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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 17 Dec 2002

Vol. 170 No. 24

Domestic Violence (Amendment) Bill, 2002: Second Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

The purpose of this Bill is to remedy a defect in the Domestic Violence Act, 1996, which resulted in the Supreme Court on 9 October declaring section 4(3) of the Act unconstitutional. In doing this, the Bill restores to our courts the power to make interim barring orders ex parte.

Section 4(1) of the Domestic Violence Act, 1996, provides that the Circuit or District Court may, on the making of an application for a barring order, or between the making of such application and its determination, make an interim barring order if it is of the opinion that there are reasonable grounds for believing that there is an immediate risk of significant harm to the applicant or any dependent person if the order is not made immediately, and the granting of a protection order would not be sufficient to protect the applicant or any dependent person.

Section 4(3) of the Act provides that where the court, in exceptional cases, considers it necessary or expedient in the interests of justice, an interim barring order may be made ex parte or notwithstanding the fact that the originating document or other notice of the application required to be duly served on the respondent to the application has not been so served. The words “ex parte”signify that the order has been made in the absence of, and without notice to, the other party.

Section 4(4) provides that an interim barring order shall cease to have effect on the determination by the court of the application for the barring order. The duration of such an interim barring order endured until the court made the final decision on the substantive application for a barring order.

On 9 October last, the Supreme Court, in a case which arose out of the granting of an ex parte interim barring order which was in effect for almost three months, held that the provisions of section 4 as they relate to ex parte interim barring orders, in failing to prescribe a fixed period of relatively short duration during which such an order would continue in force, deprived the respondents to such applications of the protection of the principle of audi alteram partem, which means that the other side should be heard. The Supreme Court ruled that the invasion of the principle of natural justice was, in a manner and to an extent which was disproportionate, unreasonable and unnecessary.

For those reasons, the court declared section 4(3) unconstitutional and said that it had not been demonstrated that the remedy of an interim order granted on an ex parte basis would be in some sense seriously weakened if the interim order thus obtained were to be of limited duration only. The applicant could be required at the earliest practicable opportunity to satisfy the court in the presence of the opposing party that the order was properly granted and should now be continued in force.

It is important to note that the Supreme Court said it was beyond dispute that the Oireachtas had the power to abridge the rights of individual citizens, such as the right to be heard in proceedings taken against them, in order to deal with the social evil of domestic violence. The Supreme Court did not take issue with Oireachtas powers in that respect. The constitutional problem arose with the manner in which the abridgement of the right was effected in that the abridgement has to be proportionate.

The principle of hearing the other side and of giving each side an opportunity to be heard before a determination can be made is the hallmark of a civilised jurisprudence in any jurisdiction. The Creator did not banish Adam and Eve from the garden of Eden without giving them a hearing.

They got due notice.

This is very important because the power to grant an interim barring order ex parte is essential in certain cases to protect innocent persons in their home. That is an important jurisdiction and, since the Supreme Court decision, the courts have not been in a position to exercise that jurisdiction because that power has not been available to them. In such circumstances, it will be important that the offending party will be ordered to leave the home and it is not practicable, in the circumstances of the case, to require that notice be given to him or her prior to the making of the order. However, as is indicated by the Supreme Court decision, when such an order is made there must be an early return date on which the applicant must show in proceedings, of which the respondent has notice, that the continuation of the interim order is justified in accordance with the statutory criteria. The period upon which we have fixed in the legislation is eight working days.

I now turn to the provisions of the Bill. Section 1 is the substantive provision which substitutes a new subsection (3) for the existing section 4(3). Paragraph (a) of the proposed subsection has three features worthy of comment. These are: first, the provision that an interim order may be made ex parte and the jurisdiction is confirmed; second, the replacement of the phrase “in exceptional cases” in section 4(3) with a reference to “the circumstances of the particular case”; and, third, the stipulation that an interim order may be made ex parte“where the court considers this necessary or expedient in the interests of justice”.

Section 4(3), in its present form and prior to the Supreme Court decision, permitted the making of an interim barring order ex parte or notwithstanding the fact that the originating document or other notice of the application required to be served on the respondent to the barring order application had not been so served. This was a reference not to notice of the application for the interim order but to notice of the application for the full barring order. I have been informed that, in the vast majority of cases, interim barring orders were issued where the notice of the barring order application had yet to be served on the respondent. Even where this notice had been served, it would be rare for the respondent to be aware that, in addition to a full barring order, an interim barring order was also being sought against him or her.

