I welcome the Minister for Foreign Affairs to the House and I wish him well in his new portfolio.
Situation in Zimbabwe: Statements.
The eyes of the world are focused with sorrow and disgust on the continuing tragedy in Zimbabwe. It is opportune, therefore, to place on the record of the House our shared and utter condemnation of that situation and our rejection of the sham re-election of Robert Mugabe after a campaign of violence and other gross abuses that made free and fair elections impossible and forced the withdrawal of Morgan Tsvangirai from the race.
The principle of free and fair elections is the fundamental cornerstone of democracy. We in Ireland are fortunate in being able to take our democratic rights and freedoms for granted. It is, therefore, all the more distressing to see the manner in which these precious rights, so clearly valued by the ordinary people of Zimbabwe, have been brutally trampled on. The obscene charade last Friday, marked by reports of terrified voters being herded to polling stations, was deeply distressing for all those endeavouring to promote peaceful change in Zimbabwe and concerned with the welfare of the Zimbabwean people. The re-inauguration of Robert Mugabe on Sunday was an insult to democracy.
The reality is that Robert Mugabe has abused the current electoral process from the start, beginning with his decision to ignore the opinions of the MDC and to proceed with presidential elections in advance of necessary constitutional and political reforms. This abuse is all the more tragic when we reflect on the courage and the hope in the future shown by the Zimbabwean people in exercising their democratic right to vote on 29 March.
The violence that characterised the period between the first round of voting and last Friday's run-off vote was horrendous. It is reported that, in addition to close to 90 killed, including women and children, more than 3,500 were seriously injured and some 200,000 displaced. Despite the ban on foreign media operating in Zimbabwe, we are all familiar with the widespread reports of systematic, state-sponsored violence depicting in graphic detail the shocking and barbaric attacks inflicted on MDC supporters. This reign of terror effectively denied the Zimbabwean people their legitimate right to express their democratic opinion. Mugabe's chilling remarks that he would never accept the MDC democratically securing power in Zimbabwe and making clear that the only alternative he envisaged to his continued rule was war to be visited upon his own long-suffering people give an insight into the mindset of a veteran autocrat who is becoming increasingly delusional and seemingly immune to all pleas for reason. Members of the Oireachtas and the Irish people are rightly appalled by what has happened in Zimbabwe. I want to make clear the Government's unequivocal position that the results of last Friday's vote cannot be regarded as legitimate or in any way constituting the democratic and free expression of the Zimbabwean people's will.
Ireland has been very active in working with both the regional organisations and the countries of the southern African region to address the current situation. Prior to the withdrawal of Morgan Tsvangirai from the run-off election, Irish Aid had provided financial support to the United Nations to support deployment of SADC election observers in Zimbabwe. In Malawi and Lesotho, Ireland has acted as the local Presidency to convey the European Union's concerns to the governments of those countries. All our missions in sub-Saharan Africa have been engaged in close dialogue with their host governments on the situation. The Irish ambassador to South Africa and officers from the embassy in Pretoria have made regular visits to Zimbabwe to assess the situation, most recently over the weekend, and they are available at all times to offer consular assistance to the Irish community in Zimbabwe. I pay tribute to the role of the Irish honorary consul in Zimbabwe, Gary Killilea, whose presence on the ground is a valuable assistance to the work of our embassy in Pretoria.
The international community must continue to make clear that Mugabe's position has no democratic legitimacy. I have already publicly welcomed the unequivocal and unanimous statement last week by the United Nations Security Council in which it declared that a free and fair run-off election in Zimbabwe had become impossible because of violence and restrictions on the opposition, and explicitly condemned President Mugabe's government. The Security Council called for efforts aimed at finding a peaceful way forward through dialogue that allows a legitimate government to be formed that reflects the will of the Zimbabwean people. I am glad that similar statements have been made by Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, and by his deputy at the opening of the African Union Summit yesterday.
I also welcome the announcement by G8 Foreign Ministers, at their meeting in Japan last Friday, that they would not recognise the legitimacy of the outcome of the election. The outgoing European Union Presidency made a similar announcement on Saturday.
