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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 4 Apr 2007

Vol. 186 No. 20

Northern Ireland: Motion.

I move:

That Seanad Éireann:

commends the patient and consistent efforts of the Government to secure the conditions necessary for full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement through restoration of devolved government in Northern Ireland and fully functioning institutions;

gratefully acknowledges the consistent political and practical support to the process from friends overseas, especially in the United States;

commends the two Governments and the parties in Northern Ireland for the efforts which led to agreement on 26 March to full restoration by 8 May;

urges the Government to continue to give priority attention to securing full implementation of the St. Andrews agreement in line with the new agreed timetable;

commends the two Governments for their work in preparing a financial package to support the incoming Executive and to underpin closer North-South co-operation;

urges the parties to take full advantage of this historic opportunity, to consolidate the progress already made and to conclude their preparations for Government in time for full restoration on 8 May; and

calls on the Government to work closely with the new Executive and the other institutions of the Good Friday Agreement in promoting peace and prosperity for all on this island.

We are glad to be able to table this motion in the Seanad this evening. It commends the Government and many others, whom I will mention shortly, for the effort they have put into securing the conditions necessary for the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement through the restoration of devolved government in Northern Ireland and fully functioning institutions. When I speak on this, it is important to point out that four weeks remain before the positions will be taken up. Since the arrangement was made, however, there have been daily announcements from the two main parties in the North that have kept the momentum going. Dr. Paisley visited the Taoiseach in Farmleigh House today and I am sure they discussed matters of mutual interest in Northern Ireland.

There are many people to thank and commend since the Good Friday Agreement, which was hailed as the new dawn and we were all innocent enough at the time to believe it was. Little did we know the steps that remained to be taken as time passed. There were other false dawns but throughout that time, the integrity of the Good Friday Agreement and the heartfelt support for it, North and South, was important. It was like going up a flight of stairs, where we had to keep going on to the next step until we reached this point.

On several fronts, this is a great opportunity for Northern Ireland. Business opportunities are hugely important and Dr. Paisley no doubt stressed that in his conversation with the Taoiseach. The two largest parties went to England to lay out their stall and they received a generous hearing and a financial arrangement, if everything holds fast. The financial package contains something for us because it includes funding for the Belfast to Dublin railway line.

The St. Andrews Agreement must be implemented in full in line with the new timetable, with full restoration by 8 May. I had feared that the five week period for the new, agreed timetable would allow time for mischief making and disruption but I now feel that will not happen.

We should remember those who made such massive contributions to this agreement, such as George Mitchell, who put so much work into the Good Friday Agreement. It also behoves us to remember the 3,000 people who died in the conflict and the huge sacrifices made by so many. Winston Churchill once said that jaw jaw is better than war war and he was right because it is always better to talk, no matter what outrage has been committed. It is always better to pick up the pieces and to get together again. For this we must pay tribute to the civil servants who put great effort into cementing the agreement and ensuring talks continued no matter what hiccup there was on either side. Who would have thought we would have such an outcome, and that the 82 year old Dr. Ian Paisley, with his lovely fedora hat, would now be the new pin-up of Northern Ireland because he has agreed to enter the power sharing arrangement?

The motion acknowledges the consistent political and practical support to the process from friends overseas, especially in the United States. All of the trips to the United States and the bowls of shamrock by various Taoisigh, the constant talking, have resulted in what we are now praising in this debate.

Should we not pay tribute, too, to the combined efforts of many political parties, particularly in the Republic? Former Taoiseach, Charles Haughey sowed the first seeds. This initiative was followed by former Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds, who decided his job was to knock heads together and to become involved in a vibrant manner. The next Taoiseach was John Bruton, who made important steps forward in his formidable style and manner. He was followed by the current Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern, who took momentous steps and is still in charge, from our end, of the whole Agreement initiative. All four had the interests of Ireland at heart as well as what was happening in Northern Ireland.

I shall move on to what the Northern Ireland Executive is seeking as regards its taxation regime. It wants a lowering of corporation tax to enable Northern Ireland to compete for foreign direct investment in the same way we do. The British Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Gordon Brown, has laid out a review mechanism whereby the implications of what this would mean for Northern Ireland will be looked at. I am confident that whatever emerges from that review will be significant, effective and suited to business development in Northern Ireland. It is pivotal that we all work together on this island so that all of Ireland is seen as an attractive place in which to do business, We shall then have done a very good job. It was dream of many in the past that an all-Ireland peace initiative might be nurtured and developed along these lines.

The motion calls on the Government to work closely with the new Executive and the other institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. Members of the new Executive are being announced on a daily basis. While it may seem strange to us to hear many of the names with which we are familiar from the deputations to Leinster House over the years, it still makes interesting reading. The new Ministers will have plenty to occupy themselves with in the coming weeks, reading their respective briefs and assimilating all the information provided by the Civil Service there.

The people in Northern Ireland have been consistent in their voting. When they voted on this occasion, however, the two major parties were given a clear signal to the effect that they wanted them in government in Northern Ireland, rather than being ruled from Westminster. All of the issues such as health, education, roads and transport which are of daily import to the lives of people will, hopefully, now be dealt with by the devolved Northern Ireland Executive.

In seconding the motion, I commend the Leader for its wording and for providing the opportunity for Members on all sides of the House to put on record their reactions to the momentous events in recent weeks. We are going through living history as I mentioned in an Order of Business contribution following the historic meeting of Mr. Gerry Adams and Dr. Ian Paisley recently. That event resonates even today.

I was privileged to be a member of the Irish delegation to meet the US congressional delegation. Part of the proceedings was a luncheon hosted in Iveagh House, which is dripping with history, by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern. The Minister was absent for the early part of the luncheon. He had been delayed at Farmleigh, with Mr. Michael Collins, the newly appointed Ambassador to Washington, who will be taking up office in July. Mr Collins has been at the coalface in North-South discussions over the past six years, as personal adviser to the Taoiseach. They came back from Farmleigh, where, along with the Taoiseach they had been meeting Dr. Paisley who was making an historic visit to Dublin. The Minister reported that the meeting had gone exceptionally well. One of the aspects to emerge from it was that a commitment has been entered into whereby the Dublin Government will establish bilateral relations with the DUP, irrespective of and apart from the formation of the Executive. This is an extraordinary development in light of all that has happened over the last 40 years, especially with that party and its leader.

Senator O'Rourke is right in her tracing of the peace process to date. Modesty prevents her from mentioning the role of her late brother, former Deputy Brian Lenihan. The first public impact of the initiatives undertaken by the Taoiseach at the time, the late Deputy Charles Haughey, in his discussions with Mrs Thatcher, then British Prime Minister at the famous Dublin Castle meeting was when Deputy Lenihan referred to what he called "the totality of relations between Britain and Ireland". It was the first time there was an acknowledgement from the so-called Iron Lady to the effect that the Republic of Ireland had a right to real and proactive involvement in the affairs of Northern Ireland. It is right and proper that all of the Taoisigh referred to by Senator O'Rourke should be acknowledged in the manner in which she did. I will not repeat her words but I fully endorse them.

It is right and proper, too, to put on the record of the House the courageous stand taken by Mr. Gerry Adams and Mr. Martin McGuinness. These were two people to emerge from the northern conflict who had supported actively militant republicanism. Mr. McGuinness admitted during the Bloody Sunday inquiry that he had been an active commander and leader of the IRA in Derry during that period. What a remarkable transformation it is that both of those gentlemen are now elected public representatives and one of them will be sitting in Government and working with the man who, for the South, personified all that was dangerous and wrong as regards North-South relations and the relationship between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland.