The approach taken in this Bill is to dispense with reference to notice of the barring order application and provide simply that where, having regard to the circumstances of the particular case, the court considers it necessary or expedient in the interests of justice, an interim barring order can be granted ex parte; that is, in the absence of and without notice to the respondent. Where the court decides it is neither necessary nor expedient in the interests of justice to make the order ex parte, it can require notice to be served on the respondent of the application for the interim order.

The approach taken in this Bill is to dispense with reference to notice of the barring order application and provide that where, having regard to the circumstances of the case, the court considers it necessary or expedient in the interests of justice, an interim barring order can be granted ex parte, that is, in the absence of, and without notice to, the respondent. Where the court decides that it is neither necessary nor expedient in the interests of justice to make the order ex parte, it can require notice to be served on the respondent of the application for the interim order. Paragraph (b) of section 1 of the Bill makes a largely similar amendment to section 5(4) of the Act dealing with protection orders. I will refer to that matter later.

The second point about the proposed new subsection (3)(a) relates to the phrase, “having regard to the circumstances of the particular case.” The Supreme Court noted that section 4(3), as it stands, provides for the making of interim barring orders ex parte in “exceptional cases”, but contains no indication of the criteria by which the court is to decide whether a case is exceptional. The merit of the new wording is that it invites the court to assess the circumstances of the case before it. In that respect, it focuses on the individual case before the judge and does not require any determination that the case is exceptional which would imply comparison with other cases.

As regards the phrase "necessary or expedient to do so in the interests of justice", Senators will note that this criterion is already in section 4(3). It also resembles section 17(3) of the Child Care Act, 1991, which was referred to with approval by the Supreme Court in the case to which I referred and which permits an interim care order in respect of a child to be made without notice to a parent where, having regard to the interests of justice or the welfare of the child, the judge so directs.

I now move on to the proposed paragraphs (b) and (c) of the new subsection (3). Applications for interim barring orders, prior to the finding of the Supreme Court, were generally made on a sworn information. However, they were often supported by oral evidence given by the applicant to the judge. I understand that while the sworn information was frequently made available to the respondent, practice differed from court to court and sometimes the information was not made available. The oral evidence, however, was not recorded in a note or otherwise nor was it communicated to the respondent. This issue has been highlighted in a report of the Law Society law reform committee entitled, Domestic violence: The case for reform, published in May 1999. This report proposed that court rules be amended to require that ex parte applications for a protection order or an interim barring order be made on affidavit and that the respondent automatically be provided with a note of all the evidence given at the hearing.

The effect of paragraphs (b) and (c) is that the application for an interim barring order must be made either on an affidavit or on a sworn information and, where an interim order is made ex parte, a note of any evidence given must be made and served, together with the order, and affidavit or sworn information, on the respondent as soon as practicable. In this way, the respondent will have full information on what has been alleged against him or her on the basis of which he or she has been barred from the home. Paragraph (c) provides that the note of the oral evidence shall be prepared by the judge, the applicant or the applicant's solicitor and approved by the judge or as otherwise directed by the judge. In the case of applicants for an ex parte interim barring order in the District Court, which represents the majority of cases, it would be unusual for such persons to be accompanied by a solicitor and they may not be fully in a position to make an adequate note of their evidence. To ensure that such cases are attended to, the judge may make the note or may direct that it be done in some other way, for example, by obtaining the services of a stenographer.

Paragraph (d) of the proposed new subsection (3) addresses the main point in the Supreme Court's judgment, namely, that the court held that the provisions of section 4, as they relate to ex parte interim barring orders, in failing to prescribe a fixed period of relatively short duration during which such an order would continue in force, deprived the respondents to such applications of the protection of the principle of audi alteram partem, that is, that the other side should be heard, in a manner and to an extent which is disproportionate, unreasonable and unnecessary. Paragraph (d) provides that the ex parte order shall have effect for not more than eight working days unless, on application by the applicant for the barring order and on notice to the respondent, the order is confirmed within that period by order of the court. A time limit is placed on these orders by the legislation.

Proposed paragraph (e) provides that the ex parte interim barring order shall contain a statement of the effect of paragraph (d), that is, the duration of the order and the possibility of its being confirmed as provided for in the paragraph. A working day for the purpose of paragraph (d) is defined in paragraph (f) as a day other than a Saturday, Sunday or a public holiday within the meaning of the Organisation of Working Time Act, 1997. If the interim order is confirmed, it will continue in effect until the application for the barring order itself is determined, as provided for in section 5(4) of the 1996 Act.

