The Minister for Foreign Affairs is welcome.
Interception of Gaza-bound Humanitarian Flotilla: Statements
Yesterday evening I opened a debate in the other House in the immediate aftermath of the events off Gaza. I am glad also to be able to participate in the Seanad's consideration of this important issue which has generated a great deal of public interest and concern both here and elsewhere. This debate also gives me the chance to update the Oireachtas on the information I have to hand.
The Government shares the widespread shock and horror at the outcome of the Israeli military storming of the Free Gaza movement flotilla early on Monday which has resulted in the deaths of a reported nine people and the injury of many more. I share the sense of outrage that what was intended as a humanitarian act and a response to unacceptable policies on the part of Israel should have ended up this way. I express our condolences to the families of those who have been killed and our best wishes to all those who have been injured.
In the early hours of Monday morning Israeli naval vessels intercepted the Free Gaza flotilla in international waters between Cyprus and Israel, informed the six vessels in the convoy that they would not be allowed to proceed further towards Gaza and ordered them to proceed to the Israeli port of Ashdod. The exact details of what followed have yet to emerge, not least because the accounts of those on the boats are only beginning to be heard now as they begin to arrive home. Following the boarding by Israeli commandos of the largest vessel, the Turkish MV Mavi Marmara, firing by the commandos resulted in nine persons on board the boat being killed and a larger number being wounded. Exact numbers are as yet uncertain, but the number of dead appears to be nine. All of the dead identified so far were Turkish. The vessels arrived in Ashdod on Monday afternoon and the injured were taken to various Israeli hospitals. I again condemn the physical force methods used by the Israeli military in dealing with this situation which cannot be justified.
The Seanad will wish to be updated on the position on Irish citizens, our first concern in the immediate circumstances. The vessel owned by the Irish Free Gaza movement, the MV Rachel Corrie, which sailed from Dundalk in mid-May and on which a number of Irish citizens were embarked, had not yet reached the eastern Mediterranean and was not part of the flotilla. The MV Rachel Corrie is still at sea and understood to be continuing towards Gaza with five Irish citizens aboard.
Four Irish citizens were known to be on Challenger 1 which was intercepted and taken into Ashdod. Three Irish citizens were aboard other vessels and one further citizen, a dual national, had joined the flotilla among the large Turkish contingent. Of these, two were taken directly to Ben Gurion International Airport, having apparently agreed to immediate deportation, where they were visited yesterday morning by Ambassador O’Reilly who then informed their families. Both men have now been deported, and one, Mr. Shane Dillon, arrived back in Dublin last night. The dual national citizen was deported, at his request, to Lebanon.
I met earlier today with Mr. Dillon, following his return to Dublin late last evening. He provided in a calm manner a disturbing account of what he witnessed on board the MV Challenger I and also of the initial assault on the MV Mavi Marmara, the Turkish cruise ship on which were most of the flotilla participants. It was clear from what he described that the level of the force used by the Israeli forces in mounting the assault was totally excessive, with widespread and unacceptable use of such weapons as stun grenades, tasers and high velocity paint-ball guns on board the MV Challenger I.
It is extremely important in the coming days that we hear the testimony of those directly involved in the Gaza flotilla in order to build up a more accurate picture of what actually happened. Those accounts now beginning to emerge, including that from Mr. Dillon, are, to say the least, not very edifying. It remains imperative that there should be a full and proper international and independent investigation into last Monday's events which can command wide international consensus.
The other five citizens arrested on Monday were taken to a detention centre in Beersheva, as part of some 600 or more persons detained on the ships. An officer from the embassy visited them there, and promptly informed their families.
It appeared yesterday that some days would pass in arranging the formalities for the deportation of these persons, and there were even reports that some of them may be subject to charges for illegal entry or obstruction. I clearly demanded, in public statements, directly to the Israeli ambassador and through our embassy in Tel Aviv, the immediate and unconditional release of our citizens. Late last night, the Israeli Government took the sensible decision, which I welcomed, to arrange for the immediate deportation of all the detainees without further ado. Arrangements for this were being carried out before I came to the Seanad.