A biography on Dr. Paisley, written in the late 1970s, referred to an event in the Ulster Hall, an interview carried out by the author with an Ulster unionist supporter of Dr. Paisley. It described that following a closed door meeting in the Ulster Hall, which was revivalist in its atmosphere and content, he came out of the room and the first thing he wanted to do was to kill a Catholic. Such was the malevolent impact of Dr. Paisley and the poisonous effect he had on Northern politics and on North-South relations over many decades. It is right to put that on the record as well, along with the condemnation that was expressed in both Houses of the Oireachtas and throughout Irish society as regards the murderous campaign of the IRA throughout the 30 years. It is right to repeatedly acknowledge the 3,700 innocents who died as a result of a particular ideology. Despite this, we are where we are now. It is right we should acknowledge how far the main protagonists have come. However, enormous challenges lie ahead. It is comfortable for the media to have matters wrapped up in simple packages to present to their audience that everything is rosy in the garden and we are all happy campers. Senator O'Rourke was right to add the caveat that choppy waters could lie ahead. The underlying sectarianism that sadly still exists between the two communities in Northern Ireland will be the challenge for the new Executive and the rest of us on the island of Ireland.

In one sense, I am disappointed that the creation of the new Northern Ireland Government and Assembly will put off the day of an all-Ireland soccer team, especially as the Northern Ireland team is doing well in the international arena. This is particularly apt when one considers the two recent sporting achievements which solidified the common theme of Irish people on the island of Ireland, irrespective of the Ulster-British aspect. The common theme that Wolfe Tone spoke about was exemplified recently when everyone supported the Irish rugby and cricket teams. These two teams are representative of the entire island of Ireland and its two traditions. It was a wonderful display of co-operation and how people of good will can achieve when they come together. That is the wish I make today for the Northern Ireland Executive.

I acknowledge the outstanding contribution the United States has made to the peace process. Even the hallowed US President, John F. Kennedy, never achieved what Bill Clinton, George Mitchell and those on today's US congressional visiting delegation achieved. They are worthy heroes in the pantheon of Irish patriots. All nine members of the congressional delegation have parents or grandparents who were born on this island.

I thank our Fianna Fáil colleagues for moving this Private Members' motion. The Fine Gael Party unreservedly supports it. It is right and proper for the House to congratulate all those involved in the peace process for the amazing achievements of recent months.

The Leader pointed to several politicians and Taoisigh involved in the process. I believe it goes further back and I would include former Taoisigh, Mr. Liam Cosgrave, Dr. Garret FitzGerald and, particularly, Mr. Jack Lynch, during whose tenure there were enormous difficulties facing the Republic. I also acknowledge the astonishing work of our colleague, Senator Mansergh. The State is fortunate to have a political and diplomatic class which has achieved so much over so many years in recognising and resolving the Anglo-Irish issue.

There are similarities between the end of the Civil War, on 3 May 1923, and the event we all look forward to on 8 May 2007. The Civil War, which saw 18 months of bloodshed, was brought to an end by a very simple exchange of letters between W. T. Cosgrave, then President of the Executive Council, and Eamon de Valera, leader of the then republican opposition. W. T. Cosgrave asked de Valera to accept two fundamental principles, that the sovereign wish of the people would be expressed by a majority vote of Dáil Éireann and there could only be one Army, accountable to Dáil Éireann. De Valera, the great statesman and tactician, unreservedly accepted these principles.

The significance of that event is just as important as what is hoped will happen on 8 May when the newly established Executive is brought into being and the inter-party government in Northern Ireland is established. It will bring to an end a phase in Irish history which had its genesis in the Sunningdale Agreement. That agreement marked the beginning of a consistent attempt on the part of democratic Ireland and Britain to resolve our historic quarrel by way of a settlement which involved the recognition of the reality that there are two jurisdictions on the island of Ireland but a great commonality in how our affairs are ordered, especially in North-South development. It has taken us such a long time that I recall Seamus Mallon's description of the Good Friday Agreement as "Sunningdale for slow learners".

It is disgraceful that in the past 35 years so many people had to be needlessly murdered to get to this stage. It is appropriate that we never forget their sacrifice and the needless murder machine put in place by paramilitary Ireland for 35 years. This is a victory of parliamentary Ireland over paramilitary Ireland. It is a victory for democratic Ireland over those elements which have consistently undermined State security and engendered a sectarian campaign of violence against our fellow brothers and sisters of all traditions in Northern Ireland. It is a great victory for this Parliament and for British politics that we have come to this state where the embodiment of the Good Friday Agreement, universally accepted by our people in 1998, is the way in which a new Ireland will be formed.

In the days and weeks ahead, it is important that both Governments put into being the North-South parliamentary tier, a key aspect of the Agreement. After the general election, the new Oireachtas must meet the Northern Ireland Assembly.

There are still elements about, especially in militant republicanism, which refuse to accept this new dispensation. It is important in the days and weeks ahead that the Government and the security forces keep a firm eye on these tiny elements which want to bring their warped view of history to the fore and create trouble for the process.

In 1921, the Nationalists of the Twenty-six Counties turned their backs on the Nationalists of Northern Ireland. There was a betrayal when Twenty-six Counties Nationalists allowed the Nationalists of the Six Counties to be partitioned into the United Kingdom. There was also another betrayal in 1921 — the betrayal of the British of their 10% of the population in the Free State.

Not entirely.

We in the Republic must understand the British dimension in this jurisdiction and this country, as the British have begun to understand the Irish dimension. We can only come to understand the real totality of those relationships when we begin to see it as part and parcel of what we cherish in the Republic. There is a lesson in that for us as much as there is one in it for the British.

We need to single out one group more than any other as the real victors in this process. It is the minority group of people in both parts of Ireland — people from both traditions and backgrounds who often married each other. If there is any testimony, triumph or group of people for whom we should build a new Ireland, it is the group of people of mixed religious background and persuasion who quietly, in Northern Ireland in particular, married each other, raised their children and built a new Northern Ireland and a new Ireland. It is crucial that their contribution throughout the process is recognised and considered as well as the contribution of all political parties in Northern Ireland.

The new dispensation is not only about Sinn Féin and the DUP, it is a recognition of the role of the SDLP, the Ulster Unionist Party, the Alliance Party and Independents. Not everyone in Northern Ireland voted for the two big parties, the two big power blocs. That is crucial to understanding how we as a society and Northern Irish society will develop in the years and months ahead.

I welcome the Minister to the House. I am grateful to Fianna Fáil for tabling this motion at such an appropriate time. I am also grateful to my colleagues for the courtesy of allowing me to speak on it.

It is time, as previous speakers said, for paying tributes and to thank the people who stuck with this process over the years and who have carried off an intermediate triumph at least. I congratulate the Minister on the work he has been doing, which seems to have been rather crowned by the atmosphere that was prevailing, as far as we were told, at the meeting in Farmleigh today. There is also the enormous work done by the Taoiseach and Tony Blair over the past ten years. Both of them have a monument to their efforts. These are the people who breasted the tape. I think of this as a relay race. We should also consider those people who carried the baton at different times and in different ways. Included among those is our distinguished colleague, Senator Mansergh, whose contribution at crucial times was incomparable. Last night, the Minister and I were engaged in an event in Derry which honoured John Hume. It is right that his name should be also written into the record.

Like Senator Brian Hayes, I regard this as a triumph for democracy. It is a triumph for politics. Great credit should be paid to those people who persuaded those who were committed by history and ideology to the resolution of problems by the gun that they would make more progress by embracing normal politics. That has been a great advance. I do not see the arrangements in Northern Ireland now as some strange marriage of extremists. It is a question of people having moved into the middle ground, although they shoved out some other people who were already on that middle ground. We are in the middle ground of politics.

We should never forget the victims over the years, those who have suffered and those who died on all sides and their families. While we have to find some means to help those people to deal with their memories and hurt, I hope that people can begin to look forward rather than back. I hope we do not have to keep picking at sores and opening them up all the time. There comes a time to draw a line and lines should be drawn. That is not to say that we do not have to find some sophisticated and proper means of helping people to deal with their problems. If we keep exhuming the dead week after week it will simply produce more travail.