However, it is clear that it is Zimbabwe's African neighbours, and above all South Africa, which have the greatest potential influence and leverage. In this regard I welcome the constructive interventions recently by many, although most regrettably by no means all, leaders and countries in Africa. Concern and condemnation of the violence in Zimbabwe have been expressed by several prominent figures such as the former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, Prime Minister Odinga of Kenya and the President of the African National Congress, Jacob Zuma. They are rightly dismayed by what Nelson Mandela so aptly described as the "tragic failure of leadership in Zimbabwe". Ordinary Africans have made clear also their abhorrence, as was demonstrated by the actions of South African dock workers in refusing to unload a ship containing a consignment of arms bound for Zimbabwe. There is no doubt that opinion in Africa, for so long overly respectful of Mugabe as a veteran liberation figure, is now turning against his rule and the ensuing chaos and violence in Zimbabwe.
I strongly welcome the highly critical statement issued last Sunday by the Pan African Parliament Election Observer Mission, which described the political environment as "tense, hostile and volatile with high levels of intimidation, violence, displacement of people, abductions and loss of life". It concluded that the current situation prevailing in the country did not allow for free, fair and credible elections. The Southern Africa Development Community, SADC, election mission also concluded that the election process did not conform to the SADC principles and guidelines governing democratic elections, and that the elections did not allow for the expression of the will of the people of Zimbabwe. The African Union's own electoral mission also reported that the elections fell far short of the standard required.
There is a particular onus on African leaders, currently meeting at the African Union Summit in Sharm el-Sheikh, to take a stand. The elections pose a direct challenge to the African Union's own principles and seriously undermine recent progress with regard to democracy and good governance on the continent. The African Union ought to make absolutely clear, without equivocation, that the situation is quite unacceptable and that Mugabe's position is invalid and illegitimate. Reports from Sharm el-Sheikh so far appear to indicate quite a mixed approach. Some present are taking a commendably firm line but others appear ready for business as usual. Mugabe is, as ever, defiant.
President Mbeki's mediation, despite his very considerable efforts, on which he briefed the then Taoiseach and me when we were in South Africa in January, has not brought the results at which he was aiming. However, it remains vital that South Africa, which has more influence over the situation than any other external actor, remains fully engaged. I therefore welcome yesterday's fresh call by South Africa for talks between the regime and the MDC aimed at achieving a transitional government. The African Union should add its weight to this call — I welcome reports that it may- and it should, with SADC and possibly the UN, work actively to put such a process in place. Any such negotiations would have to be credible, substantive and time limited.
It is vital Mugabe and his party are forced to engage seriously and urgently with the opposition. Mugabe has a history of gestures which turn out to mean nothing and to be designed simply to buy time. He should not be allowed to get away with such prevarication once again. Merely entering into discussions should not be enough to buy off criticism and pressure.
It is not for outsiders to say what the outcome of such negotiations might be, but I note that Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC in some recent statements have appeared open to a transitional government of national unity so long as it is genuinely based on the will of the people as expressed in the 29 March elections, in which the MDC did best, and so long as it leads to fresh elections before long.
Regrettably, there can be no confidence that Mugabe and his regime will respond to pressure since they have never attempted to conceal their contempt for international opinion. In these circumstances we must be prepared within the European Union to ratchet up the pressure on Mugabe and the ruling elite through the extension of existing restrictive measures, though the scope for further action is relatively limited. This is something which will be actively explored within the European Union over the coming days.
It must be reiterated that the European Union's existing sanctions are targeted solely on this ruling elite with the intention of restricting their travel to the European Union or attempts to siphon off ill-gotten gains in EU accounts. The sanctions do not impact on the ordinary population and the European Union, which is already the leading international provider of humanitarian assistance to the Zimbabwean people, will continue to do all it can to alleviate their suffering.
I also welcome and support the stated intention of the United States to seek the imposition of UN sanctions. Even if there were to be an acceptable political settlement, the economic and humanitarian situation would require extensive international action and support over a long period.