The Turkish Government has sent charter and military aircraft to convey the detainees as a group to Istanbul, and they should reach there later tonight. The embassy in Tel Aviv is seeking to confirm that all of the Irish citizens are being deported. An officer from the embassy in Ankara is travelling to Istanbul to assist them there.
I should also clarify that an early report on one Israeli television channel that the injured included one Irish person does not seem to have been borne out.
On receipt of the emerging news of the tragic events on Monday morning, I made a statement condemning what happened and I summoned the Israeli ambassador to a meeting at my Department that evening. When I met the ambassador I conveyed a number of important points to him, which he has conveyed to his Government. First, I conveyed the Government's condemnation of the use of military force in this fashion against the flotilla, which was unacceptable and which had led to this tragedy. It will be some time before we have a clearer picture of what happened. I made the strong point to the ambassador — similar to what I said at the time of the assault on Gaza in January 2009 — that when you use excessive military force among civilians you cannot expect to control all the outcomes, and you must accept responsibility for the results of your actions. Who now could possibly argue that preventing this cargo from reaching Gaza was so important that an outcome such as this could be thought to be reasonable force?
I further made clear, as I said, that all of the Irish citizens involved should be immediately and unconditionally released. At that time, I was also angry that full consular access was not being allowed to our embassy, as provided for under the Vienna Convention, and I demanded such access immediately for those citizens in detention. That was largely secured, although there are still issues around that.
I made clear to the ambassador my strong view that these citizens were constrained to enter Israel, which was not their intention, and therefore questions of illegal entry should not arise. Irish citizens were effectively seized by the Israeli forces and forcefully brought into Israel against their will. With the mass deportation operation now under way, it appears that this issue may now also be resolved.
I took issue with the description by the Deputy Foreign Minister of Israel of the flotilla as "an armada of hate and violence". We know the Irish activists involved to be sincere committed people, with deep humanitarian convictions and concerns, who were committed to breaking the blockade of Gaza but in a peaceful, non-violent way. Some Members of the Oireachtas had been with them and intended to join the flotilla.
Senators will be aware from my earlier remarks that uppermost in my thoughts now is the progress of the ship that sailed from Ireland, the MV Rachel Corrie, on which a number of Irish citizens are continuing towards Gaza. It is thought that she might be approaching Gazan waters as we get to the weekend. I spoke yesterday with the former UN senior official, Mr. Denis Halliday, who is one of the Irish citizens aboard the MV Rachel Corrie and earlier today with Mr. Derek Graham, the Mayo-born skipper of the ship. They made clear to me that they are pacifists, they do not want confrontation and they do not want conflict, and they will make that clear to the Israeli authorities in direct communications. I accept that fully and have conveyed that to the Israeli authorities.
I asked Ambassador Evrony to convey to his Government my request that, following the tragedy which has occurred, the MV Rachel Corrie be allowed to continue unimpeded and given safe passage to deliver its cargo to Gaza. Unfortunately, the Israeli Government has stated it will continue to enforce the blockade, but we continue to insist that no violence be used against this vessel and that restraint apply. We will be watching this situation closely, as indeed will the world, and it is imperative that Israel avoids any action which leads to further bloodshed or confrontation.
I have focussed on the situation of Irish citizens and on the immediate events, but I am also deeply conscious of the wider context. Indeed, I find that issues I have been raising since the Gaza war last year have come to the fore again.
Israel must be brought to understand that military force is genuinely a last resort, not to be resorted to if any other method is available. It has been said in Israel that when you have a hammer, every problem tends to look like a nail. Israel has a right to exist and to defend itself, which we would all accept, but that right does not override and supersede all other rights, and the rights of all others. As we saw in Gaza itself, so now we see in an effort to help Gaza — when you resort to powerful use of force, especially among civilians, terrible disasters such as this are not unexpected or unforeseeable; they are highly likely, sooner or later, usually sooner.
