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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 27 Sep 2007

Vol. 187 No. 3

Adjournment Matters.

International Agreements

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Sargent to the House. I am particularly happy to welcome this Minister of State, because when I raised this issue four years ago, Deputy Roche was in command at the time. I presume this issue will get a more sympathetic hearing from Deputy Sargent.

The issue is that Ireland should accede to the Antarctic Treaty. I was staggered to discover that this treaty was agreed in 1959 and signed in 1961. The signatories include all European countries bar Luxembourg, Portugal and Ireland. That is a fairly shocking indictment of our attitude to the Antarctic and to the environment. In essence, this treaty is a litmus test of the commitment of Ireland to the environment, especially that of the Antarctic.

The treaty has several elements to it. The first element is to bind those signatories to keeping the Antarctic for purely peaceful purposes. Not many people could argue with this commitment. The second element is that there should be freedom between the signatory nations to share scientific knowledge, which should be freely available among them. I cannot see any reason for the last Minister's statement that this would not happen in the immediate term. Another element is that the territorial integrity of the Antarctic should be respected by all those nations. There is also a commitment that there be no nuclear activity nor nuclear testing in the area. There are several other issues, such as inspections, which are too detailed to outline in this debate.

There are significant benefits to Ireland and to the world from this. Climate change is now so important and we must respect places like the Antarctic as one of the few non-invaded zones of the world. It would be shocking if Ireland continued to refuse to sign this treaty. We have a great history in this area and the names of people like Sir Ernest Shackleton, Tom Crean and others will be always linked with the Antarctic. It is somewhat hypocritical to champion those people as great Irishmen and yet be one of the few European nations which noticeably has not signed the treaty.

I beg the Minister of State to relieve us of this embarrassment. He should make a promise today that Ireland will join those nations whose commitment to the environment, to the Antarctic and to sharing scientific knowledge is clear. We should not be numbered among those countries that are showing extraordinary reluctance to sign this 46 year-old treaty.

Tá áthas orm a bheith anseo i Seanad Éireann don chéad uair mar Aire Stáit. Ba mhaith liom mo leithscéal a ghabháil nach bhfuil an t-Aire Gnóthaí Eachtractha, mo chomhghleachaí, an Teachta Dermot Ahern, in ann bheith i láthair, ach tá áthas an domhain orm an deis seo a fháil freagra a thabhairt, go mór mhór de bharr go bhfuil an Seanadóir Ross ag chur na díospóireachta os comhair na Tithe.

It is an honour to be here today. It is my first time to speak in Seanad Éireann. It is a unique honour given that the matter on the Adjournment has been tabled by Senator Ross, father of the House and someone of whom I am a constituent as a graduate of Dublin University. I am also delighted to respond to this subject because it is close to my heart.

I thank Senator Ross for raising the issue of accession to the Antarctic Treaty. He has long been an advocate of Ireland's accession to this treaty and has been active in bringing the question of the Antarctic to our attention in the past. Given humankind's increasing awareness of the importance of our natural heritage and the need to preserve and protect areas of international importance, this is a welcome opportunity for us to discuss the issue of the Antarctic.

Irish interest in the Antarctic dates back at least to the days of Ernest Shackleton and Tom Crean. Shackleton led three expeditions to the Antarctic, including the legendary Endurance expedition, and he died in South Georgia in his attempt to make a fourth exploration there in 1922. Today I propose to set out briefly some background information outlining the rationale for Ireland's position to date on the Antarctic Treaty. Senator Ross will undoubtedly be familiar with the background, but it will be useful for all Members of the House to familiarise themselves with it.

Signed by 12 nations on 1 December 1959 in Washington DC, the Antarctic Treaty came into force in 1961. It relates to the territory south of 60° South Latitude, an area now designated as the Antarctic Treaty Area. The objective of the treaty was to ensure "in the interests of all mankind that Antarctica shall continue forever to be used exclusively for peaceful purposes and shall not become the scene or object of international discord". The treaty sought to prohibit nuclear testing and radioactive waste disposal, and to promote international scientific co-operation in Antarctica. It provided that no new territorial claims, or enlargement of existing claims, would be made by the contracting parties while the treaty was in force. Previously asserted claims would not be renounced.

The signature of the treaty was the culmination of work undertaken by the scientists from the 12 original signatory nations from July 1957 to 31 December 1958, which was designated by the UN as International Geophysical Year. A number of UN member states have since achieved consultative status by acceding to the treaty and by conducting substantial research in Antarctica. There are currently 46 treaty member nations, consisting of 28 consultative or voting members and 18 acceding members that are invited to attend the consultative meetings, but do not participate in the decision-making.