The Zimbabwean economy continues to spiral out of control. Inflation and threatened famine add to the sufferings heaped on the Zimbabwean people by Mugabe. With the inflation rate currently running at an unprecedented 10,000,000% and the exchange rate having devalued by 95% in the past three weeks alone, basic items are now increasingly beyond the means of ordinary people where they have not disappeared altogether. The cost of a loaf of bread has risen from Z$10,000 on 29 March, the day of the first election to Z$1 billion today. Zimbabwe used to be the bread basket of southern Africa. Now it can no longer feed itself. Mugabe's hollow and empty promises of a dramatic improvement after the run-off election are unsustainable with Government spending running at 80% of gross domestic product.
Last month's decision of the Zimbabwean Government to suspend the activities of non-governmental organisations working on the ground was quite appalling. This came at a time when Zimbabwe is already in deep humanitarian crisis with an estimated one third of the population in need of vital food assistance. The latest forecasts from the Food and Agricultural Organisation and World Food Programme indicate that more than 5 million Zimbabweans will suffer food insecurity in the next nine months, 1 million people more than the previous year. Non-governmental organisations provide a lifeline to these poor and vulnerable sections of the population and are the main targets of this ban, which displays a further dimension to Mugabe's callousness and disregard for human suffering.
Irish Aid support to the Zimbabwean people has totalled more than €25 million since 2006. All this assistance is channelled through non-governmental organisations, missionaries or United Nations agencies. I pay a special tribute to the excellent work done by these valuable partners, and I am sure Members of this House will join me in acknowledging the contribution which they make to the daily lives of the most vulnerable. I strongly urge the Zimbabwean authorities to fully respect the fundamental principles of impartiality and neutrality that are vital to humanitarian relief efforts and to lift this ban immediately in order to allow much needed assistance to reach the most vulnerable.
The collapse of the Zimbabwean economy and society is impacting severely on the southern African region. Of the population of 12 million, 3 million Zimbabweans are now living in South Africa, most of them illegally, with a consequent serious rise in tensions there, as we have tragically seen. At least a million more are scattered around other African nations, simply because they can no longer survive at home.
This makes the situation in Zimbabwe a threat to regional peace and security and hence of direct and deep concern both to the African Union and the United Nations. The challenge in the coming weeks will be to ensure that the current level of pressure on the Mugabe regime to stop the violence and engage in genuine and meaningful dialogue with the MDC is maintained and increased.
I am again grateful for this opportunity to place the Government's position on record. I am confident that it is universally shared by Senators and the Irish public. I know that all in this House agree that the Zimbabwean people deserve the opportunity — an opportunity which their country's laws and institutions should guarantee — to exercise their right to choose freely who should lead their country, and to have that choice respected. We will continue to do what we can to highlight the issue and continue to work for change.
I welcome the Minister to the House.
Ireland has a long and special relationship with Africa. Our missionaries offered a unique lifeline between the continent and this country, not merely in educating Africa, but in educating Ireland about Africa. As we too are a former colonised country, we can empathise with its struggle for freedom, its desire for independence, its resentment of outside interference.
We have sought to work with Africa, not lecture it. That makes our stance at the situation in Zimbabwe, and the dictatorship of Robert Mugabe, all the more powerful. We have, and can have, no business motives, no echoes of past colonial dominance. We condemn what is happening in Zimbabwe for one reason and one reason only, it is wrong.
When we refer to the dictatorship — I use the term deliberately — of Robert Mugabe, let us not pretend that Zimbabwe is a democracy. A democracy does not send its police to harass voters and threaten voters who support the Opposition. A democracy does not send its police into polling stations and demand to see people's votes. A democracy does not continually arrest the leader of the Opposition to silence him during a general election. No democracy rigs an election to effectively deny the people a choice in who governs them, and rushes through the presidential inauguration within hours, to complete the coup, a coup against its own people.
Many of us here remember the days when Zimbabwe achieved legal independence in 1980. The early years of Robert Mugabe seemed to us to embody all our hopes for that proud but war-torn country. Prime Minister Mugabe, as he was then, was admired internationally for his attempts to bring reconciliation between white and black, the factions of the independence movement, the old Rhodesia and the new Zimbabwe.
When he visited this country he was acclaimed. Here was a man, we believed, who could lead Africa from the dictatorship to democracy. We felt a special affinity for him because he was a product of education by Irish missionaries, and spoke movingly of the role Irish people had played in his life.
