideological or philosophical winner, it is the mainstream parties, especially, as I have said, the SDLP because its brand of politics has triumphed. In all the spinning and euphoria it is easy to lose sight of the fact that the advocates of physical force, as they call it, have yielded and conceded to the old fashioned advocates of democratic constitutional politics. The historical traditions of O'Connell and Parnell, on which the politics of all parties in this House are based, have ultimately been the victors in the battle of ideas.

These events are also a victory for the Governments of these two islands who have shown enormous patience and resolve over the long barren years. History will record the full substance of their achievements, not just this huge achievement. Working together in this process they have brought our two islands closer together than ever before and replaced the distrust of generations, indeed centuries, with genuine full blooded co-operation. For the first time in the history of these two islands, an unambiguous friendship has replaced the lingering ambivalence which hitherto characterised relations. This may not have been the objective of Sinn Féin or the IRA when it set out, but it is one of the very productive, if ironic, results of what we have all been through. We are all the better for it.

As well as thanking the Government through the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, who has been superb in all he has done in this process, I thank the Governments and leaders of the past 30 years. John Major and Tony Blair stand out among the British Prime Ministers as the only ones who tried to understand the deep nature of the problem and were prepared to devote the energy and humility required to resolve it. Every Taoiseach from Jack Lynch and Liam Cosgrave through to Bertie Ahern has raised the issues to a higher plane and given the problem of Northern Ireland his complete commitment. Nothing can take from them the contribution they have made.

I thank also the civil servants. Convention dictates they should not be named but I state, as I have done in the past, that we owe them an enormous debt. They have been the true patriots of the past 30 years, working silently with imagination and dedication, unable to reply to insults, prepared to take rebuff after rebuff and willing to start all over again. They include people like Eamon Gallagher and Sean Donlon in the early days through to Paddy Teahon, Dermot Gallagher, Tim Dalton, Martin Mansergh and many more in the recent past and include those in the Minister's office who have worked so hard such as Daithi Ó Ceallaigh and Declan Kelly. The Minister is aware of the contribution they have made. It would be wrong if it was not publicly recognised by the Oireachtas and the people.

Great praise is due to the leaders of Sinn Féin, Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness. They showed beyond doubt in these past difficult times that their commitment to democratic politics is real. They showed skill and leadership, patience and cunning in bringing the IRA with them. They have shown personal courage of a very high order and their efforts deserve to be rewarded with success.

Only time will tell, although the Minister probably has a good idea of, the full story of how the IRA was persuaded to decommission. One of the factors which persuaded the however was very clear, the pressure, persuasion and plain talking of this country's friends both in and out of government in the US. They played an enormous part.

The terrible events of 11 September changed everything. There could no longer be ambiguity about terrorism, no winks or nods to Libya, Colombia, ETA or any other terrorist group. That message was put across loud and clear by the friends of this country in the US. So too was the positive message that now was the time to take that giant leap forward, to take that last great risk. If the opportunity was not grasped, the patience, tolerance and support of the friends of the republican movement would very quickly wear out. It was a powerful message and it was one that had at least some effect in persuading the IRA to take that final decision.

The role of the US Government has over recent years been splendid. Ambassador Haass, in particular, in recent times and Secretary of State, Colin Powell, have been of enormous help, as the Minister knows. Within Congress we have had loyal, unwavering and constructive friends, people prepared to support us and to tell the truth, people such as Senator Kennedy and Senator Chris Dodd. I also mention someone who played an important part at crucial stages in the peace process, the former ambassador, Jean Kennedy-Smith.

The goodwill and straight talking of groups like the National Committee on American Foreign Policy and, in particular its chairman, Mr. William Flynn, was vital. History will show the enormity of the part played by Bill Flynn throughout the peace process. He is a rare person, somebody who speaks his mind without losing the trust and confidence of either side, be they loyalist or republican, British or Irish. This country owes him and many like him an enormous debt of gratitude. They do not ask for or expect our thanks, but without people like Bill Flynn and those around him, without their disinterested, honest and generous help, the achieving of decommissioning would have been much more difficult.

We now face into the future and it is likely to be a better future than most of us could have envisaged even a few weeks ago. The institutions of the Good Friday Agreement have taken root. The Assembly has shown that it is capable of being robust. Working relationships have been established. People long denied their own Parliament have given character to the new Assembly. Those who long spurned democratic politics have seen how it can work to the good of all, as the Minister made clear in his contribution today.

There is still an enormous well of distrust. The memories of 30 terrible years will not be erased easily – in many cases they can never be. There is still the unfinished business of the various inquiries. There is the task of establishing the new police force on a secure footing, central to the creation of a stable State. This new police force must have the trust of both communities. At least the way is well signalled and much progress has been made.