Consultative members include the seven nations that claim portions of Antarctica as national territory: Argentina, Australia, Chile, France, Germany, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. While the treaty has been in operation since 1961, support for it is far from universal and fewer than one quarter of UN member states are party to it. Today, the Antarctic treaty system comprises the Antarctic treaty of 1959, the 1991 protocol on environmental protection, the 1972 Convention for the Conservation of the Antarctic Seals and the 1980 Convention on the Conservation of the Antarctic Marine Living Resources.

Over the years, the argument has been made that the Antarctic should be declared part of the common heritage of mankind and thus be treated in a manner analogous to outer space or the international seabed area and beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. This view has found expression in the call for a UN agreement to which all member states would subscribe as the best means to ensure full accountability for actions undertaken in, affecting and concerning Antarctica. Ireland has traditionally been sympathetic to the view that the Antarctic should be seen as part of the common heritage shared universally, and this has influenced our approach to date to the question of accession to the treaty.

There are other dimensions to this issue. Ireland welcomed the adoption by consensus of the UN General Assembly Resolution 57/51 of November 2002 which, inter alia, reaffirmed that the management and use of Antarctica should be conducted in accordance with the purposes and principles of the UN Charter in the interest of maintaining international peace and security and promoting international co-operation for the benefit of mankind as a whole. The resolution also welcomed the practice whereby the Antarctic treaty consultative parties regularly provide the UN Secretary General with information on their consultative meetings and their activities in Antarctica.

Ireland has also welcomed the generally effective functioning of the protocol on environmental protection to the Antarctic treaty, the Madrid Protocol, which provides comprehensive protection of the Antarctic environment and its dependent and associated ecosystems. The protocol designates the Antarctic as a natural resource devoted to peace and science. It prohibits mineral resource activity other than in the context of scientific research and sets out principles and measures for the planning and conduct of all activities in the Antarctic area.

Ireland endorses the greatest degree of transparency in regard to Antarctic matters, and the Government is prepared to re-examine its relationship with the Antarctic treaty system. Clearly this is a matter of relevance to several Departments, not just the Department of Foreign Affairs. I understand the Minister for Foreign Affairs has asked officials in his Department to examine the issues involved in accession with a view to initiating a broader interdepartmental discussion on the question. I am sure my colleague, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, will keep Senator Ross informed as this consideration progresses.

I thank the Minister of State for his reply and his kind words. I became increasingly sceptical as I read through his reply, however, because I saw evidence of cut and paste from the reply that issued the last time I raised this issue. Some of the paragraphs are identical. The Minister of State is undoubtedly aware of this. However, there are also signs that whoever wrote it has tailored it for the Minister of State's political beliefs. The Minister of State is a person I respect greatly and perhaps it is even possible he has had an input into the response, something that would be unusual in this House.

The initiation of an interdepartmental discussion is a depressing prospect for anyone seeking progress on this issue. Responses from interdepartmental bodies are generally put on the long finger. When can we expect a response? What are the Minister of State's personal views on this issue and what will his input be?

I state clearly that this is an area of personal interest to me. I was not involved in formulating the response given that I was asked to take this Adjournment matter at short notice. I am pleased to be here and in a position to speak both personally and on behalf of the Government.

There is an urgency to this issue. I spoke to the Minister for Foreign Affairs briefly before coming to the House and I undertook to speak to him as soon as possible afterwards to convey Senator Ross's comments. Before I saw what the Department had prepared I conveyed my concerns to him regarding recent moves by several United Nations member states. The United Kingdom, in particular, is moving to establish its entitlements, as it sees them, to the seabed around Antarctica and other parts of the world, including Rockall. This presses us into action. The panic over mineral exploration is causing countries to dispose of their platitudes in some cases when it comes to protection of the natural environment. The realities of climate change, which require that we do not burn everything that is left, seem to have been set aside in the rush to colonise the last vestiges of mineral resources.

I appreciate Senator Ross's point as to the urgency of this issue. He will understand that I cannot offer an exact date for when the interdepartmental body will respond. I will make clear his and my concern to the Minister and also make clear that this is a matter of urgency which should not receive the same reply the next time it is raised. I hope the issue will have moved on by then.