Section 1 (b) provides that a new subsection (4) will be substituted for section 5(4) of the 1996 Act. This provides that a protection order may be made ex parte. Section 5(4), as it stands, provides that a protection order may be made “notwithstanding the fact that the originating document or other notice of the application required to be duly served on the respondent to the application for a safety order or a barring order has not been so served”. As I have already explained with regard to section 4(3), this is a reference to the notice of the application for the final order – in this case a barring order or a safety order – not to any application for the interim relief. The proposed amendment to section 5(4) changes this by simply providing that a protection order may be made ex parte, that is, in the absence of and without notice to the respondent. Section 2 contains a standard provision for Short Title and collective citation.

In bringing the Bill before the House I am conscious that we must look at these proposals in the context of the legislation on domestic violence as a whole, that is, the Domestic Violence Act, 1996. That Act was ground-breaking legislation, which built on existing remedies for the victims of violence in the home. The barring order remedy dates from 1976, when it was provided for in the Family Law (Maintenance of Spouses and Children) Act. The Family Law (Protection of Spouses and Children) Act, 1981, strengthened the law on barring orders. The main changes made were the extension of the District Court's time limit from three to 12 months, the granting of a statutory power of arrest without warrant to the Garda for breaches of orders and the creation of the remedy of a protection order. The 1996 Act repealed and re-enacted, with substantial amendments, the provisions of the preceding legislation.

Among the changes introduced by the 1996 Act were that: remedies were no longer confined to interspousal violence in that cohabitees could, on certain conditions, avail of the remedies provided by the 1996 Act, as could parents against their adult children; a new type of long-term protection order called a safety order was introduced and this was made available to persons residing together in a relationship, the basis of which was not primarily contractual, in addition, of course, to the other categories who are eligible for barring orders; the maximum duration of a barring order granted by the District Court was increased from one to three years and; the Act, for the first time, provided that a health board, on certain conditions, could apply for a barring order or a safety order on behalf of a victim of domestic violence.

According to the Courts Service report for 2001, in the region of 2,000 barring orders were granted each year since 1996. The number of interim barring orders made per annum has fluctuated over that period, the highest number being just over 1,000 in 2001. The number of safety orders has ranged from around 700 to 1,200 per annum while the number of protection orders has been in the region of 3,400 to 3,800.

It is worth noting from the report of the Courts Service that while the average length of time from the date of issue of the summons to the date of hearing of barring and safety order applications was 12 weeks, barring order applications where an interim barring order had been made were dealt with within two to three weeks. This shows that the District Court had been giving priority already to cases in which an interim order had been made and that judges were generally conscious of the need to set early return dates where they had made such orders.

These are just brief details of the operation of the system since the coming into force of the 1996 Act. Based on this experience, there have been a number of recommendations for reform of what are perceived to be deficiencies in the Act. In particular, there have been reports from Women's Aid and the Law Society's law reform committee. I have already referred to the latter report.

Among the proposals which have come from various sources are the following: eligibility criteria for orders under the Domestic Violence Act, 1996, should be extended to include a person with a child in common; the residence requirement for eligibility for a barring order in the case of unmarried cohabitees should be reduced from its present level which is six months out of the previous nine; the residence requirement should be removed for cohabitees seeking a safety order and for cohabitees with sole ownership or tenancy rights in the home seeking a barring order; provisions should be introduced permitting parents or elderly relations to apply for protective orders against abusive relations or persons other than an adult child and such provisions should include safety or barring orders against such relations or persons residing in the home and safety orders against those residing elsewhere; there should be a category of associated persons who would be entitled to apply for a safety order and a non-exhaustive list of such persons should be provided; associated persons with sole ownership or tenancy rights in the home should be entitled to apply for a barring order; the case has been made that there should be either detailed statutory guidance or a list of standards to be considered by the courts in determining whether to grant protective orders; there should be statutory guidance with regard to welfare based applications; further statutory guidance should be provided regarding the standard of proof necessary to establish abuse; and the probation and welfare service should be given a clear statutory role in relation to domestic violence cases and an increased role in supervised access arrangements.

There is also a commentary on the Law Society's report by AMEN, an organisation which speaks in defence of men who have been respondents in domestic violence cases, that there should be a category of "associated persons" who would be entitled to apply for a safety order and a non-exhaustive list of such persons should be provided. Another proposal is that "associated persons" with sole ownership or tenancy rights in the home should be entitled to apply for a barring order.