We have reached the point where we in this part of the country, through our Government and our Parliament, and indeed the Government and people of Britain, have done all we can and all that can be asked of us. As the Minister said, we will continue to support the new democracy in Northern Ireland and we will give every assistance we can to build better relations between the two parts of the island and to help build better relations within Northern Ireland. We have done virtually all we can do and from this point on, it is over to the people of Northern Ireland to make a success of their own democracy. Only they can do that, and I have every belief that they will do so.

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire. Gabhaim buíochas leis as ucht an ráitis a chuir sé os ár gcomhair inniu, ráiteas réasúnta, praicticiúil, dearfa agus dóchasach. Chruthaigh an tseachtain seo go bhfuil Poblachtánaigh, agus náisiúnaithe i gcoitinne, sásta dul i ngleic leis an gcóras sa Tuaisceart agus gur féidir leo a n-ídéil agus a n-aidhmeanna a chur chun tosaigh go síochánta agus gan aon cos ar bholg a bheith déanta orthu.

Tá dualgas orainn uilig a bheith cabhrach sa phróiséas sin. Tá a fhios againn go maith cad a tharla sa tír seo le blianta fada anuas. Bhí an-deighilt idir dhaoine. Is cinnte go raibh fulaingt úafásach le déanamh ag an-chuid daoine agus nach mbeidh a shárú sin le fáil ariamh. Ag an am gcéanna, d'fhoghlaimíomar, ó bheith ag caint lena chéile, gur féidir linn ár bhfealsúnacht a thuiscint agus fealsúnacht dhaoine eile a thuiscint freisin agus gur féidir idir-ghníomhaíocht a bheith eadrainn ar son an chine daonna agus ar son an oileáin i gcoitinne.

Ní hionann sin agus a rá go gcaithfidh éinne a ídéil a chur ar leataobh nó a rá nach bhfuil sé ceadaithe í a bheith mar aidhm ag duine go mbeadh an dá chuid den tír aontaithe. Tá seans níos fearr ann an tír a aontú má tá sé bunaithe ar dhea-thoil, ar chomh-oibriú agus ar chomh-thuiscint.

I thank the Minister for coming to the House today and sharing his thoughts and experiences with us in this very historic week. His statement was practical, positive and hopeful. Looking back over the decades it is evident that some people have been particularly heroic. There have been many pessimists, many people who were defeatist, many who were cynical during the bad times. Yet it was important that dialogue continued, that we had the opportunity of at least endeavouring to understand each other's point of view.

At times, perhaps, this has been part of our difficulty. While we have been beset by the geographical partition in this country, which no doubt set back a day of resolution in more ways than one, there has also been partition in our minds and in our hearts. At times it was virtually impossible for both traditions to communicate with each other because of that division. There was a deep distrust of every word, every action and every aspiration. At the same time people endeavoured to keep doors open.

Thirty or 40 years ago it was unthinkable that a Unionist politician would travel to Dublin and be photographed publicly talking to politicians from the Republic. It would have been virtually impossible in that period for a politician to travel from the Republic to the North and not create a huge amount of unrest. All is changed, changed utterly, and for the better. Those things belong to the distant past and now we are all able to see that we occupy a very small island, although this does not mean that we have to agree with each other's point of view.

This week has been referred to as historic, and it is historic for many reasons. We do not have time in this forum to dissect and analyse republican policies and philosophies from their beginnings. It would not serve any purpose, but this turning point in Irish history is different from any other sea change which has taken place in Irish history. This is because a solid foundation has been laid on which we can build.

I have always held republican views and hope I will continue to do so. Virtually everybody on the island who comes from the Nationalist tradition holds republican views. Over the decades I have often tried to envisage what full independence and the unity of Ireland would mean. I am certain it would not mean the removal of British forces from this island, changing one Administration for another. I always felt independence or the pursuit of a united Ireland would be an organic development, a changing process as time proceeded. One could go so far as to say that many elements of that unity now exist in a way that does not necessarily have to agitate those who do not want a united Ireland. For instance, one can easily drive across the Border and not be aware that is the position.

Both traditions in the North can sit down and work together with a sense of equality. This has inspired republicans to take the move they took this week. I find it difficult to distinguish between Nationalist and republican because to me they both belong to the same family and pursue the same philosophy. They believe they can legitimately pursue their ideals and seek out their aspirations without being coerced or obstructed from so doing. That is the reason they were prepared to operate the system as now applies in the North. During the short period of the Assembly and the Executive it became clear that there was a common decency among all people in the North, irrespective of which tradition to which they subscribed and that that common decency would be the engine of progress in the future. Ministers from both traditions worked closely together for the betterment of their people, not only the people of their constituencies, but all the people as such be the case.