As I stated in my reply, the Government view is that the Antarctic should be considered in the same way we consider the deepest ocean or outer space; it is beyond nation state entitlements or ambitions and should instead be set aside as a common heritage area. I am sure this will remain the Government's position.

I thank the Minister of State for coming to the House. I hope he will return on a regular basis.

Air Services.

I propose to share time with Senator Hannigan.

Is that agreed? Agreed.

I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Máire Hoctor, who is from my own county. I tabled this Adjournment matter in anticipation that we would not succeed in amending yesterday's Order if Business. Today is effectively D-Day for Shannon Airport. If the motion before the other House is passed, we will be on a slippery slope in terms of the future of the mid-west and of Aer Lingus. It will be detrimental to the entire western region from a business, social and tourism perspective. I will not go into the details because everybody is aware of them.

The Government motion refers to its "disappointment" at Aer Lingus's action. It is the function of Dáil Éireann to take action, not to agree motions of disappointment. I have never heard of such a motion before. My colleague, Deputy Michael D. Higgins, who met representatives of the Workers Alliance and Atlantic Connectivity Alliance yesterday, asked whether we can now expect Dáil Éireann to start crying because it is disappointed about this issue. What we want from the Dáil is action. The motion is simply a smokescreen to cover the Government's lack of direction on this issue.

I am particularly disappointed with the position taken by the mid-western representatives in the Dáil, including those from my own county. They have had no fixed position on this crisis. At the outset, the Government claimed it could not intervene in this matter. I notice, however, that all subsequent announcements have claimed that the Government will not intervene. I daresay it is more accurate to say they will not intervene rather than they cannot do so. My party does not oppose the privatisation of Aer Lingus on ideological grounds but because we believe in the economic philosophy of externality, whereby market forces do not always deliver.

I have met workers' groups and the Atlantic Connectivity Alliance and believe they made their case very well. What was the intention of the then Minister for Transport, Deputy Cullen, when he privatised Aer Lingus? He does not exactly have a track record of producing results but this was the biggest of his many mistakes. The privatisation process was botched. The Minister stated in the Dáil that the 25.4% shareholding mentioned in the articles and memorandum of association were enough to ensure that the airline's slots, including those in Shannon, would be protected. If that is the case, why is the Government not using that shareholding to intervene? What is the point otherwise in keeping the stake?

I was interested to read the comments of representatives on the issue, including a letter to a newspaper by Senator Mary White in which she asked, "If this shareholding was not intended to influence the strategic development of the company in support of the Government's vision for the country, what purpose was envisaged for it?" I ask the same question. The entire issue was addressed with a form of thinking that beggars belief.

The Aer Lingus route between Shannon and Heathrow is the only sustainable option. Other hubs and airlines are welcome if they connect to Shannon but they will not be able to match the level of business and tourism represented by Aer Lingus. Why give up this profitable route in the first place? It was one of the few routes on which the airline did not have to drop its prices.

This is not suitable for an Adjournment debate. The Senator has used his allocated time.

Currently, there are eight flights from Belfast to Heathrow, whereas there is no competition on the Shannon-Heathrow route. British Airways has already quit Aldergrove. Is it not the long-term goal of Dermot Mannion to move long-haul slots from Heathrow to New York and elsewhere?

I ask the Government to use its shareholding to intervene on this issue. It is important to do so before we enter a scenario in which the interests of the area's businesses and workers are detrimentally affected or face a legal quagmire in which those involved study the definitions contained in the articles and memorandum of association, particularly the words "transfer" and "disposal".

Senator Hannigan has one minute.

I congratulate the Cathaoirleach on his election and wish him well in the role.

Last October, prior to the sale of Aer Lingus, a clear statement was made to the effect that four slots must be retained between Shannon and Heathrow for the economic benefit of the region. That was Government policy and was reflected in the articles of association. Shares were purchased in the airline on that basis. I feel some sympathy for the Minister for Transport because I think he has been sold a pup. The company has decided to ride roughshod over the policy the Government put in place to protect regional interests, to ensure connectivity and to attract business and tourists to the region.

Senator Ross had a point yesterday when he asked why the Government does not simply sell the remaining 25%. However, I do not agree with the Senator on selling the shareholding because we need to make use of it. I am a shareholder in a business, as are many other Members, and if we owned a 25% share, we could use it to force an extraordinary general meeting. It is not beyond the wit of the Government to force Aer Lingus to hold an EGM on this issue and I would encourage it to do just that.