I return also to a central issue I have been stressing in international dialogue, which is that the continuing blockade of Gaza simply cannot be accepted as part of the status quo, and allowed to continue indefinitely. Public opinion in Ireland and elsewhere has shown that it will not accept this collective punishment of innocent people, and will act to challenge it.
I am aware myself from my visit to Gaza earlier this year that what exists there is a dire and indisputable humanitarian crisis, with most of the population living in inhumane and intolerable conditions and with increasing incidence of what the UN euphemistically calls absolute poverty, that is, basically, not enough food to eat each day.
The current situation amounts to collective punishment of the population of Gaza and, as the European Union acknowledged this week, is completely counter-productive. As long as the siege of Gaza continues, it will inflict further injustice on the people who live there without, in my view, contributing at all to the security of Israel, and the blockade of Gaza is an underlying cause of what has happened here.
The basic facts of what has happened are still emerging, and there is much more I could say, especially on the broader context. As I stated earlier, it is extremely important, in order to try and ensure accountability, that as full a picture of what transpired is now built up in a credible and transparent manner.
I will be following events closely, and considering what further action we need to take, nationally or at EU or UN level. Debates have been taking place, both in Brussels and in the Human Rights Council in Geneva, and the Security Council in New York has called in a presidential statement for an "impartial, credible and transparent investigation, conforming to international standards", of what has happened, a call which I fully support and echo.
I welcome the Minister and thank him for his résumé of what happened on the high seas in recent days.
I extend my sympathy to the families of those who were murdered by Israeli forces and wish a speedy recovery to those who were injured. The attack on the flotilla trying to bring humanitarian aid to Gaza was a terrorist attack on citizens from many nations. It took place in international waters and showed poor judgment, to say the least, by Israeli forces and the Israeli Government. Their actions have succeeded in giving credence to some groups whose sole aim is to destabilise the Israeli state and will certainly increase the support for Hamas in the region. The attempts by various Israeli spokespersons to muddy the waters and try to put their own spin on events simply will not wash. They would be better off putting their hands up and admitting they got it wrong and apologise for their actions rather than trying to justify a totally disproportionate action which all right-thinking people condemn unreservedly. Israeli governments have never put the actions of their security forces under critical focus, but these events demand that this policy must change. The Turkish response is very telling, from a country that had close military and economic ties with Israel. These actions by the Israelis may result in Turkey having closer ties with Iran and this would have far-reaching consequences in the region.
The Israeli blockade of Gaza is illegal and it is about time the international community, especially America, acted to ensure humanitarian aid reaches the people in Gaza, who live in deplorable conditions as testified by the Minister after his visit to Gaza. UN Resolution 1860 states there should be unfettered access for food, medical supplies and commercial goods but this is simply not happening. John Ging is a champion from a humanitarian viewpoint. He has clearly outlined what is happening in Gaza and what the response of the international community should be. The Israeli Government remains a de facto occupying force since it decides what gets in and out of Gaza. Israel must honour parliamentary and international law by ending the blockade of Gaza. The deprivation visited on residents and especially the children of Gaza must stop. The ludicrous situation which prevents the entry of goods for hospitals, schools and materials to assist in the reconstruction of Gaza, must be ended. Hamas needs to get its act together and take strong action against activists who terrorise the Israeli people with rocket attacks every day. There is not one person in this House who would disagree with the fact that Israel has every right to defend its own state and its people but it is about time Israel showed some respect for international law and proved that it is truly interested in finding a meaningful and lasting peace in the region with a two-state solution, based on respect for each other and recognition by each side of the other’s right to exist. It is my fervent hope that the recent atrocity, which must be condemned by all nations, may somehow refocus and ignite efforts to kick-start and revitalise efforts to find a solution to the problems of this region which are causing such strife globally. In the meantime, an international inquiry must be established immediately to establish the truth about how people were killed while undertaking a humanitarian mission to bring aid to Gaza. The findings of such an inquiry should be binding and there must be consequences for those held responsible for this needless loss of human life.