We have entered the realm of real and normal politics. Anybody who obstructs that progress and development or dilutes that potential which is at our disposal will do no justice to any cause they consider righteous or positive. It is easy to go down a by-road and talk of some of the more extreme happenings in the North. It is easy to recognise where generosity does not exist, but in so doing we will undermine the generosity evident and manifested, within the past 24 or 48 hours, which will create its own momentum. That would not have been possible but for the Minister, Deputy Cowen, the Taoiseach, the Government, all the political parties which contributed throughout the whole period and our friends internationally.

I had the opportunity in the House to compliment the former United States President, Bill Clinton, who was courageous in a way we never experienced from a leader of America where he was backed up by many people. I also pay tribute to Tony Blair. When he addressed the joint session of the Houses of the Oireachtas he made it clear he had a very deep understanding of Ireland's history and the difficulties and the wrongs perpetrated against us as a people for many centuries. That comes from his Irish background. It was necessary for many people of goodwill to come on board.

Each Member is right to give kudos to Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and the republican movement because we must bear in mind it was the injustices in the North and the obstruction of the legitimate pursuit of aims and objects that spawned republican movements throughout every single period. If they were responding and reacting to coercion in the North, born to a large degree out of a sense of supremacy on the part of those who had the power to practise it and out of political arrogance which had no place in the civilised world, it took quite a while for the Unionist family to respond. In the process it has fragmented itself in a way that nobody could have foreseen a quarter of a century ago. There are now many brands and colours of Unionism evident in the North, much more so than within the republican Nationalist family.

This is not a gloating matter. What is happening here is that a new political watershed is being created and there is no reason, no more than in the post-independence era in the Republic, a new political realignment cannot come about in the North. It should no longer be necessary for David Trimble, good man though he is in many ways, to be always looking over his shoulder at his constituency. He should look at new friends, colleagues and compatriots who are available to work with him in the new Assembly and institutions.

I can see not only a window of opportunity, but a window of enlightened vision being open to us on this island. Within the next 12 months – I put it no longer than that – we could see, in a constitutional sense, many revolutionary realignments and developments on this island. We should all be prepared, with a sense of adventure, idealism and generosity, to seize every opportunity that comes our way to interact with each other, bearing in mind that the Ireland of today, the 32 counties, is not the Ireland of 20 years ago.

We are sited in an international setting. As the Minister said, we hold an exhalted position on the Security Council. We have held the Presidency of the European Union. Our economic progress has been lauded throughout the world. This is not the Ireland of a quarter of a century ago. We are poised in many ways in an international context to make light of the difficulties on the island and look to that bigger picture, which is of an international dimension.

We would be very ungenerous if we did not endeavour to make future developments comfortable for our Unionist colleagues in the North. There is nothing whatever to be gained by being categorised under one particular heading. The real test of our commitment, tenacity and determination to build on what has happened this week will be our determination to look at the broader picture.

I congratulate the Minister and everybody else who has been connected with the peace process. We wish everybody involved well. Those who have any doubts or feel they are being upstaged or sidelined should become part of what is now happening. It is for the betterment of Ireland and mankind and the security, contentment and development of future generations.

I wish to share my time with Senator Ross in order that we each have eight minutes.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach

Eight and eight do not make 15, but I will allow a little latitude.

Eight euro and eight euro make 15 pence. I welcome the Minister's statement and compliment him on its upbeat and comprehensive nature. I echo the compliments offered to all groups and bodies. I was particularly delighted to see in today's newspapers recognition for the work of the faceless civil servants in the background, to whom the Minister has given credit on many occasions. This is a time of hope, optimism and anticipation of a bright future. We should not, however, forget the fact that there are people on this island, North and South, whom I refer to as career terrorists. They have a different agenda which has little to do with progressing the needs of their people, from whatever side.

I listened with interest to the point made by Senator Ó Murchú about a united Ireland. I have a slightly different view of what is meant by a united Ireland. To me a united Ireland is an Ireland united in its quest for peace. We have seen this clearly in recent years. It is an Ireland united in seeking a better life for all its citizens, whatever their backgrounds, beliefs and political aspirations. It is an Ireland united by focusing on the development of the whole island and all its people and which distracts from the minor issues which feed sectarianism. It looks at the big picture to drive society forward towards a better quality of life for everybody. We must be united in this.

For me a united Ireland is one where we focus and move forward on cross-community initiatives which lay the foundations of trust across communities, parties, religious beliefs and so forth. That is how we move forward. If we have a single education system, North and South, for example, that will be a united Ireland and the line that goes from Derry to Dundalk will simply be a line on a map, like other boundaries such as rivers and county boundaries.