The parties in Northern Ireland have formed a Government. We should not expect them, nor should they expect, to perform miracles in a short time. All governments, even the most experienced, make mistakes. The longer they are in power, the bigger the mistakes they make. That is not a reference to any Administration in this jurisdiction or any other one of which the Minister is aware.

The Senator hastens to add.

I made that reference merely as a theoretical, philosophical point. These people are new found to an administration and they will have to find their way. I believe they will make mistakes and there will be forward and backward moves. However, I am struck by the parties' sense of purpose and their anxiety to make a go of it, of which I have no doubt they will. We should urge people on all sides to have a period of consolidation. It might be a time to take the foot off the accelerator on some aspects. We badly need to build up trust and to help people to move forward.

I noticed in Derry last night that as one crosses the bridge there are two pieces of sculpture, two statutes, one holding out a hand to the other but the hands do not quite touch. To the extent to which that is a symbol of the political situation in Northern Ireland, we must ensure that people can be encouraged to reach a little bit further and touch fingers and then turn that into a firm hand clasp. They will do that better by working together and building up the trust in dealing with the very real problems in society. They should park the great ideological and constitutional issues until they reach a level of security because it is too easy to mortgage the future by trying to replicate the past. This is a new beginning for everybody and they should treat it in that way.

My view is that the great challenge facing all of us, North and South, is to try to ensure that people can live together on this island in harmony, relative prosperity, with a sense of security and with good feelings towards the neighbouring island. In the short and medium term, it does not matter within what constitutional envelope we do that and in the long term who knows what will happen with the changes that are taking place in the world. We should encourage people to work together. In that sense Senator Brian Hayes made a constructive suggestion that the parliamentary tier of the North-South arrangements should be installed as quickly as possible. The getting together and movement of people is hugely important.

There are huge problems in Northern Ireland, especially in regard to the working class Protestant and Loyalist population. These are people who feel that they have lost out. They feel that the political tide has been flowing against them. They have seen the great industries which gave them their identity disappear. They, unfortunately, grew up in a culture and a tradition which because apprenticeship and work was available meant that schooling and education was less of a value than it was in the Catholic community. There needs to be a huge investment and huge care of that community. That is where Dr. Paisley and the DUP come in.

We should all push for the Loyalist paramilitaries to follow the line. That would be the final coping piece on the move to peace — that they too would down their arms. However, as of today it can only be a day for us to send congratulations to those who have done it and to send good wishes to those who have still to do so.

May I share my time with Senators Norris and Ross?

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I wish to establish my credentials first. I have four grandparents from the North — one from Saul in north County Down, one from Attical in south County Down, one from Maghery in north County Armagh and one from Colmcille in north County Armagh. In 1972 I had the duty of calling on my only sister to tell her that her husband, the father of her seven children, had been shot dead. Her first words were that Ronan, who was two years of age, would never get to know his father. For those of us who have been close to this, today is an eventful and an historic day. I listened to Senator Brian Hayes, Senator Maurice Hayes and others speak. Senator Maurice Hayes, in particular, is so close to this. For those of us who have lived with this war and whom it has touched so much, we live today with a great sense of hope.

I am reminded of Churchill's phrase, whom the Leader also quoted. He said we have not reached the beginning of the end, but the end of the beginning. At this stage after so many false starts and disappointments, we should be very careful to guard against thinking the Northern problem is solved for good. The truth is that the long drawn out saga of the past nine years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement has, in reality, just been a prologue because the real work is only now about to begin. The work about which I speak is the project of reconciliation between the two communities in Northern Ireland. Until we achieve that reconciliation, we will not have anything which we can truly call a satisfactory conclusion to the story. I am being realistic about it.

Not only have we not made any progress on reconciliation in the past nine years — this was touched on today — in many respects, we have gone backwards. There can be no doubt in anybody's mind that today the two communities are further apart than they have ever been. This provides us with a greater challenge than any of those we faced in the past. It is not helped by the fact that this settlement, which we have so painfully crafted and so carefully and slowly steered towards implementation, is a solution which, if we are not careful, can just as easily deepen the sectarian divide as it can surmount it. By entrenching the politics of the North along the lines we have — this has been referred to already — it becomes easier to deepen them. That is what we must guard against in the years ahead.

All the political progress will be denied its full fruits if we cannot build on it to create a bridge between the two communities. I am an optimist and in my lifetime I have seen many deep and profound changes in the North and elsewhere. We can meet this new challenge if we put our minds to it. It is up to us, in all parts of the country, to make this work. I am pleased the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, is in the House because it must be a proud day for him to see this step being taken. However, it is only the start of so many other things.

We can give much thanks for all the efforts made by so many people over the years. I mention one couple who have done a huge amount, usually behind the scenes. I refer to President McAleese and her husband, Martin McAleese. I have been impressed by the amount of work they have done and the amount of reconciliation they have brought about. I am one of those who has had the opportunity to go to Stormont to play golf with Unionists whom we would not otherwise have had the chance to meet. Others have come down to Áras an Uachtaraín to meet people they would not normally have had the chance to meet. Today is an eventful day which gives us great hope. I am very confident that hope can achieve success because of the grounds on which it is built.

I thank Senator Quinn for allowing me time to speak, particularly in light of what he had to say which was very dignified and moving because he was clearly personally touched by the tragic events in Northern Ireland. I also pay tribute to Senator Maurice Hayes because what he said was remarkably generous when one thinks of the appalling savagery visited on his community and on the other one by the tribal leaders and their followers in the North.

Today was interesting because of the handshake. Handshakes are very important gestures. I heard a snatch of Dr. Paisley's comments in which he said he would shake hands vigorously, openly and so on. It took a long time. These handshakes can sometimes be dangerous. I remember when President Mary Robinson shook hands with Gerry Adams. She was perfectly right to do so, but she was excoriated. We should remember that. We should also remember George Mitchell and the very crucial role he played.

We must also remember the awful things done, the tragic litany of victims and the fact people like Dr. Paisley stirred up emotions. He was a loud, shouting politician and he caused great embarrassment to people like myself who are not Roman Catholic. People associated anyone who was not Roman Catholic with this man. I disown him and what he stands for. He has a great responsibility and I hope he has now turned to being constructive. It is about time.

On the other side, I hope the people in Crossmaglen clean up their act. It was appalling that the fire brigade and others attempting to rescue people from a crashed helicopter were set upon. The same thing happened in the past couple of days in Belfast where an ambulance attempting to help victims of a crash was set upon. These issues must be addressed. Unfortunately, people have been driven into ghettos. This polarisation is to be regretted.

There is a litany of people whom we should remember, including Mr. Haughey. At the weekend I listened to Mr. Reynolds speak for the first time about going to the Berkeley Court Hotel and parking his car at a particular point in order that he could use the lift unnoticed and meet the UDA. I found it very interesting that people met these people whose careers I deplore. I hope we are at an end of savagery. I also hope that in the sentimental effusions flowing from this, we do not lose sight of the fact that this is a pluralist society and this republic is committed to respect for the rights of individual freedoms.

One of the remarkable facts about this peace process is not that it was so slow, but that it was so fast. It is only 12 years since it started with the first ceasefire. To have come so far so quickly is an extraordinary tribute to people. As Senator Hayes said, we have taken two steps forward and one step back. We have had setbacks at every stage. However, in approximately 12 years, we have moved from a stage where people were cutting each other's throats to a stage where people are shaking each other's hands. That is an enormous tribute to people.

It is difficult to select people because so many have done so much. Senator Mansergh did a huge amount in bringing together the parties and in talking to people to whom it was dangerous to talk. People on all sides did that. In particular, I think of those on all sides who stood against violence when it was difficult to do so and when the easy option was to keep quiet. I think of Gerry Fitt and Seamus Mallon and of the McGimpseys and David Trimble on the other side, those who lost their political careers because they had the courage to stand up for what they believed in rather than what was popular and those who did not take the extreme line when it was popular and expedient to do so and who are now political corpses. We must thank those people for bringing us to this point.