The European Union has been weak in responding to the attacks and to the blockade of Gaza. In fact, it appears to many that Israel was recently rewarded by the EU which supported its accession to the OECD, in blatant disregard of the human rights requirements of the OECD. How did the Minister allow this to happen, taking into consideration his views on the illegal blockade of Gaza and other matters? The House deserves an explanation from him on this matter.
The situation regarding the use of Irish passports by Mossad operatives in murdering a Hamas militant in Dubai, needs to be addressed now. Other countries have at least taken some action to emphasise that such actions will not be tolerated. What are the findings of the Minister's inquiry? What will be the Minister's response to this most serious matter? The report commissioned by the Minister must be published in the interests of openness and transparency. I hope the necessary action will be forthcoming from him in the very near future.
As a member of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, I had welcomed the opportunity to discuss the interception of the Gaza-bound humanitarian aid flotilla with the Israeli Ambassador at a special meeting convened for tomorrow. I now understand that the ambassador has indicated he does not intend to fulfil his commitment to attend the meeting owing to unforeseen circumstances. He has been offered the opportunity to arrange an alternative date or to nominate a replacement but this has also been refused. This is far from being acceptable and is almost without precedent. As a member of the committee, I would have thought the ambassador had a responsibility to attend and answer relevant questions in an open and democratic forum, especially with regard to Irish citizens and their treatment. It is regrettable and unacceptable that this opportunity has been lost.
I concur with the Minister in wishing God speed and a safe passage to those on board the MV Rachel Corrie. Let us hope there will not be any violence and that the Israelis will allow the boat passage and unfettered access to deliver the aid to Gaza. This would be some small gesture after the debacle witnessed in recent days.
I welcome the Minister to the House and I thank Senator Ann Ormonde, the spokesperson on foreign affairs, for allowing me to lead off on this issue. I think the Irish people appreciate the Minister's great efforts in this matter because he has provided leadership not only in Europe but throughout the world in condemning the actions of the Israeli Government. On behalf of the Irish people, I express my sympathies to the families and friends of the dead and the wounded. I also pay tribute to those who participated in the flotilla trying to bring much needed aid to Gaza. My parliamentary colleagues, Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh and Deputy Chris Andrews, along with parliamentarians from Germany, Sweden, Italy, Malaysia, Greece, Russia and Israel, made five attempts on Friday and Saturday to get from Cyprus by boat to join the flotilla 12 miles out in international waters. Owing to the continuous intervention of the Cypriot police and the politicians in Cyprus whose stated intention was that it was not in their strategic interests in the region to assist us in leaving Cyprus to join the flotilla, we were unable to do so.
The Minister has outlined to some degree the context in which the blockade occurred. It is interesting that a former Israeli Cabinet Minister, Tzipi Livni, described the withdrawal from Gaza as literally a case of leaving and throwing up the keys to see who would catch them. This was done on 11 September 2005 and in 2007 Hamas caught the keys. Israel then decided to lock down the borders and is now engaged in an illegal blockade of Gaza. It has prohibited thousands of items, including jam, fishing rods and paper. Mr. John Ging, a former captain in the Irish Defence Forces, is the UN Relief Work Agency's head representative in Gaza which has a population of 1.5 million and is the size of County Louth. Some 80% of the population rely on the United Nations for their survival and very existence. In a recent interview with the Guardian newspaper Mr. Ging described the situation in Gaza as “a sub-human existence.”
The flotilla consisted of Turkish, Greek and Irish boats, with crews comprising 40 nationalities, which converged in international waters. As the Minister stated, we know that nine people are dead and many more are injured. Earlier today the Minister and I spoke with Mr Shane Dillon who was on Challenger I. He told us what he had seen on the Turkish ship when it was boarded by the Israeli defence forces. Tomorrow he will appear before the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs to let Ireland and the world know of his experience.