It behoves us to focus on the people rather than the partitionist nature of the island. The partitionist nature of the people on our island is reflected very much by those who would articu late most loudly the idea of a politically united Ireland. Until people have a common policy throughout the island on, for example, the Irish language – no group has such a policy – or on the way in which we run our education system in order that there is one agreed system for the island, of which nobody is in favour, there will be no united Ireland. I could name four or five objectives we should push towards which would result in a united Ireland in terms of attitude, belief and trying to achieve what is best for the development of its people. However, every time one makes a step in that direction, the people shouting for a united Ireland will be the first to stand in the way.

I have asked many people to give me the outline or basis for a single policy throughout the island on the Irish language and I cannot get it. I look forward to the day – I have sought it many times – when there will be a history syllabus for the island that will celebrate the sash and the shamrock with equal strength and recognise all that goes with them.

In moving from the platform and foundation the Minister has outlined in solid terms today we should look at how we can move forward from simple parity of esteem, which is already there at the upper echelons of society. More is required. This is about pluralism, tolerance and an intercultural society where we will measure the quality of our relationship with each other, not by the amount of space we give people with different views, backgrounds and political aspirations, but by the quality of the relationships between people who hold different views and beliefs. That is how we will achieve an intercultural society, which is far more important than simply getting some sort of political entity on the island. As we go forward economically and socially towards a more intercultural society, the other pieces will click into place.

I commend the Minister on his work. The discussions that have taken place in this House have proven useful in allowing issues to be progressed. Perhaps I can develop my ideas in relation to the Irish language and the education sector. In Northern Ireland there are strong and separate Catholic and state sectors whereas in the South the Catholic and State sectors are indistinguishable. It should be possible, given the goodwill between the Churches, to at least move forward. Surely in a Christian context people could move schools forward together. A society where people are born in a Catholic hospital, live in a Catholic housing estate, go to a Catholic school, become trained teachers in a Catholic training college and return to an education system that is run by the Catholic Church keeps people apart. It is not that people intend it to be that way, but it creates that division.

The same thing happens with the Irish language. I have asked many people, particularly Sinn Féin, the reason there cannot be a common policy for the island. Every time I seek such a policy I get a terribly negative response from gaelgóirí on all sides. In Northern Ireland pro-Irish parties want people to have access to the Irish language and to have it taught in schools; in the South they want it to be compulsory. Who will grasp the nettle and put forward a policy for the whole island?

It is clear what the policy should be. For the kid who wishes to move from Gaeltacht Dhún na nGall isteach go Condae Dhoire, gur cóir dó nó di a bheith ábalta dul ar aghaidh lena chuid oideachais trí Ghaeilge if that is what he or she wishes. On the other hand, the child who has been raised in Ballymena and whose family, for economic reasons, moves to Roscommon should be able to continue his or her education through English without having to do compulsory Irish. That would be a step forward. The time is ripe to take on those people who have destroyed the Irish language trín í a brú síos scórnaigh ar dhaoine and tried to choke people with the language. We who love the language must simply stand back and see it used as a weapon which divides people rather than as a cultural focus which should bring people together. I can give example after example.

It is within education and cultural issues that we will bring people together into an Ireland united in its culture, focus, attitude and respect for people.

I join the Members of both Houses of the Oireachtas in congratulating everybody who has been involved in this process. It is such a good and laudable achievement that it is almost monotonous to echo the words of those who have spoken here and elsewhere. It is tremendously significant and I do not believe there will be a single voice of dissent in this House or any responsible section of this island.

This is a fantastic victory for common sense and for peace. It is something which was thought, on both sides, to be "never possible". By picking people out for select praise, one always omits others, but it is fair to pay tribute to those who started the process. It is fair to pay tribute to Deputy Albert Reynolds, who undoubtedly had an extraordinary commitment to this process. He got the ball rolling and took great political risks for peace. This week is as much his achievement as it is the Minister's; I know the Minister will not take this wrongly because they are both instruments in this process.

It is fair to pay tribute to John Bruton, who did exactly the same, and others in this and the other House. It is also fair to pay tribute to the civil servants who Senator O'Toole rightly mentioned and were often accused of pursuing a political agenda and probably have done so. However, it is a good thing that there were people pursuing a political agenda on both sides with such extraordinary ability.

It is amazing that this day has come at all because the Northern Ireland situation has always been a very public humiliation of one side by the other. One of the problems that has always made matters difficult is that a victory, however minor, for one side is seen as a defeat by the other and has been claimed as such.