I was very much taken by what Senator Quinn said which was mature and sensible. This is only the beginning and there are real problems ahead. However, I take great cheer from the type of problems ahead because they appear to be the problems of the economy and of the Protestant working classes, to which Senator Maurice Hayes referred, who believe they have been neglected. If they are the problems we must attack, at least they are new problems and are not sectarian, denominational ones. They are social problems and problems of class and prosperity. I hope we, in this part of Ireland, play our part in resolving the economic difficulties they face.

I was encouraged by the fact Dr. Paisley, Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Unionists united in kicking Peter Hain out of Stormont. I thought it was absolutely wonderful that they got together and said they wanted to take it over themselves, that they did not want Mr. Hain around anymore, that, symbolically, they wanted to show they were in charge and were interested in tackling the problems and that the old days were over. It is a day of great hope and I congratulate everybody involved.

I thank the Senators for tabling this motion and thank all those who have spoken and intend to speak.

The Seanad has given consistent encouragement and support to the Government's efforts in the peace process. Many Senators have played distinguished roles in bringing us to where we are today and the last few contributions say it all. I know nobody will object if I acknowledge the particular contributions of Senators Mansergh and Maurice Hayes. I have the pleasure of knowing Senator Mansergh for 20 years. Because of his unstinting involvement it must be great for him to see how the fruits of his quiet work over the years have brought us to this day. Senator Maurice Hayes has been a very reasoned voice in the past number of years. He is respected by all sides of both communities.

The meeting last week between the DUP and Sinn Féin at Stormont achieved what few believed possible even a few short months ago — a solid basis for genuine, sustainable power sharing government in Northern Ireland. No one could see the pictures we saw that morning and hear the words that were spoken without feeling real hope for the future. It is worth standing back a little this evening to reflect on the path to that moment.

When I spoke in this House in February 2006, the two Governments were about to embark on a concerted effort to achieve restoration of the institutions, following developments in 2005 which saw the Provisional IRA declare an end to their armed campaign and subsequent confirmation of decommissioning. Those developments changed the context within which we had been working to restore trust and confidence in a political process which had been hampered by a series of events over a number of years. They gave us a basis on which we could begin to re-engage with the parties to rebuild political momentum.

I said in this House last February that the job of the Governments was to convince all sides of their political responsibility, as leaders of society, to complete the journey to a fully inclusive, stable and peaceful Northern Ireland. As a result and later that month, Peter Hain and I began intensive discussions with the parties to try and build the confidence needed to move the politics forward. The year 2006 was punctuated by formal talks and informal contacts with the parties and ultimately culminated in the talks in Scotland last October which led to the St. Andrews Agreement. That agreement underpins the Good Friday Agreement. It set out a clear way forward for all parties to commit to the full operation of stable power sharing government in Northern Ireland and to full support for policing and the criminal justice institutions.

All-party support for policing and the criminal justice institutions came earlier this year with the decision at the Sinn Féin special Ard-Fheis in January to support policing as set out in the St. Andrews Agreement and subsequent delivery on the ground of that commitment. On 7 March — less than four weeks ago — elections were held to the Northern Ireland Assembly. The results showed overwhelming support for power sharing among the people. Political parties who campaigned against progress simply did not get votes. The mandate for Northern Ireland's politicians was clear. In the days that followed the election and in the run-up to 26 March, intensive negotiations took place involving parties and governments. On 26 March we saw Ian Paisley and Gerry Adams sit down together and agree to share power from 8 May onwards in the devolved institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. They also agreed to carry out important advance preparatory work for government.

The Governments agreed to accommodate this new requested date for restoration in view of the absolute commitment to the restoration of the Good Friday Agreement institutions by 8 May and the intensive preparations for government about to commence. Those preparations are now well under way. Ministries have been already informally allocated among the parties. Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness have been meeting as future First and Deputy First Ministers.

I agree with the speaker who referred to the request to Peter Hain to vacate his office. It was amazing that just two days after 26 March, a letter signed jointly by the First Minister and Deputy First Minister was sent to Peter Hain asking him to vacate his office. For those of us who have been closely involved in the process and while we may not have believed it would happen, this was the first clear indication it would happen and that it was for real.

The initial work of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister is very encouraging. It augurs well for the future stability of the power sharing Government. More fundamentally, it heralds a new chapter in the history of this island.

A further important signal of emerging positive political relationships on this island was the meeting the Taoiseach and I attended this morning at Farmleigh with Ian Paisley, the future First Minister and his son, Ian Paisley Jr. The Taoiseach and I had an extremely friendly and very businesslike discussion with Dr. Paisley on a range of matters of mutual interest. Reference was made to the parliamentary tier. I can assure Senator Maurice Hayes this was discussed and I hope favourable consideration will be given to it in due course. Dr. Paisley accepted the Taoiseach's invitation to make an early visit to the Battle of the Boyne site to review the excellent work being carried out to preserve and enhance our shared history and heritage. The Government has committed €15 million to the building of an interpretative centre and museum on the site of the Battle of the Boyne. We assured Dr. Paisley we stand ready to work with the new Executive in a spirit of sincere and genuine friendship. We also underlined our commitment to invest in infrastructure projects benefiting North and South under the national development plan. It is clear the major challenge we both face, North and South, is securing prosperity and economic growth. By working together on an all-island basis we can better deliver for all of our citizens.

For the first time, the Irish Government is making a major investment in infrastructure development in Northern Ireland, announced together with the Chancellor's financial package on 22 March. We will invest more than €580 million on roads to address the major infrastructure deficit in the north west. The agreement to develop a dual carriageway standard road to Derry and Donegal removes the single greatest impediment to the future development of the north west and the Border counties in that region.

The national development plan has set out proposals for a number of further initiatives which were discussed with Dr. Paisley, including restoration of the Ulster Canal, the bridge at Narrow Water between County Louth and County Down, co-operation in the provision of public services and further all-island development funds in areas such as tourism and regional development. We were pushing an open door on each and every one of those proposals.

I look forward to working with the incoming Northern Ireland Executive to bring to fruition all these proposals and to an open dialogue on practical mutually-beneficial co-operation. Restoration will mean the North-South Ministerial Council will be active once again, with Ministers from both parts of the island engaging on important issues for the mutual benefit of our people. This was referred to at our meeting with Dr. Paisley. There is a firm understanding that the North-South Ministerial Council will meet shortly after 8 May and perhaps on a date in the month of June.

When the Council met in the past, Ministers from both parts of the island made outstanding efforts to pursue the common commitment to advance co-operation. A functioning Executive will be also able to play its full part in the work of the British-Irish Council. The Taoiseach stated that we looked forward to working with the Executive in that regard. Restoration will also mean that the North-South Bodies can once again function fully. There is significant work for them to do and it is hoped they will begin after 8 May.

The date of 8 May next will therefore stimulate a new level of North-South engagement and co-operation. Senators will be interested in the development of the North-South Parliamentary Forum as envisaged at St. Andrews. There will be also further discussion on the establishment of an east-west interparliamentary framework following appropriate consultation with the British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body.

I know many Senators are committed and active members of the Body which has played such a valuable role in developing mutual understanding and good relations between Ireland and Britain. I was co-chairman of that Body for a number of years. As we move into this new phase, we are committed to developing an enduring partnership between the Government and the Northern Ireland Executive, a partnership founded on prosperity as well as peace.

We could not have come this far without the consistent political and practical support of our friends around the world, particularly in the United States. Our friends in the US Administration, in the US Congress and across Irish America, made the search for lasting peace in Northern Ireland their concern. Successive American Presidents have stood firm with the British and Irish Governments as they sought to bring this process to conclusion. Our friends in the US Congress have helped to maintain international focus on developments in Northern Ireland. Their views and input have been critical. Earlier today I was delighted to host a lunch for a congressional delegation led by Richard Neal, chairman of the Friends of Ireland group. I understand the delegation was here in the Seanad this morning to observe its deliberations. I wish to record my special thanks to Mr. Neal and his predecessor, Congressman Jim Walsh, who was also present this morning on their tireless work for peace in Northern Ireland.