A case has been made that there should be either detailed statutory guidance or a list of standards to be considered by the courts in determining whether to grant protective orders. Also, that there should be statutory guidance with regard to "welfare" based applications and that further statutory guidance should be provided regarding the standard of proof necessary to establish abuse. The probation and welfare service should be given a clear statutory role in relation to domestic violence cases and an increased role in supervised access arrangements. A commentary has also been made on the Law Society's report by AMEN, an organisation which speaks in defence of men who have been respondents in domestic violence cases.

The Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform intends to have these various recommendations further examined in consultation with interested parties and, to the extent that reform seems warranted, his intention is to introduce the necessary amendments as part of a family law Bill which he aims to bring forward in about a year or so.

It would not have been feasible in the short time available since the Supreme Court decision to include any such measures in the present Bill which is aimed specifically at restoring the power to make interim barring orders ex parte in a way which conforms with the Constitution. I appreciate the patience of Senators as I have outlined the legal technicalities involved in the particular measure. To have attempted to go beyond that at this stage would have delayed the most urgent change of all which will provide a necessary remedy for the victims of domestic violence.

This Bill represents a proportionate response to circumstances where an interim barring order has to be obtained urgently to save vulnerable persons who are faced with an immediate risk of significant harm to themselves or a dependent. I commend the Bill to the House.

I thank the Minister of State for coming into the House to take part in this important debate. This matter has caused distress to many people and must be addressed. I agree with the Leader that we do not want to be responsible for any person being a victim over the Christmas period or not being free to seek the protection to which he or she is entitled under the Constitution.

I am concerned, however, that we are rushing the Bill. We will go through all Stages today. This Bill should have been given more time. The Supreme Court made its decision on 9 October so we did have time available. I raised the matter at that time and on a second occasion in the House. I am annoyed that we are now dealing with it in this rushed fashion. The recommendations which have come before the Minister from the various bodies could have been dealt with earlier. Other issues on which I have proposed amendments need time for debate in the House but they will not get due process or the time they deserve if they are rushed through today.

This Bill falls short of what is required. The amendments I propose address some of the issues. I am surprised at the timeframe of eight working days being used by the Minister of State. People in the legal field have suggested that eight days is sufficient. As the Minister of State said, this is a precedent set under the Child Care Act which was used as a model by the Supreme Court. I propose that we revert to the eight days. In regard to the Child Care Act, the time was extended at a later stage to 28 days. The Supreme Court decision, which seems to be unaware of that, should now have an effect on the Child Care Act and the extended 28 days should now revert to eight days following the Supreme Court decision.

Another issue I would like to take up is the deletion of the words "exceptional circumstances" and their replacement by the words "having regard to the circumstances of the particular case." People are concerned by the removal of the phrase. It gave the respondent an opportunity to know for sure the case being taken against him or her. We should retain those words.

I welcome the short timeframe. The Minister of State has said eight working days but I hope he accepts an eight day timeframe. Timing is all important and I have concerns about that. For example, if an application is made on a Monday and the respondent returns on Friday and says he or she did not have sufficient time to prepare a case and deserves to be heard, could we then be in a situation where the order would fall? Nothing in this Bill puts an onus on the judge to say where an adjournment could take place. There is no timeframe. If that is not corrected the system will fall and we will have applicants returning for renewable interim barring orders. We are back then at where we were before the Supreme Court decision. If an adjournment is called by the respondent while a judge is hearing the case the judge must set a date no longer than eight days from that adjournment. That needs to be written into the Bill or the adjournment could go on indefinitely.

The Minister of State says in the memorandum that there are no financial implications. I believe there are because there will be more cases where time is of the essence. They have to be heard within the eight day frame. We know of the lack of resources available to the Legal Aid Board. It must be given resources to deal with the additional cases. If funds are not provided the system will not work. These are financial implications for this Bill.

The Minister of State has left the issue of protection orders vague. Protection orders should be awarded the same security provisions as interim barring orders. If we do not deal with that we leave ourselves wide open to a Supreme Court decision deeming the Bill unconstitutional.

Ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh an Aire go dtí an Seanad chun an ábhair seo a phlé. At various stages in my youth I was given coaching in hurling, soccer and tennis. I subsequently underwent training courses in relation to some aspects of my community work with the junior chamber. People involved in business or politics often undertake training courses or driving courses, which are quite topical. In contrast, when I got married there was no equivalent coaching or training in personal relationships – it was rather a matter of trial and error. Since the introduction of divorce and related changes, some of the churches have initiated pre-marriage courses and that is welcome. However, it often occurred to me how odd it is that in relation to probably the most important calling in one's life, one is left to find one's own way without any specific training. The same applies to parenthood.