The role of this House in this long procedure should be acknowledged. The former Taoiseach, Charles Haughey, started the process of appointing people from Northern Ireland to this House, which was of great benefit to communication between everybody. When he was a Senator, Seamus Mallon was involved in many controversies in this House. He educated many people, including me, who were unaware of Nationalist ways of thinking, as did other former Senators, including Sam McAughtry, John Robb and Gordon Wilson. Senator Maurice Hayes is similarly valuable to the House. Although it was controversial and unwelcome in the North at the time, it played a part in the process. We have had some mature, controversial and far-seeing debates in this House, and Senator Manning has played a leading role in such debates over the years. Looking back at some of the debates we have had, I am aware of the changes and progress that have taken place and the difficulties that have been overcome by politicians.

I hope I may be forgiven for relating a personal anecdote. In 1981 or 1982, I proposed a motion in this House which suggested that members of the provisional IRA should be extradited to the North. I found that such a suggestion was politically unacceptable to all parties. It is now a fait accompli that people involved in violence, whether Unionist or Nationalist, should meet proper justice. I remember that political parties had great difficulty with the amendments to Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution, which removed the claim to the territory of Northern Ireland. The main political parties in this part of the island courageously swallowed the pill, which was not easy as politically it would have been easier to duck the question. The changes were made as part of a process in which everyone has had to make serious concessions.

It is worth noting that the process, which has worked so far, has taken much longer than anybody anticipated. We thought it was complete when the Good Friday Agreement was signed, but there were serious difficulties in the years that followed. On many occasions, it seemed that the process had been sunk and the fact that it was not was due to the incredible amount of goodwill and the courage of people on all sides, including John Hume and David Trimble, both of whom took huge risks with their political careers to promote a greater ideal. I unapologetically criticised John Hume at a time when I did not agree with the way in which he was proceeding. John Hume and David Trimble have been central to the success of the peace process. I have outlined the history of the process from the point of view of Seanad Éireann, as I see it. The extraordinary and welcome mixture of people in this House has meant that it has played a disproportionate role. Lead ing personalities from Northern Ireland have brought leading ideas to bear on Senators.

Looking forward for a moment, I wish to echo the comments that have been made about the future. Senator O'Toole is right that there is not much point in using slogans which mean different things to different people. The process is not all over and it is important that the next step receives huge effort from all communities. There will be massive problems on the ground in the North. Cross-community effort should be pushed by economic and business interests if the North is to receive a peace dividend. In other words, people on both sides of the Border should benefit from an increase in business and trade activity. It is staggering how little trade there is between the North and the Republic, but it could be promoted without any political difficulties. If there is one thing that will unite minds North and South, it is the making of money. We are all interested in our finances so the Governments should get together to promote trade.

I wish to add a word of caution. In the context of recent events, we should respect the wishes of people of all traditions to commemorate the dead, especially those regarded as martyrs or national heroes. It would be a sign of great maturity on the part of both traditions if this could be done without protest, without difficulties and without whipping up the fear that it constitutes triumphalism.

It is a difficult and historic day. This House has discussed the problems in the North for many years and it was sometimes said that our words did not have influence. I sincerely hope that the words spoken in the House carried a certain amount of influence. I am delighted the Minister for Foreign Affairs is here today as he has played an enormous part in recent months in continuing the negotiations that have taken place over many years. He is a straightforward Minister who calls things as they are. Under the leadership of the Taoiseach and former Taoisigh, the Minister, Deputy Cowen, has followed in a line of people who want to see an end to the problems of the North.

Nothing changes immediately and nothing will change immediately as a result of the events of recent days. As the Minister said, a chapter of history has been brought to a close, but we must think about what happened in the chapter. Most Senators will be gone in the next few years. People before us worked extremely hard for a friendlier relationship between the communities in the North. It is important that we realise that the chapter is ending and that we hope the next chapter will be better for the North. People should be able to go shopping or to a hurling or rugby match without having to check whether it will be safe. The young people of the North have realised that peace is necessary.

We must thank everyone who helped the peace process, regardless of whether they were British Prime Ministers, Taoisigh, members of the IRA or members of the UUP. We must realise that what has been done in recent months is important for the relationship between Catholics, Protestants and people with no religion in Northern Ireland.

We must thank everyone who helped the peace process, regardless of whether they were British Prime Ministers, Taoisigh, members of the IRA or members of the UUP. We must realise that what has been done in recent months is important for the relationship between Catholics, Protestants and people with no religion in Northern Ireland. In the past, relationships between people of different religions in the North of Ireland were difficult. Why? They lived in the same streets but they went to different schools. Relationships between people must be developed. We discussed Northern Ireland as if it did not relate to the people there. In the past, we discussed the area rather than the people.

The people of Northern Ireland are like us. They want to live normal lives with normal relationships. As a result of events in recent days, I hope these relationships can be developed. People who live in the same streets, regardless of whether they are Catholic, Protestant, Muslim or have no religion, should not have to worry about the diversity of cultures. It is most important that they can live together and I compliment the Minister, the Taoiseach, the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, and all those involved.