Senators

Hear, hear.

The American Government and people have also shown their support and their generosity through their contributions to the International Fund for Ireland, the American Ireland Fund and other programmes. Our partners in the EU too have been with us all the way. Their concrete assistance, through the PEACE programme and the International Fund for Ireland, has successfully promoted economic development, reconciliation and cross-Border collaboration.

We look now at a Northern Ireland where peace and democracy has triumphed and where partnership Government will be restored on 8 May. This is a success for the international community, which has been so steadfast in its support for the peace process. It is a powerful message of hope for others across the globe who are struggling with violence and division in their societies.

While this is undoubtedly a time full of hope and expectation for Northern Ireland, it is also a time to ponder some of the challenges ahead in achieving lasting reconciliation. Senator Quinn was correct to state that this is only the start. There will be many bumps on the road ahead.

Notwithstanding progress on the political front, dealing with the legacy of division remains one of our greatest tests. We have seen this played out around contentious parades in the past. Although last year's was the quietest marching season in decades, the issue continues to evoke high emotions that can all too readily lead to sharper tensions, instability and violence. However, the progress made in recent months, particularly since the meeting at St. Andrews, has surely taught us that no problem, however intractable it may appear, is beyond resolution. I urge all those on both sides who are involved with parading to reflect on the new beginning at the political level and to renew their determination to find workable and agreed solutions locally and leave behind the politics of confrontation and negativity.

In moving forward, we also recognise that there is an ongoing imperative to address the needs of victims and to deal with the painful legacy of the past. Again, the Taoiseach and Dr. Paisley spoke about this issue at some length at our meeting earlier today. In the Good Friday Agreement, the two Governments recognised that it is essential to acknowledge and address the suffering of the victims of violence as a necessary element of reconciliation. Since that time, the Government's work on implementation of the Agreement has been informed by the needs of the victims of the conflict. It is true that all of Irish society, North and South, has been affected by that conflict. However, it is the victims and their families that have carried the biggest burden of personal loss and injury. Ian Paisley and Gerry Adams acknowledged this fact in their respective statements on 26 March last. They both spoke of those who have suffered and they evoked a collective responsibility to build the best future possible as the only fitting testimony to the tragic past. The Government wholeheartedly agrees with these sentiments.

As progress has been made on the political front, issues from the past have continued to emerge. This is as a result of several factors, including an increased expectation that victims from both sides will be heard, and listened to, in an atmosphere where co-operation and dialogue have improved to an unprecedented degree. In addition to the improved political climate, the work of the interim victims' commissioner, the Historical Enquiries Team and the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland — as well as other non-governmental initiatives such as "Healing Through Remembering" — have contributed to a better understanding of how to deal with the past. Inquiries continue to play an important role in addressing deeply troubling aspects of the Northern Ireland conflict. Regrettably, however, we still await the establishment of an independent public inquiry into the murder of Patrick Finucane, for which all parties represented in the Oireachtas have called.

In our own jurisdiction, there have been a number of reports from Mr. Justice Hamilton and Mr. Justice Barron and follow-up Oireachtas reports into deeply troubling incidents in the 1970s. Most recently, the MacEntee commission of investigation has been examining aspects of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. The commission's report was shown to the families earlier today and is being published this evening. I know that Members of the Oireachtas will want to peruse the report, which is extremely complex and makes for difficult reading, and consider its findings in detail. I assure them that the Government takes seriously any allegations of collusion. This issue will remain on the agenda of our meetings with the British Government, at the highest level, and we will continue to address it.

I reiterate the Government's absolute commitment to working with victims and to facilitating them in resolving, to the greatest degree possible, issues that remain fresh in their minds many years after the events concerned. Those who suffered in the past deserve a legacy which is as positive as possible. Their personal stories have inspired us and have reminded us, when progress was slow, of the reason we had to continue to work towards a political resolution.

The achievement of a peaceful and just society will be the true memorial to the victims of violence. This was explicitly recognised in the Good Friday Agreement. Today we are another step closer to that achievement.

I reiterate my thanks to this House for supporting the Government's efforts thus far. In partnership and co-operation with the British Government and the parties in Northern Ireland, we are determined to ensure that the final steps of the peace process will be successfully completed.

I welcome the Minister and compliment him on his efforts to bring progress and peace to Northern Ireland. I also extend my compliments to his colleagues in Government and to all those concerned on both sides of the Border and of the Irish Sea.

This House and the Lower House have been debating the issue of Northern Ireland and the violence that has arisen of foot of sectarianism on our island for 80 years. Let us hope that, whichever way one wishes to put it, we are somewhere near the end of the beginning or the beginning of the end.

Senators Mooney, Lydon and I have been Members of the Oireachtas for the past 20 years. On each occasion we debated political issues relating to Northern Ireland during the first seven years — from 1987 to 1994 — of my career in the Oireachtas, it was usually as a result of the perpetration of some outrage in that jurisdiction. We spent our time discussing ways of how we might more strongly condemn whatever dreadful event had occurred.

The ceasefire of 1994 brought about a great new dawn. Looking back, people perhaps expected too much too soon with the advent of that ceasefire. During the past 30 years, Members on all sides have expressed disappointment, regret and doubt regarding the slow pace of political movement and change in Northern Ireland. However, 20, 30 or 40 years from now, people will look back and say perhaps that it was proper and correct, and in some respects useful, that change took so long to come about. What we have been trying to achieve is the changing of people's mindsets, North and South. We have tried to change the mindset of unionism towards nationalism and vice versa.

It was perhaps unrealistic to expect that the IRA ceasefire of 1994 would bring about dramatic changes overnight. It helped to create the space and conditions to facilitate change. From 1994 until last week, however, there were mountains to move. Patience and determination were required in order to bring us to where we now stand. The pieces are beginning to fall into place and last week's decision on the part of Dr. Paisley and Gerry Adams to reach agreement represents a major and welcome step forward. However, there remain many more steps to take.

It is important that all sides involved in making recent progress should be magnanimous in acknowledging what was achieved by people who are no longer centre stage in the political arena. Ian Paisley and his party would not be where they are today if great strides had not been made by David Trimble and his colleagues in the Official Unionist Party. On the other side of the political fence, Martin McGuinness would not be in a position to become Deputy First Minister if John Hume had not been so courageous and if the SDLP had not been so persistent in its demands that democracy and peaceful progress should always be preferred to the more militarised options being put forward by Sinn Féin at the time.

I hope the so-called — I do not mean that in a negative sense — political winners of the past six months will be magnanimous because there are more than two parties in Northern politics. If we are to secure long-term progress, not only in regard to getting the Assembly and Executive up and running but also in achieving cross-party consensus and progress, the involvement of all political parties in Northern Ireland will be required. We must keep that to the fore in our thoughts.

In his closing comments, the Minister referred to the important issue of victims. Every country which has succeeded in turning from violence to democracy or has experienced people who were formerly involved in violence taking on political roles has tried to address this issue. South Africa developed a truth and reconciliation process and I am sure examples from other countries can also be considered. It is important, however, that we address the issue of victims and their suffering on both sides of the divide. It is in the interest of the entire body politic of this island to put in place a structure for people who have suffered losses, including those who were affected 25 or 30 years ago and still feel the pain.

In recent days, several DUP members have found the fence too high to jump, which is understandable to a certain extent. A similar issue arose ten years ago for Sinn Féin, when the party split for the umpteenth time between those who wanted to progress politically and those who wanted to remain on a fundamentalist footing. From the point of view of victims, some of type of commission or forum is needed which would allow their stories to be told. While I am aware the Minister is considering that issue and that no simple formula exists, it is important to make progress in that regard.