The Israeli Government has tried to portray a version of events that is less than truthful. It has stated Israeli forces were attacked first and fired on initially. In the fog of war events are often portrayed thus by warring sides. We have seen it happen here. On Bloody Sunday in 1972 human rights marchers in Derry were portrayed as carrying guns and attacking the British security forces. This was stated many times to blacken the names of peaceful protestors. In the coming weeks, however, the Saville report will exonerate the people concerned.
The Israelis have repeatedly said they did not break international law in boarding ships in international waters. That is because they have not signed up to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea which forbids the boarding of ships that are of no threat. The Israelis say they had offered the flotilla which I was due to board the right to bring goods to Israel or Turkey and that they would transfer them to Gaza. They have failed to mention, however, that they have a long list of prohibited items. For example, the cement being carried on the MV Rachel Corrie would not have been transferred to Gaza. In addition, toys would not have been transferred either. Most of the material aboard the flotilla would not have reached Gaza if the ships had landed in Israel and the Israelis were to transport the items to the Occupied Territories.
Israel's Deputy Foreign Minister, Danny Ayalon, said the flotilla would not even bring a letter from the mother of Gilad Shalit, the Israeli soldier captured by militants four years ago who has been held without access to the Red Cross for that period. However, this claim is false. When the Free Gaza movement was asked if it would do so, Deputy Ó Snodaigh, Deputy Chris Andrews and I contacted Gilad Shalit's family solicitor in Jerusalem to tell them that we would send an email outlining that we would bring the letters and hand them personally to the Red Cross or Mr. John Ging at the United Nations to try to get them to Mr. Shalit. However, it was portrayed as if the flotilla did not have the heart to do the right thing.
What next? As Senators opposite have pointed out, the Israeli ambassador has refused to appear before the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. When will he come? He can name any time and date on which he can explain why Israel has done this to the international community. The Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs have sought safe passage for the MV Rachel Corrie whose passengers include the former UN assistant secretary general, Mr. Denis Halliday, and the Nobel peace laureate, Ms Mairead Maguire.
Ireland has experienced what Israel and Palestine are going through. We know that genuine dialogue is the only way to achieve peace. The question is what has the Israeli Government done to the honourable State of Israel. What have the extremists in Israel done? They have brought dishonour to the name and people of Israel.
With the permission of the House, I would like to share time with Senator Quinn.
Is that agreed? Agreed.
I welcome the Minister to the House for the debate on this timely motion. I agree with him that one should, first, express one's sympathy to the relatives of the dead and the injured in what was undoubtedly an act of piracy which took place on the high seas. It was suggested Israel was in some measure under threat, but that calls into question the nature of the regime within Israel. We are always told that Israel is the only democracy in the Middle East. This has become the mantra. It has some democratic elements, including some that I welcome. However, one should now start to deconstruct the nature of that democracy. The Israelis have behaved in a way that had it been done by the Somali pirates, a NATO task force would immediately have been sent to deal with them. However, because it concerned a state backed by the United States, they seem to be able to get away with it. The response of the Obama Administration has been timid in the extreme.
I welcome today's reports that a member of the Israeli Embassy staff is to be expelled as a result of involvement in passport forgery for the purposes of committing murder. These are the things that should be taken into consideration.
It would be a useful academic exercise to examine the language employed by Israeli diplomats and Ministers who have an extremely effective propaganda machine. They are the world leaders in PR, which is extraordinarily glib. They force language into the most unusual contortions. For example, this small group of tiny vessels carrying concrete, toys and wheelchairs is described as "an armada of hate and violence". I heard Mr. Ayalon say some did not like to be in the presence of Israelis; we all know what that means. It means that anybody who opposes the horrendous and barbaric policies of the regime in Israel is, ipso facto, anti-Semitic. It is, however, very difficult to maintain that the reactions to these events are anti-Semitic. I remember that one of the passengers aboard a previous convoy was an 83-year old concentration camp survivor. In what way was she anti-Semitic? Are the Hasidic Jews who demonstrated yesterday with placards at the Cenotaph in London anti-Semitic? They held up placards calling on the Zionist state to cease its criminal activities, siege and blockade. That language system needs to be examined.