The Minister mentioned the primacy of democracy. Democracy is not just a word. It is about people relating to each other in a society in which they can work together. There is at last a hope in the North of Ireland that this can happen. There was much suspicion about Sinn Féin and the IRA and their relationship. A huge number of people were afraid that Sinn Féin was the IRA and vice versa. We should be clear that, in Ireland, democracy has taken over from the gun and the bullet and we should all be grateful that this is the case.

As an elderly Member of the Oireachtas, ageism has taken over on this matter. People have suggested the reason for change in the North is that young people have taken over. However, the amount of work done by people of my age and older in trying to bring the current position to fruition must be recognised. There is a need for young people in politics and I urge those in the Visitors Gallery to enter politics if they can. However, they should not be blind if they do so. Older people have a role to play. Nobody could suggest that John Hume did not play a part or that the SDLP has gone over the top. If it was not for the SDLP, we would not have reached today's position. Ageism is a problem in Ireland and many people are attempting to wipe out the SDLP by suggesting that Sinn Féin is the main player. If it had not been for the SDLP over the past 30 years, we would not have reached the point we are at today.

The peace talks led to thoughts. People of different relationships got together and thought through the principles and practicalities. Today's position would not have been reached without those thinking processes. We must pay tribute to everybody in the North of Ireland for coming together. I do not suggest that there will be a perfect society on this island in the next ten or 15 years. However, we have a chance of a better society where people can live, think and argue together without the need for bullets or bombs. We can win if we talk through our problems. However, we will not win if we try to bomb our way out of them.

Bhí deighilt mhór idir an IRA agus Sinn Féin agus daoine eile. Mar a dúirt an Seanadóir Ó Murchú, tá seans againn anois, bíodh sé beag nó mór, agus is fúinne atá sé an seans sin a ghlacadh.

There were too many occasions on which people talked about the land instead of the people. Too many individuals sang songs that were not about democracy and instead implied that some people were better than others. Such songs should be left in the past as examples of good pieces of music. They should not be used to suggest that some people are better. I can sing Kevin Barry and others can sing The Sash but they should be considered only as songs of Ireland.

I have been involved in the politics of the Middle East and I have been a supporter of the Palestinians for many years. I sincerely hope the Israelis will sit down with the Palestinians and try to produce something similar to what has been done in Northern Ireland over the past number of days. If there was a relevance to the talks, perhaps the Palestinians would get what they deserve rather than what the Israelis want them to get. I urge the Minister, in his role over the next 14 days as President of the Security Council, to ask people to address the situation in the Middle East as earnestly as he did in the North of Ireland.

I wish to share my time with my colleague, Senator McEntaggert. I use the Northern sounding application of her name because it is appropriate today.

"McEntaggert" means son of the priest.

Yes, and there are many of them around.

She is not the son of a priest.

That is agreed, Senator Norris.

I will confine myself because essentially we only want to congratulate the Minister, his staff and his predecessors. A number of people were complimented and we should also remember former Taoiseach, Deputy Albert Reynolds. His capacity to grasp the nettle and do some decent midlands horse trading helped get the whole show on the road. It pains me to say it but I admired the performance of Dr. Martin Mansergh on the wireless recently. I usually do not care for what he says but on this occasion he was extremely fine in dealing with the gradual nature of the process. If one looks for everything up front, one will ruin the whole equation. By carefully, painstakingly and gradually working away while keeping as much resolution as one can, one will eventually get everything one wants.

We must recognise that this is a major step. I have been against the IRA and I have opposed Sinn Féin all my life. This is not surprising, although on my mother's side, I come from an ancient Gaelic family from the same neck of the woods as the Minister. They were Southern Unionists and my father, who was English, would have been a Nationalist compared to them. However, unlike Senator Ó Murchú and Patrick Pearse, I do not feel the need to overcompensate for it. There was something shrill about some of the contributions he made, but that is work for another day.

These are remarkable events which have taken place. We could not have anticipated them so dramatically or so soon but for the tragic events of 11 September. Gerry Adams and the rest of the leadership of Sinn Féin-IRA were committed in the long run to the peace process and they might have decommissioned. However, they would have found it difficult to bring their people with them and they will still find a difficulty there. The shock delivered to the world created a wave of revulsion against terrorism upon which the leadership of Sinn Féin wisely capitalised. They were also put in a bit of a corner by the so-called Colombia Three. There is a curious phenomenon that if one puts a number after someone's name, it makes them innocent. I supported the Birmingham Six and the Guildford Four, but I will not support the Colombia Three.