It is a pleasure for me to address the Seanad on this, my first occasion to do so. On behalf of my colleague, the Minister for Transport, Deputy Noel Dempsey, I would like to take this opportunity to clarify the Government's position regarding its 25% shareholding in Aer Lingus.

The fundamental purpose for which the initial public offering was undertaken was to create a commercially independent Aer Lingus with access to the capital markets which would serve the Irish economy more effectively than an Aer Lingus in ongoing State ownership and subject to the constraints of state aid rules. We can see the positive results of this decision in terms of new services being developed. In particular, we have seen a major expansion of transatlantic services, where during the coming winter the company will serve seven cities in the US in comparison with four previously. The IPO also made it possible to raise new equity to support the future payment of pension increases and thereby address a key concern of the Aer Lingus trade unions and workers. Without an equity injection, the company would have faced major difficulties in addressing these needs while maintaining its competitiveness in a challenging market.

Regarding the measures undertaken to protect strategic interests in the context of the privatisation of Aer Lingus last year, the State retained a strategic shareholding of more than 25% with two key objectives in mind. It provides a major block to a hostile takeover by enabling the State to prevent a compulsory takeover of 100% of the company. Even if the company were acquired, Aer Lingus would have to continue to be operated as a separate entity. Furthermore, the acquiring entity would not be able to extract the Aer Lingus assets, including slots and cash. This provides a significant disincentive to hostile takeover attempts.

The second strategic advantage of a 25% shareholding is that it enables the Government to protect the memorandum and articles of association of the company. This ability to block special resolutions to change the articles provides a safeguard against any disposal of Heathrow slots. The senior officials group report states that disposal of slots relates specifically to the sale of slots and the transfer of slots between airlines and does not apply to the reallocation of slot pairs to new or existing bases.

However, the Government's legal advice is that, having regard to the duties of the board of directors pursuant to the Companies Acts and the memorandum and articles of association of Aer Lingus, shareholders do not have the power to overrule management decisions on business matters. In effect, this means even if the Government on its own or in combination with other shareholders called an EGM and voted for the restoration of this link, the management of Aer Lingus is not obliged to follow any directions from the shareholders regarding business matters or to obey any resolution regarding such matters.

A vote of no-confidence could be held.

Although the articles of association of Aer Lingus make specific provision for shareholders to intervene in the event of a decision by the company to dispose of Heathrow slots, these provisions are not relevant in the present context where no transfer of ownership or disposal is proposed.

The advice from the Attorney General has been clear and unequivocal, and arising from this advice the Government has decided that it would be inappropriate to intervene in the decision of the company. To do so would ultimately damage to the company and its customers.

I appreciate the Minister of State's response. I acknowledge that legal advice should be heeded but the advice given to the businesspeople and workers is contrary to that given to the Government. Legal advice to the effect that shareholdings cannot be used to change management's opinion does not mean a vote of no-confidence cannot be taken to change the decision-making process. I ask the Government to take that step and I would like to hear the Minister of State's opinion on the matter.

A number of limitations arise under article 84 of the articles of association with regard to the right of a shareholder to overrule Aer Lingus management on business matters. In law, the directors are responsible for managing the company's business and the shareholders are not entitled to overrule management's decision on business issues by way of a resolution passed at an EGM. Directors are not obliged, as a matter of law, to follow any directions from the shareholders regarding business matters or to obey any resolution pertaining to such matters.

Health Services.

I propose to share my time with Senator Ó Domhnaill. Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit go dtí an Teach. While I welcome the Minister of State, I am disappointed that the Minister for Health and Children is not present to deal with this question which seeks to determine her intentions regarding meeting her Northern counterpart, Mr. Michael McGimpsey, to discuss progress on the development of a satellite radiotherapy centre in the north west. I hope her absence from the Chamber is not an indication of her lack of support for such a centre.

In July 2005, the Minister of Health and Children, Deputy Harney, announced the Government's approval for a network of radiation oncology services in the Twenty-six Counties to be in place by 2011. According to recent reports, that the deadline has been moved to 2014 or 2015. As part of that announcement, the Minister also stated that the issue of a satellite centre in the north west would continue to be progressed as a joint initiative involving bilateral discussions at departmental and political levels. Two years later, cancer care in this country is still largely focused on Dublin, to the detriment of the health of those living in areas such as remote parts of Donegal and the north west.