Should the State not have some role in ensuring proper training and counselling in that regard for people entering a very important stage of their lives, making commitments which they and society would wish to see as life-long commitments? The Bill before the House relates to breakdowns in relationships leading to extreme situations in which violence occurs in households. In relation to the stresses and strains of people who come to live together in adulthood, bringing their individual characteristics and personality traits, it may take time to reach compatibility. Guidance and support should be available and the State should be helpful and constructive in that regard.

The Bill deals with the failure aspect. A balanced approach is needed. There are many societal benefits to be gained from good, sound relationships of a quality which will imbue the next generation with the same spirit, thereby renewing and strengthening society. There must be a role for the State in trying to promote that approach.

I listened with interest to Senator Terry's comments, with which I have some sympathy. I am aware of correspondence and representations with regard to the insertion of "in exceptional circumstances" which, it appears, applied in the 1996 legislation but has been dropped from the Bill. Perhaps that was because of a Supreme Court finding that there was not a definition of that term or the cases to which it might apply. If we cannot provide for it now, we should set down criteria at the earliest opportunity. To debar a person from the family home is obviously a major step. A court decision of that nature may contribute to irretrievable breakdown of the relationship. Accordingly, it behoves us to try to ensure this will only happen in case of a really genuine threat. Clearly, partners and children cannot be exposed to real threat of injury or to their lives. Regrettably, there have been some traumatic situations of that nature in recent years.

In the course of my research for this debate, I came across some interesting statistics in the Accord report to the Department of Social and Family Affairs. Respondents to a questionnaire were asked if their partners had ever used force against them or if they had ever used force against their partners for any reason. The results indicated that, during the course of a marriage or a living together relationship, 53% of all couples responded "Yes" to that question and, in almost half of the replies, it was mutual. Obviously, there were varying degrees of domestic violence, including pushing, shoving and grabbing. A noteworthy finding, which may be disputed by other Members, was that, excluding cases of mutual perpetration, the incidence of perpetration by women only, at 36%, was slightly higher than perpetration by men only, at 28%. I expect the findings were influenced by when and where the survey was carried out.

The Bill deals with ex parte applications. The Minister of State has acknowledged that the right to be heard is a fundamental principle in law. Any departure from that should be in very exceptional circumstances and where there is a real threat to the safety of an individual or individuals. The issue has to be considered against the background that in many instances where one only gets one side of the story, that will invariably be a subjective view.

Following a breakdown of a relationship, much recrimination and point scoring may occur. Accordingly, the judgment of the Supreme Court should be welcomed and the remedy in that regard in the Bill is probably the right course of action, apart from the omission of the term "in exceptional circumstances,", to which I referred earlier. An eight day period seems reasonable. It has been suggested that, in an application of this nature with regard to an interim barring order, there should be very full exploration of the sufficiency of a protection order. When somebody is removed from the family home, that gives rise to its own difficulties in the relationship and otherwise. The position of children also has to be considered. The use of protection orders should be considered in any future amending legislation, if not in this Bill.

The Supreme Court judgment found section 4 of the Act unconstitutional and required that the applicant should, as soon as possible, be able to satisfy the court, in the presence of the opposing party, that the order was properly granted. In that regard, and in the report to which I have referred, it was interesting that domestic violence did not feature as strongly – although the statistics indicated it was quite high at 53%, based on the criteria applied – in undermining relationships as criticism, insults and not listening, which tend to undermine the marriage relationship.

The State has a role to play in ensuring that the facilities of the court are conducive to bringing the parties together if possible. I am aware that many judges try to do so. The circumstances must be taken into account. My local courthouse is located in the county hall. Local authority staff and legal personnel have commented on the fact that anybody attending the family law courts is on public view to everybody working in the county hall or visiting there. There is an onus on the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform to play its part in exercising sensitivity in this regard. People are entitled to reasonable privacy and nobody wishes to have their sins on public display. We should examine the possibility of defining the criteria to ensure the Bill is as finely honed as necessary to meet the requirements of safeguarding people on the one hand, while on the other hand respecting the absolute right of individuals not only to be heard but also to be protected by the State. When the legislation is implemented it should be closely monitored in the interests of all parties and of society as a whole.

I must interrupt the debate to allow the Leas-Chathaoirleach to present the Fourth Report of the Committee of Selection.

Debate adjourned.
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