I understand the difficulties facing Mr. Adams and I understood them more the other evening after listening to Mr. Boucher-Hayes on RTE in the aftermath of the announcement when he interviewed people in the Ardoyne. I was astonished to hear eight of the ten decent sounding middle class women from that area saying they thought it was a mistake. They did not want to give up anything. The slogan they used was "not an ounce, not a bullet". It is the exact obverse of "not an inch", which was the Unionist slogan. One of the problems in the North, as in the Middle East, is that the two sides are similar. In the North they are both Christians from opposing traditions and in the Middle East they are both Semitic. I listened to the bands at the hunger strikers march in O'Connell Street as I could hear them in my drawing room. It could just as easily have been an Orange march with the same brutal thumping intimidation. They have a difficult situation to deal with and so has Trimble.

I hope someone paid tribute to David Trimble here today because he richly deserves it. Like his counterpart on the other side, Martin Mansergh, I never cared for him. The sound of his voice irritated me. It also seemed that he was mean, begrudging and parsimonious and there was no generosity. When he did his little jig on the Ormeau Road or the Garvaghy Road, I could have clattered him.

It is no different from what 90% of the people in this House feel about the Senator.

Very likely. That is exactly what I mean. Perhaps there is some element of self-preservation in it.

Senator Norris, without interruption.

On the other hand, he has followed the difficult line with courage, steadfastness and statesmanship and he has brought about a situation in which he can bring a majority of his own difficult people with him. That is some achievement.

One of the things I was most happy about was the wonderfully acid attack by senior members of the Ulster Unionist Party on the democratic party of the Rev. Ian Paisley. I have not once heard that irreverent gentleman utter one positive statement. It was "O'Neill must go" and "Chichester Clarke must go". There was nothing positive. It was "not an inch". He has not contributed a single positive idea inside the province of Ulster, although he was quite good in Europe.

We should get rid of all the words of the songs, not just the unspeakable nasty Northern ballads. I am sure Senator Lanigan may have heard the "Crossley Tender" with its language, which is offensive to any decent person, or seen the notice in Crossmaglen, "Sniper At Work", which is a reproach to every decent person, if there is a decent person, living in the vicinity of Crossmaglen. Let them take that down now if they have any sense of decency.

Sorry, I—

No, I will not be interrupted by the Senator because I want to share time with my good friend, Mrs. McEntaggert. I am grateful for the opportunity to celebrate this day because all decent people who want the capacity to live out their lives and have some degree of fulfilment and enjoyment have a better chance as a result of the good day's work done in recent days.

I thank Senator Norris for sharing his time with me under my Border county name. The Minister might know that, when I have had conversations with the Unionists in Northern Ireland and I have tried to encourage them, I sometimes remind them that the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy O'Donnell, is Mrs. Carson, in the hope this might cheer them up.

Absolutely.

Her father-in-law is a great painter.

We are right to congratulate the Minister and everyone who has been involved in the peace process for such a long time. It has taken an enormous amount of courage by people in this part of the country but incredible courage by people on both sides in Northern Ireland. Like Senator Norris, I also heard the bands for the hunger strikers march. I was leaving the Rotunda Hospital and came out in the middle of them. I thought it was an Orange march because they all seem to have adopted each other's form of musical entertainment.

One area I am anxious for the Minister to continue to address is the exploitation of and injury to children in Northern Ireland. I am not only alluding to the appalling situation in the Ardoyne where small children are being terrorised on the way to school. This is one of the most vile images we have seen of Northern Ireland in recent years. I hope the political leaders make an effort to show those involved that this is counter-productive to the promotion of peace in Northern Ireland.

The weapons have been put beyond use on the republican side and we hope that reciprocal arrangements will be made immediately by the loyalist paramilitary groupings. A serious report was recently published by Professor Liam Kennedy of the School of Modern History at Queen's University. This report was entitled "They Shoot Children, Don't They?". It is an analysis of the age and gender of victims of paramilitary punishments in Northern Ireland. One side is as bad as the other. It is unfortunate that a high percentage of those who are beaten up by the paramilitaries are children, some of whom are badly injured. It would be a good idea if they realised that it is not just firearms and semtex that are weapons, but also baseball bats and iron bars.

I have said in the House during past debates on Northern Ireland that in the early 1970s I went to a medical meeting in London – there were only a few people there from the island of Ireland – where, to my horror, one of the first papers was on the repair of the knee joint. It was a report on 86 cases of knee capping. It referred to the different injuries one got if the bullet went in from the front or the side or if a shotgun or a Black and Decker drill was used. The type of punishments meted out when it was considered the civil power was not the suitable force to whom to report or it was not doing enough in these areas has been dreadful. One of the negative things since the Good Friday Agreement is that this situation has not improved, but disimproved. The majority of those who are beaten up are young men or boys, and many women, particularly single women, have been witnesses to these atrocities. While we have peace in terms of firearms not being used, it is important to say to the paramilitaries that these important areas must be addressed.