Sinn Féin and others have consistently highlighted the need for the establishment of a satellite cancer care service in the north west, given that the disparity in access to cancer care service provision is most acutely felt by people in that region. This issue should be at the top of the agenda in terms of North-South co-operation. Very ill patients from the north west are being forced to undergo repeated and prolonged journeys to the only existing units in Belfast, Dublin, Cork and Galway. It is shameful and an absolute disgrace. It is intolerable that cancer patients are subject to long journeys and lengthy absences from home when the hospitals at Letterkenny or Altnagelvin could house a satellite radiation oncology unit to meet their holistic needs. The practical and political logic of all-Ireland co-operation on this, and many other issues, is undeniable.

Will the Government commit to progressing and developing the north-west satellite cancer centre as a matter of urgency? Cancer patients do not have the time to wait for political agendas which delay this process. This is about saving lives and making life considerably more comfortable for those cancer patients who must travel for hours every day to receive treatment. It is imperative that this unit offers all patients equal access to treatment, according to need. With the construction of such a unit, cancer patients will be treated near their homes, families and friends.

For too long the people of Donegal have been neglected by the political establishment. Enough is enough. People from the north-west region are being treated as second-class citizens owing to their geographic location. This can no longer be tolerated. A dedicated satellite radiotherapy unit in the north west is what the cancer patients of the region need. Sinn Féin repeats its call for those patients in Derry, Donegal, Fermanagh, Tyrone, Sligo and Leitrim to have the same rights as those in the rest of Ireland.

I welcome the decision announced yesterday that Letterkenny will be linked with the Sligo specialist cancer care unit. However, we must also recognise that two other parts of the puzzle are missing. The first is screening for breast, cervical and prostate cancers, and the second is radiation. A radiation oncology unit can be developed in the north west.

The Northern Ireland Assembly reconvened in May. The Government made a commitment two years ago that such a unit would be developed but there has been no discussion of the matter on a North-South basis. The people of Donegal demand action on this issue. I urge the Minister for Health and Children to meet her Northern counterpart, Mr. Michael McGimpsey, as a matter of urgency and put this issue on the agenda. My party's correspondence with Ministers in the Assembly in the Six Counties indicates that Mr. McGimpsey is open to discussing this issue and wants to place radiation oncology on top of the North-South agenda. I ask the Irish Government to give similar priority to this issue.

I thank Senator Doherty for sharing time with me, which gives me an opportunity to consolidate my position and support much of what the Senator has just said. In the general context, I welcome yesterday's announcement of the development of eight new specialist centres under the national cancer control programme. We must all welcome such a development which will benefit cancer patients enormously. The issue of the centre in the north west is identified in this programme through the Letterkenny-Belfast linkage. I support Senator Doherty's assertion that we should foster links with the new Administration in Northern Ireland and that a meeting between the Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Harney, and Minister McGimpsey should take place as soon as possible. Such a meeting should attempt to identify a co-ordinated, strategic approach to cancer services, whether that be through linking Letterkenny with Derry or with Belfast. My personal preference would be for a Derry-Letterkenny approach.

While I do not want to score a political point here, it is worth noting that when the centralisation of services took place in Northern Ireland in 2001 and 2002, it was a Minister from Senator Doherty's party who was responsible for the centralising of services in Belfast. I support much of what Senator Doherty has said. We must take a holistic approach to the issue in the north west. It is important that the same level of service is available in the north west as in the rest of the country.

I congratulate Donegal Senators Doherty and Ó Domhnaill on their recent election. I convey the apologies of the Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Harney, who could not be in the House this afternoon to deal with this matter. I welcome the opportunity to address the issues raised by the Senators regarding radiotherapy services for cancer patients in the north west.

Some time ago, the Minister agreed with the then Minister for Health for Northern Ireland, Mr. Sean Woodward MP, that the radiation oncology centre at Belfast City Hospital would provide treatment to patients from Donegal. A project board was established under the aegis of Co-operation and Working Together to deliver on the ministerial commitment. It includes representatives from Belfast City Hospital, Altnagelvin, Letterkenny, the Health Service Executive and both Departments. A service level agreement is now in place for the referral of radiation oncology patients from Donegal to Belfast City Hospital.

The Minister for Health and Children informed the House yesterday of the appointment by the HSE of the interim national cancer control director to lead and manage the establishment of the national cancer control programme. This will have responsibility for the management and delivery of all aspects of cancer control within the HSE. The delivery of cancer services on a programmatic basis will ensure equity of access to services and equality of patient outcome, irrespective of geography. This will involve the significant realignment of cancer services, to move from the present fragmented system of care to one which is consistent with international best practice in cancer control. It is important the decision of the HSE regarding four national cancer control networks and eight cancer control centres is implemented without delay.