I look forward over the coming crucial months and years to seeing the Assembly at work and the people of Northern Ireland taking greater charge of their own destiny. It is truly historic that, after 80 years of political conflict and 30 years of violence and terrorism, we have reached the stage where the vast majority of people accept that progress can only be made through politics. Generations of politicians, from Jack Lynch and Liam Cosgrave in the Sunningdale Agreement, through Garret Fitzgerald and Peter Barry in the Good Friday Agreement to the present Taoiseach and Minister for Foreign Affairs, have played an important role in this. I thank them for their work and hope the coming years will be exciting for all parts of this island.

I welcome the Minister and am pleased he was able to attend the House to listen to the views of Senators regarding the new beginning in the North of Ireland. I am privileged to recall the speeches made by my late father in these Houses on this issue. We have reached a new dawn and I commend the efforts made by the Taoiseach and the Minister on steering this process from the time of the Good Friday Agreement. Their work was never easy. Who would have thought Dr. Paisley would today visit Farmleigh House to shake hands and discuss the future with the Taoiseach?

This is a victory for politics and politicians across the board. Throughout the past eight decades, Members of the Oireachtas have discussed this issue. It is a victory for Dr. Paisley and Mr. Adams that the power of politics is playing a role in conquering intolerance, bitterness and hatred. Politics is a noble profession and, if politicians North and South had moved on or were made to feel they had nothing to contribute, we would not now be discussing the new state in the North of Ireland. I would like the media to give praise where it is due because all of us have made a contribution towards improving the quality of life for those in the North.

The leaders in the North are taking responsibility for finding the path to a new era. The debate will no longer be about republicanism versus unionism or who shot who. The important issues will be education, health, crime and North-South co-operation in the areas of electricity, agriculture and transport. Those are the areas in which I want to be involved and we have a golden opportunity to make progress.

This is only the beginning and there will be bumpy steps along the way. On many occasions, Dr. Paisley will pull back before proceeding on new projects. However, all sides have come to realise this is a workable arrangement. The debate is now about our all-island future. We have stability and peace and we could have prosperity in the North and the South. I hope our leaders will continue to play a role in that regard.

Slowly but surely, matters are progressing and there will be no going back. I welcome the agreement between the DUP and Sinn Féin on the restoration of devolved institutions on 8 May. With Gerry Adams and Ian Paisley expressing their willingness to work together, we are looking towards a peaceful and prosperous future for the people of the Six Counties. Gone are the days when Unionists dominated the political landscape, gerrymandered elections and discriminated against the Catholic population in housing, jobs and voting rights. The change of heart has not only been on the part of Unionists but also among republicans. The acceptance of the PSNI was a great step towards normalisation.

On 26 March, Gerry Adams stated:

The relationships between the people of this island have been marred by centuries of discord, conflict, hurt and tragedy. In particular this has been the sad history of Orange and Green. Now there is a new start with the help of God.

Sinn Féin is about building a new relationship between Orange and Green and all the other colours where every citizen can share and have equality of ownership of a peaceful, prosperous and just future. [...] I am pleased to say that collectively we have created the potential to build a new harmonious and equitable relationship between nationalist and republicans and unionists and all of the rest of the people of the island of Ireland.

For his part, Ian Paisley stated:

Our goal has been to see devolution returned in a context where it can make a real and meaningful improvement in the lives of all the people of this part of the United Kingdom. [...] We are committed to playing a full part in all the institutions and delivering the best future for all of the people of Northern Ireland. [...] Devolution has never been an end in itself but is about making a positive difference to people's lives, I want to make it clear that I am committed to delivering not only for those who voted for the DUP, but for all the people of Northern Ireland. We must not allow our justified loathing of the horrors and tragedies of the past to become a barrier to creating a better and more stable future for our children.

These are the remarkable words of these gentlemen who not very long ago hardly acknowledged the other existed, never mind spoke to or communicated with one another. One may have seen on television that when the Taoiseach and Dr. Paisley met today, Dr. Paisley's hand was outstretched as he walked towards the Taoiseach. It was a great moment and we must give credit where it is due.

I always stated the way to make the Border disappear was to make it irrelevant and this is what is happening through North-South co-operation, which will continue. The Government's National Development Plan 2007-2013 includes a comprehensive statement of Government policy on North-South co-operation. All-island collaboration is a key horizontal theme of the plan. For the first time, the plan contains proposals for significant Irish Government investment in North-South projects and initiatives for mutual benefit.

The proposed package, which will be funded from the overall national development plan envelope, includes plans for joint investment in new strategic projects to benefit North and South and the opening up of access to existing development funds on an all-island basis and-or the introduction of new, agreed joint funding measures with the British Government and the Northern Ireland Executive upon restoration.

This process has had many beginnings and at times it was two steps forward and one step back or one step forward and two steps back. This is another beginning and it is most welcome. For it to succeed, any task must begin with an end in mind. We will never forget the end in mind of the re-unification of Ireland and the removal of all vestiges of British imperialism from every part of a new 32-county republic. It will be a long time coming or perhaps it will not be that long. As politicians in this part of the country, it is our task to make a new Ireland a place with no discrimination on any grounds, where Unionists will feel free to live and participate and in this way we will have a peaceful future. It may take a long time but there is no going back now.

I welcome the Government's stand in tabling this motion, which is significant in light of the history of recent weeks. I also welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Treacy, to the House. The Minister of State's constituency is in the west. From speaking to people who work in Northern Ireland and who frequent Donegal, I have anecdotal evidence of a mood of optimism and perhaps we have a new horizon with positives and benefits as a result of the peace process instead of the historical negatives associated with the west such as lack of investment and the socioeconomic barriers.

For years people in Donegal, Sligo and Leitrim blamed the central approach to Government which is based on the British system. London had the same model which we adopted for Dublin. We have an opportunity to go back 400 years and it is significant that it is the 400th anniversary of the flight of the earls, prior to which we had local Gaelic sovereign kingdoms. We certainly do not want to go back to everything associated with that type of democracy but we must examine devolved democracy.

Scotland and Wales have shown the lead in terms of devolving from London. If one speaks to anybody from Fermanagh, Tyrone or Derry, one will hear a constant rhetoric in terms of west of the Bann being neglected by London. It was not deliberate, but with a centralised Government, the more peripheral one is, the more one loses out. We must combine the rhetoric of neglect from west of the Bann with the rhetoric of Donegal, Sligo and Leitrim people on the periphery of our geographic location and the rhetoric of neglect because of central power and come up with a strategy.

The only way to come up with such a strategy is to engage with all communities and political parties on both sides of the Border and both Administrations and examine matters at community and local authority level. This is nothing new. A great deal of work has been done, especially by the north-west cross-Border group which has worked for years on strategies for energy, infrastructure, railways, health and small and medium enterprises. However it lacks the teeth and mechanisms to deliver on these strategies.

Now that the new Assembly is up and running, we have collective goodwill from London and Dublin and all other politicians. No dissenting voices have been heard with regard to where we want to go. The only question is how we get there and what process is involved. I acknowledge the key role of Senator Mansergh in facilitating the process to reach the point to which we have come. In terms of addressing peripherality and negatives, we must engage sooner rather than later.

We must examine the language we use. We still speak in terms of North-South and this language will not be an overall solution for places such as Donegal, Sligo, Leitrim, Fermanagh, Tyrone or Derry. We must examine east-west links from Burtonport to Belfast, the continued expansion of North-South links between Belfast and Dublin and links to the north west from Dublin to Letterkenny and on to Derry. We must examine infrastructure, energy co-operation and services along the Border areas.

Derry city is the fourth largest city on this island. On previous occasions in the House I spoke about urban sprawl into towns and villages such as Killea, St. Johnston, Newtowncunningham, Muff and Quigley's Point. People from Derry buy property or build houses in Donegal because of the urban sprawl associated with the city's expansion. We do not have a plan to deal with this. Neither do we have a plan to stop it from taking place. A link has always existed between Inishowen and Derry people.