It was suggested by Professor Kennedy that a children's rights commissioner for Northern Ireland would champion the rights of those children. He urged that an anti-intimidation unit be established on the model of the Human Rights Commission and that political penalties be imposed on the paramilitary political parties whose armed wings continue to engage in the mutilation of people, including children. The scale of the punishment attacks might also be monitored by General de Chastelain, to whom we owe a great deal of thanks. I congratulate the Minister, his officials and the Department.

I welcome the Minister to the House. I compliment him, his officials and everybody else who has been involved at this historic juncture in the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. I thank those who were involved at the beginning of the peace process many years ago, including Charles Haughey, Deputies Albert Reynolds and John Bruton, and past and present leaders of the political parties involved. I pay particular tribute to the Taoiseach for his determination and drive to bring the process to its current point. On the day his mother was laid to rest he left Dublin for Belfast following the burial and worked late into the night to put the Agreement together. The people of the island subsequently voted overwhelmingly in favour of its implementation.

The IRA must be commended for putting its weapons beyond use and the other paramilitary groups, including the Red Hand Defenders, must reciprocate its action. There is no room on this island or in the world for terrorists. People want to live in peace and harmony in a democracy. There is a long way to go, but this is an historic occasion.

There is a significant opportunity for the people of Northern Ireland and the Republic to promote tourism on the island in the current difficult economic climate. It will be difficult to recapture the tourism business lost as a result of the tragedy on 11 September in the United States. The Administrations, North and South, can work together to attract visitors. People would not travel to the island in the past because of the threat of terrorism. Ireland is a small island, but the cross-Border bodies now have an ideal opportunity to come together and get on with their work, which I welcome.

I am concerned, however, about a number of issues, one of which was referred to by Senator Norris. As a politician, I cannot comprehend some recent statements. It was a little glib of Mr. Adams to mention that one of the Colombia Three, Mr. Connolly, was a member of Sinn Féin, but not to mention a connection with drug running and terrorist training. These people come out with a white cloth in one hand and a different coloured cloth in the other. I seek more clarification about Mr. Connolly's activities and how much money is being generated in Colombia for the Sinn Féin organisation.

I have studied the Good Friday Agreement closely. The Sinn Féin organisation has been trying recently to force the Government into releasing the murderers of Detective Garda McCabe. Last weekend a number of newspapers reported that a deal was being worked on between Sinn Féin and the Government regarding the early release of those who murdered my friend from Ballylongford, Gerry McCabe, and shot his colleague, Garda Ben O'Sullivan. I vigorously oppose such a move under the Agreement. The possible release of these men would fly in the face of natural justice. They held up a van with the intention of robbing money, shot a man dead and are now saying they are republicans. This claim must be examined. I am disappointed at the decision of the court of appeal that the sentences handed down in the McCabe case would not be increased because these people should be locked away for good in a small 8 ft by 6 ft room and fed through a door.

Sinn Féin is seeking the release of these men in the name of republicanism. My father was a republican who fought for this country. He knew Kevin Barry who, with his comrades, was honoured a few weeks ago. I was proud to attend that historic event. These men fought for the freedom we enjoy today. They did not murder gardaí in the street in the name of republicanism or place bombs in restaurants and blow people to smithereens as they ate their meals, whether it was in Omagh or Enniskillen. The people who committed these crimes are terrorists and the sooner they are rooted out of society the better.

The Director of Public Prosecution feels the sentence for the killers of Detective Garda McCabe was too lenient. However, the killers have applied to the High Court for release. That is not good enough. I echo the opinion of Ann McCabe, widow of Detective Garda Gerry McCabe. She stated: "All gardaí and decent people throughout this country will be behind us in ensuring that the release of these people will not happen." There is no way the decent people of Ireland will stand for it. We are at a crucial point in history and all of us are praying for peace, but the murderers of Gerry McCabe cannot be allowed to be released under the Good Friday Agreement.

One Sinn Féin activist, in particular, in my constituency has been involved in the Agreement negotiations and other activities and is one of a number of people promoting the release of the murderers of Detective Garda McCabe in the name of republicanism. Their crime was committed in the name of terrorism. I want the Minister to tell his ministerial colleagues there is no way the decent people of Ireland would comprehend the release of these people. They should be locked away for good.

I welcome the recent historic events and thank the Minister and the Taoiseach for the time and effort they have put in. There is a great challenge ahead, but the era of the bullet and the gun must be consigned to history. I ask loyalists to follow the IRA and allow the people of Northern Ireland to live in peace. Let us root out the terrorists for once and for all because all the decent people of Ireland want is to be able to work and live in a peaceful, harmonious democracy as they raise their families.

When is it proposed to sit again?

At 2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 7 November 2001.

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