It is fully recognised that particular and unique geographical circumstances apply to Donegal. This is reflected in North-South co-operation in the provision of radiation oncology to patients from Donegal at Belfast City Hospital. On a sole exception basis, the managed cancer control network in the west will be permitted to enter into outreach service delivery in Letterkenny as an additional activity. This exception is subject to certain quality assurance standards, linkage to University College Hospital Galway, governance and staffing arrangements to ensure equity of services provided to patients from Donegal.

The reorganisation of cancer services is at the heart of the delivery of the national cancer control strategy and it is imperative the decisions relating to the north west are recognised as being in the best interests of patients and do not negatively impinge on the success of the programme. We have a unique opportunity to provide patients with cancer services which are on a par with international standards and improve survival by as much as 20%.

Regarding the national plan for radiation oncology, a key factor in the successful delivery of effective radiation oncology is its integration within the National Cancer Control Programme. I expect a national director of radiation oncology to be appointed without delay.

The Department of Health and Children and the HSE have been working closely on the examination of procurement options in order to expedite the delivery of the plan. The Minister met with Department officials and with the HSE yesterday. It is now clear that we will have in place radiation oncology capacity to meet the needs of the population by 2010. After 2010 we will continue to increase capacity to ensure that these needs continue to be met. We are fully confident that this will be achieved through a combination of direct Exchequer provision, public private partnership and, where appropriate, the use of the private sector. The sole objective of the national plan for radiation oncology is to meet the needs of the cancer population. There is no doubt that this will now be achieved.

The Government is committed to making the full range of cancer services available and accessible to cancer patients throughout Ireland, including the north west. I am pleased to say that the Minister will meet with her counterpart Minister in Northern Ireland, Michael McGimpsey, in the coming weeks where the potential for further cross-Border co-operation and collaboration on cancer care, and specifically radiotherapy, will be discussed.

I want to correct Senator Ó Domhnaill who, in a spirit of non co-operation, put forward an untruth. The decentralisation of cancer services in Belfast occurred under the stewardship of Ms Bairbre de Brún and is exactly what Senator Ó Domhnaill and other Senators welcomed regarding the eight centres of excellence in the Twenty-six Counties. In terms of the Assembly, it was always envisaged that there would be satellite radiation services available on a cross-Border basis. Unfortunately, owing to political circumstances, the Assembly lasted only a year and a half. That was a cheap political shot.

I will now address the question I put to the Minister of State. I welcome the fact that the Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Harney, is to meet Minister Michael McGimpsey but no commitment has been made in her answer to progress on radiation facilities in the north west. She mentions only potential cross-Border collaboration on cancer care. I am not interested in hearing that 60, rather than 50, patients from Donegal will be able to access Belfast, though it is important that this happens. A dedicated satellite radiotherapy centre is needed in the north west.

Yesterday's announcement mentioned centres of excellence based on a population of 500,000 yet Donegal has been told repeatedly that it cannot have a radiation oncology unit because it does not have the critical mass. The north west has the critical mass and we seek a clear commitment from the Government. Such a commitment was given in the oncology plan of 2005 and in the national development plan. Deputies and Ministers have made this commitment to the people of Donegal time and again but the Minister for Health and Children, Deputy Mary Harney, will not make this commitment. Will the Minister firmly commit to a satellite radiotherapy centre for the north west?

If Senator Doherty reads the final paragraph of the Minister's response that I read on her behalf today he will see that she mentions she will undertake further discussions with Minister Michael McGimpsey, her counterpart in Northern Ireland, for further cross-Border co-operation and collaboration on cancer care. This specifically includes further discussions on the possibility of providing radiotherapy facilities. Senator Doherty, who comes from the north west, knows that a final outcome can only be reached through discussion. His area of the country has shown the rest of the land that discussions can lead to positive outcomes. We welcome the fact that the Minister for Health and Children is undertaking these discussions with her counterpart in Northern Ireland and she has assured us that the provision of radiotherapy facilities for Donegal and the north west will be a priority.

Generally in matters on the Adjournment one makes the points one wishes in one's presentation and the Minister listens to these points which are examined by his or her Department. Normally one is allowed one brief question to the Minister following his or her reply.

I thank the Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children, Deputy Máire Hoctor, for attending on this her first time in the House and wish her well in her Ministry. I wish her well in the future and hope that this is the first of many visits to the House.

The Seanad adjourned at 1.55 p.m. until2.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 3 October 2007.
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