Plans must be put in place in terms of infrastructural and community services such as proper sewerage and water and other community facilities. Last night, I canvassed in Newtowncunningham and met a couple from Derry who have lived there for seven years. They still send their children to school in Derry and continue to work there. However, as they pointed out to me they spend their money in Donegal and they feel a community focus for their children is missing. They feel the necessary community infrastructure is not in place. This is a challenge we have as a community in terms of the peace process.

With regard to Border and cross-Border issues which were problems and negatives, a great deal of positive work is carried out at cross-Border community level by community groups. St. Johnston and Newtowncunningham have very effective community groups. However, such groups cannot work on plans alone. They must be integrated into local authorities and financed. We must mainstream funding for community groups. Peace and reconciliation funding, ADMCPA, INTERREG 3 and the International Fund for Ireland provided substantial investments for cross-Border co-operation. They try to link people together because although we can speak of politicians moving the process forward at a political level, and Senator O'Rourke spoke of the expertise and politicians with vision to do so, we need people at a local level reaching out. There has been capacity building since 1995 and beforehand by groups such as INTERREG, the EU Programme for Peace and Reconciliation and Co-operation North. We must mainstream our funding for communities.

This is not just a Border issue but one relevant to all parts of this island. We must think seriously about mainstreaming funding into the community sector. To digress a little, there is a cynicism among the electorate about politicians, be they in the Seanad, the Dáil, a Minister or Minister of State, or part of a local authority.

We are constantly working the local, and that personal aspect of politics is important. However, communities must be empowered to act for themselves, and we have an opportunity with this peace process and with the Assembly up and running to empower our communities in our Border villages in Northern Ireland and along the Border counties on the other side. We should keep them working together and mainstream the funding.

If I have one message, it is that we should mainstream the funding and continue to build the communities. I welcome the process and the roads we have taken. I very much welcome the current position on Northern Ireland.

I welcome the Minister of State and warmly congratulate the Taoiseach, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the team of officials on finally bringing about the successful conclusion of the peace process. It has lasted 20 years and I have vivid memories near the beginning of this process of meeting Gerry Adams and two of his colleagues with Deputy Dermot Ahern in the Redemptorist monastery in Dundalk in 1988.

An enormous amount of effort and determination, along with endless patience, has been required to keep the process moving forward, especially during quite long periods when it has been stalled. Today is a source of great satisfaction, with a little bit of history being made by the Taoiseach shaking hands publicly with Ian Paisley. We are witnessing the transformation of the totality of relationships in Northern Ireland, between North and South, and for a number of years past, between Britain and Ireland. It has become very visible that in many ways, we are in the process of casting off the chains of history. I hope there will be organic development from here on in.

I pay tribute to the broadly bipartisan spirit, or what I have always termed critical bipartisanship, which we exercised also when on the Opposition benches, from all the main parties in the Oireachtas. Senator Brian Hayes may be interested to know with regard to the phrase which he used in his speech — new dispensation — that I would claim the modest credit of having discovered it and putting it in speeches, etc. I found it in a footnote of John M. Kelly's The Irish Constitution.

Is that the first edition or fourth?

It has served many useful purposes since. There have been people, mostly outside these Houses, who from time to time expressed great fears about democracy being subverted, but I never had any doubts about the strength of Irish democracy or that Irish democracy, if challenged by violent forces, would win out, even with difficulty. As has been pointed out, the rejectionists from various sides and their paramilitary operations must be wound up. They got derisory support in the recent Northern elections.

What is so satisfying is that we hope we are about to have all the elements of the agreement working as they should. It is an holistic settlement that picks up the many initiatives going back 40 years, perhaps even longer. It has weaved them into a whole, and it is both a peace settlement and a political settlement. We hope to see it work out.

It is not the end of history. I hope it is the working of a new dynamic. One of my favourite quotations is from one of the architects of the Ostpolitik who stated that if one wants to change realities, one has to recognise them. I thoroughly agree. The establishment of a North-South parliamentary body is the appropriate answer to the request for representation and I also look to the reformation of the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body.

We owe a great deal to parties that are no longer centre-stage, such as the SDLP, the UUP, the Alliance Party, the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition, the loyalist parties and our countless unsung heroes across this island in churches and communities. Many people have done their little bit to keep on the path of sanity.

Where we have got to today does not cancel the grief, loss and bereavement caused by unnecessary deaths and murders. One of the frustrating things repeated throughout history and across the world, even today, is that people can espy a sensible solution long before it is reached, unfortunately, or before casualties cease.

I will finish by referring to a comment by Senator Brian Hayes. Before doing so I join in tributes to the significant contribution that Senator Maurice Hayes has made for 40 or 50 years, and continues to make in many different roles.

Hear, hear.

Hear, hear.

Hear, hear.

We are deeply privileged to have him, not just in the House but in the public life of our country.

The British dimension was referred to. One can see the issue in many different ways and there are British dimensions all over the State. For example, the restored pavilion at Dún Laoghaire has Queen Victoria, albeit in green, which was re-fashioned to commemorate her visit in 1900. I would not like Senator Brian Hayes to equate the British dimension with the Protestant minority in this jurisdiction. The majority of Protestants in the south of Ireland have undivided loyalties to this State and country.

Hear, hear.

I accept there are a few who feel differently. One of the important acts in 1922 was a meeting in April of that year between the Protestant church leaders, Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins. In that they effectively transferred loyalty from Britain to Ireland, and this loyalty has deepened over the years.

We are all of mixed background. When I attended the enthronement of Archbishop Harper in Armagh, at which some of the cathedral's history was explained, I was mildly shocked to discover that one of my ancestors, Shane O'Neill, had burned down a previous version of the cathedral in 1566. He had his head put on a spike outside Dublin Castle for his pains. Even people with a Protestant background, such as I, have ancestors from other traditions, including Gaelic.

I was not referring exclusively to Protestants. Is the Senator trying to exclude those who are also British?

I call on Senator Mansergh to conclude.

It is a valid point.

By the course of natural evolution, I hope we reach the point at which we can contemplate a new state in Ireland.

As another republican Protestant, I did not get the impression that Senator Brian Hayes was singling us out as being British. This is a different republic than when the Troubles began. While Northern Ireland has changed, this part of the island has also changed.

I support the motion tabled by the Government parties because this is a splendid day. Everyone in this Government and its predecessors is to be praised for what has occurred. We can praise many people within both jurisdictions and the rest of Britain. Without the efforts of populations, we would not be where we are today. I have been involved in some of those efforts.

There was little understanding between the people of Northern Ireland — we must be careful in saying that — and the republic. Sometimes, I believed that I was from a different planet despite having relatives on both sides of the religious divide in the North. In many ways, it is a strange place. I have been visiting the North since I was ten years old, but my main memory of it is the terrible divide at Goraghwood where customs officers searched everyone to determine whether they had bought extra clothes in C & A.

I was involved with the Irish Association which was set up in the 1930s by people with friends on both parts of Ireland to foster cultural, social and economic links. Even that long ago, they were afraid that the jurisdictions were drifting apart. It would be wonderful to say the organisation is redundant, that we have established so many cultural, social and economic links that there is no point in keeping it. At one time and to her great credit, its administrator, Barbara Sweetman Fitzgerald, lived for part of each week in Belfast, but lived in Dublin for most of her life. There was a great deal of work to be done between both places to keep things going.

In the late 1980s, I chaired an exciting meeting in Buswells Hotel at which the education committee of the Orange Order tried to educate us about it. The committee's members came to our house, but they were determined to cross the Border before midnight for some reason, which was fine. We had such a good time that some members left their coats behind, so they needed to return to get them another time.

I remember the meetings of the British-Irish Association, which the Government and, because the meetings cost money, many financial institutions supported. Meetings could be found at august destinations such as Cambridge and Oxford, but it was all Chatham House rules and one was not supposed to say what occurred. Some of it was leaked, but I am amazed by how little, including in terms of those present. It was worthwhile meeting people one would not have met otherwise, such as the late David Ervine.