We were badly deceived. Under his rule the thriving economy he inherited has been turned into an economic basket case. Under the reign of Robert Mugabe, thanks to his policies, life expectancy has fallen to the lowest level in the world, at around 35 years of age in 2006. Zimbabwe, and before it Rhodesia, was one of the best educated electorates — a key role in which was thanks to Irish missionaries such as those who educated Mr. Mugabe.
Today education levels in Zimbabwe are tumbling as the best educated flee from a country unable to guarantee its own food supply. Yet, incredibly and sickeningly, Mugabe's Government in 2008 banned non-governmental organisations, as the Minister has stated, from distributing food to feed thousands of people in some rural areas.
On 29 May 2008, Zimbabwe's Minister of Social Welfare, Nicolas Goche, banned one agency from distributing food in Masvingo province on the preposterous idea that feeding people was somehow helping the Movement for Democratic Change, the main Opposition party. It appears that in Mugabe's Zimbabwe, the Government would prefer people to starve to death than live and vote for the Opposition. According to Human Rights Watch, "The decision to let people go hungry is yet another attempt to use food as a political tool to intimidate voters ahead of an election". President Mugabe's Government has a long history of using food to control the election process. Ultimately, President Mugabe had to announce the importation of 600,000 tons of maize to feed people in a country that used not only to feed itself but millions in other countries. Zimbabwe, as the Minister has stated, once the bread basket of Africa, has become its basket case.
The food problem in Zimbabwe came about through a crass and incompetent land redistribution policy. Like Ireland in the 19th century, Zimbabwe, as Rhodesia, saw most of its estates held by a small minority of the wealthy. Like in Ireland a century ago, major land reform was needed in Zimbabwe. In Ireland land reform was achieved through a simple basic rule: the land went to those who had worked it as tenants. What this meant was that those who got the land were farmers who were committed to using it. That did not happen in Zimbabwe. Large efficient farms were seized, often brutally, sometimes criminally. They were broken up and given out not to those who could work the new farms, but as bribes to Government supporters, many of whom had no experience in agriculture. It gave Zimbabwe the worst of all worlds — no food, no agriculture, and its best land lying fallow in the hands of people who did not have the experience, the knowledge and the resources to farm it.
The economy collapsed and inflation reached levels that, if repeated in a Marx Brothers movie, would have sounded unbelievable. Yet the more people suffered, the more chronic and stupid mistakes Mugabe made. We now face the crisis we have today, namely, a dictatorial president who has in 28 years reduced his country from riches to rags; a society in which a corrupt political elite uses farms and food as bribes to keep itself in power, with no concern for the people; a president, who, as the recent election shows, has such an inflated ego, that he equates his own survival in power with the good of his country, even when his policies are destroying the country.
I will not go through the details of all that has happened in the recent so-called elections. We know that in the first round the Opposition leader beat Robert Mugabe but suspiciously just failed to get an overall majority. We know that in the weeks that followed, Opposition leaders were targeted, bullied, starved, burnt out of their homes and in some cases killed. We know that in the end, the Opposition was forced to pull out of the election to save lives. Even then President Mugabe sent the police into polling stations to make sure that people voted for him. That is Mugabe's type of democracy. It was a coup, a cynical seizure of power by a corrupt dictator who will do anything, say anything, and kill anyone, to hold onto power.
One thing we in Ireland need to make very clear, is that Mugabe's claim that the criticism of him is all the work of the former "imperialist power", Britain, attempting to subvert Zimbabwean independence, is false.
I ask the Senator to conclude.
Ireland is not an imperialist power. We have always been a friend of Zimbabwe. When we condemn that election we do so because we believe that what has happened is a disgrace. We believe that it is Mugabe and his friends, not anyone else, who are the biggest threat to the survival of Zimbabwe and its people. Let the message go out that this Parliament and this country are loud and clear in their condemnation of Mugabe. He has led his people to ruin and destruction. He has shattered its hopes, wrecked its economy, torn its communities, alienated its friends, empowered its enemies and starved its people. This is the legacy of Mugabe.
I would like to continue further about the African Union summit and other areas but I have run out of time.