I welcome that Senator Quinn mentioned the President and my constituent, Dr. Martin McAleese, who have done incredible work with communities in Northern Ireland and have held meetings at Áras an Uachtaráin attended by people from the North. Queues of cars waited to pass the gates as soon as they opened because the people from the North were enthusiastic. Without such meetings, I would never have met Lady Sylvia Hermon who I believe I can now call a friend.

I also applaud the efforts of former Deputy Paddy Harte and Glen Barr. The President and Queen Elizabeth attending the tower in Messines was an incredible occasion. Efforts relating to the First World War and Second World War demonstrate what we have done together, rather than what separates us.

Senator Quinn was right in another respect, namely, it is regrettable that there is more tribal sectarian polarisation than we would have believed possible. However, who would have believed that the first Chinese woman to be elected to a European parliament would come from south Belfast? Anna Lo, MLA, came from Hong Kong 20 years ago, but on the radio she sounds as if she is from south Belfast.

I congratulate the Government on all it has done, but as many people have stated, it is only a beginning. However, it has a surer foundation than it would have had a few weeks ago. We must be extraordinarily grateful for the efforts made by Northern politicians in that regard.

I commend everyone involved in bringing us to where we are today. It is a significant achievement in a relatively short, but perhaps an unnecessarily long, period.

Many Senators commented on the Taoiseach's pivotal role. From some of my contacts with people on the Unionist side, many were struck by the absolute commitment and support he gave to the process leading up to the Good Friday Agreement. When he continued negotiating despite the traumatic death of his mother, Unionists were loud in their praise. We needed someone of that capacity and disposition to bring us to this point.

That is not to understate the contribution made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Treacy, who is in attendance and played his part alongside his colleagues, and previous Ministers for Foreign Affairs, such as Deputy Brian Cowen and David Andrews. I would include Ray Burke in that respect.

The Senator is correct.

Owing to various events, many people disregard Ray Burke's contribution after his brief appointment to the position of Minister for Foreign Affairs at a critical time early in the process. He was popular with many Unionists. A certain amount of camaraderie, trust and friendship between negotiating parties makes dealing with difficult issues easier.

It would be remiss of me not to mention the former Taoiseach, Mr. Albert Reynolds. When he became Taoiseach, he said his two priorities were solving the unemployment problem and tackling the situation in Northern Ireland. Some of my colleagues asked me whether he had run the lost of himself because they felt the two problems were intractable. As the problems had been with us for decades and it was felt they would continue, not many people gave Mr. Reynolds any hope of success. As a man with great entrepreneurial flair, he was equipped with the courage to identify these two issues as priorities and deal with them pragmatically.

I would like to mention many other people, not least Mr. Gerry Adams and Mr. Martin McGuinness who have played an important part. We should not overlook the role of Mr. John Hume who received a great deal of criticism for interacting with Sinn Féin at one time. When one considers how much easier it is for one to lead a party that fully supports the process one is pursuing, it is clear that Mr. David Trimble showed remarkable leadership when he was in the difficult position of having to look over his shoulder to check the level of opposition within his ranks. I hope Dr. Paisley will join the select band of people who have played a pivotal part in this process. All the indications are that he will.

It is important not to forget the initiative taken in 1965 by the then Taoiseach, Mr. Seán Lemass, when he travelled to the North with Mr. Jack Lynch and others to meet Mr. Terence O'Neill. If that process had been allowed to continue and develop, we might have avoided the trauma of the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s when 3,700 people died during the Troubles. It was not allowed to continue, unfortunately, so we do not know what would have happened. Given that we now have a second chance, it is important for all politicians to embrace their responsibilities.

I have never viewed the success of the peace process as the ultimate prize. Making progress with the peace process is like winning the national hurling league. We need to focus on the real prize of winning the all-Ireland. Anyone who follows a football or hurling team understands this point. If the Down team had lost the all-Ireland football final many years ago, I do not think it would have been any compensation to its players to have won the national football league. It is important to keep the bigger aim in mind. Those of us with a Nationalist or republican outlook are often too shy to say that to our fellow Irishmen from the Unionist tradition.

It is possible to have quite good dialogue with loyalists. I once had an interesting discussion with Mr. Gregory Campbell and one of his DUP colleagues, Mr. John Norris from Castlereagh. We talked for up to three hours over a few pints in Glasgow. I did not hide the fact that I would love to see a united Ireland. I argued that the pragmatism and dynamism of Unionist business people could help people on both sides of the Border. I suggested that the talents, expertise and drive of everyone on this island could be combined to open up new horizons for all our people. I was not surprised when the two men told me at the end of the night that they did not agree with much of what I had said. However, they said they learned far more about these issues from talking to me for a few hours than they would have from talking to someone from Kent or Sussex.

I was at a conference in Malmo in 1988 on the day that Ireland had a famous 1-0 victory over England in a football match in Stuttgart. I was a little late in returning to the conference that evening because I had been watching the match. When I heard Northern accents, I turned around to find that a delegation from Belfast City Council was sitting behind the Wexford group of which I was part. As we filed out of the meeting, I asked Sammy Wilson whether he had watched the match. When he said he had seen it, I somewhat cheekily asked who he had shouted for. He said: "I was shouting for your lads." I may have looked surprised, but I was also pleased.

The Senator should not have been surprised by that.

He added, in case I got the wrong impression, that if England were playing the Vatican, he would shout for the Vatican.

There is nothing surprising there.

I know from talking to a number of Unionists that they feel there is much to be gained from closer co-operation with this jurisdiction. I hope the North-South bodies will be strengthened. I regret that during the final hours of the 1998 negotiations, they were watered down so that they would apply to areas in which they would have less impact. I would like to think that would be corrected at some stage in all our interests. As Members of the Oireachtas, we should honour the memory of the founding fathers of this State, from whom we take our lead, by working to the best of ability to build links with Northern Ireland. We owe it to our founding fathers to develop programmes of twinning, cultural exchange and economic co-operation to fulfil the dreams and aspirations they had for this island. We now have a platform from which to do that.

I thank those who spoke during this debate with such sincerity and passion. Speakers shared their reminiscences and recollections. I am glad that, above all, such huge hope was evident in the Chamber. As I listened to Senator Jim Walsh concluding his contribution, I thought about how right he is.

Many years have passed since Michael Collins signed the treaty that put the Border in place, having been sent on a hopeless mission in the distant past, but this evening it seems like a modern thing to talk about in the Chamber. When Michael Collins returned after signing the treaty, he argued that it gave Ireland the freedom to achieve freedom. He thought we would have time to work on getting our freedom. He did not think the Six Counties unit would last, but it is still in existence.

It has taken many years for us to reach a point at which we are satisfied that progress can be made and certain matters can be debated. The "dreary steeples of Fermanagh and Tyrone" do not seem as dreary now as they did to the man who spoke about seeing them through the driving rain. I hope the optimism evident in the Chamber will linger for some time.

I pay tribute to Senator Maurice Hayes, who plays a pivotal role in the everyday work of the Seanad, for the role he has played in the business of the North and the South. He brings his expertise to bear on the various writings he produces and the various chairs he holds.

The desire of Members to pay particular tribute to the Taoiseach has been evident throughout this debate. None of those who have been praised will mind when I say that nobody has brought as much passion, commitment and determination to the peace project in all of its manifestations as the Taoiseach has done.

I also pay tribute to Senator Mansergh whose work I noted some years ago when my party was in Opposition and with whom I worked when I was in Government. He played a role in this regard. He has transformed himself from a civil servant to a politician with great dexterity. He brings his fine mind to bear on many matters in this Chamber.

I commend the motion to the House. I am glad it has been introduced. In these sunny days of April, we hope and pray the agreement which has been reached, and which will be pursued, will last.

Question put and agreed to.

When is it proposed to sit again?

It is hoped the House will meet at 11.15 a.m., rather than 10.30 a.m., tomorrow. If the Pharmacy Bill 2007 is passed by the Dáil this evening — I emphasise the word "if" — it can be brought to this House in the morning. It is important to provide additional time for Senators to absorb the Bill before we meet again.

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