The Israeli authorities are even proposing to deport certain individuals, having imported them first. Is this the new way? They kidnap people, force them to enter the country and then attempt to criminalise them for illegal entry. Surely somebody sees the contradictions.
I heard another Israeli spokesman on radio recently say that under Article 47 of the foundation document of the United Nations, a blockade was permissible. There is no reference to blockades in that article which I heard the former Irish diplomat, Mr. Noel Dorr, read out in its entirety on radio. The key point, however, is that they are not afraid of violence. Of course, the people involved resisted when they were set upon by a collection of brigands, but I thought it was a bit thick. They talked about slings and a few kitchen knives being used against the most sophisticated arms one could have in the hands of these very violent young paratroopers.
I wonder if they are aware of one of Seán O'Casey's works in which an Irish republican says in a similar situation: "Do they want us to come out in our pelts and throw stones at them?". That is basically what the Palestinians have been reduced to. They are not just afraid of the kind of propaganda coup which, despite their brilliance, they have handed the Palestinians on a plate. They are also worried that the blockade might be broken by this. It should be broken because it is illegal under international law. It is a humanitarian disgrace. It has enabled the Israelis to do things under the cover of darkness. If their own people knew about such things, they would be horrified. People are living in raw sewage. The excrement and urine of 1.5 million people is going untreated into the sea.
The Senator is taking some of Senator Quinn's time.
I am sure he will allow me to take another 30 seconds or so. The alleged firing of rockets is another lie. The rockets ceased. The Hamas ceasefire was provoked by an Israeli military incursion. I have put all this stuff on the record. We have seen the Goldstone report. The Minister's contribution was very good. Now is the time for action. Mr. Justice Goldstone, who is Jewish, has warned that this will be repeated again and again if it is not acted on. If it is not referred to the criminal court, it will come back again and again. There are things we can do. I have argued for years that the failure to monitor the EuroMed agreement, to which human rights protocols are attached, brings the whole idea of human rights into complete and utter contempt. In recent weeks Ireland had an opportunity to veto the entry of Israel into the OECD.
The total time will be gone soon.
Do not worry about that.
I am not worried. It is Senator Quinn who is worried.
Why did we choose not to veto it? That is something we could have done. Instead, we are discussing an enhanced financial arrangement with Israel. Perhaps it is all just words. We need to end the words and get a bit of action.
We are not discussing an enhanced financial arrangement with Israel.
I thank Senator Norris for allowing me to share his time. Like all Members of the House, I agree with the Minister's expression of sympathy for those who have died. I support the Minister's final remarks in which he called for an impartial, credible and transparent investigation that conforms to international standards. I do not support him when he asks "Who now could possibly argue that preventing this cargo from reaching Gaza was so important?". I suggest that anyone who thought it should reach Gaza was not thinking straight. I am told that for the last five years, Israel has been subjected to at least 10,000 bombs and rockets from Gaza. Did anyone really expect a democratic country like Israel to allow a flotilla of ships to come in and go straight to Gaza without any inspection? I do not think that was possible.
There was inspection.
Does anyone believe these ships could be allowed to land in Gaza? Does anyone believe it was not acceptable to offer to accept the ships into an Israeli port, to examine them and to transport them into Gaza?
I am leaving in protest.
There are some goods that will not be allowed.
This is a disgraceful contribution.
Senator Quinn, without interruption.
I am ashamed of my colleague, Senator Quinn.
Those goods that are not allowed in include cement, which could be used——
It is a disgrace.
That is the reason they do it. If one has put up for many years with bombs being dropped and children being killed, it is not reasonable for one to be asked to allow ships to come in without inspection. Would anyone allow that?
No one has said that.
The situation in Gaza seems to be disastrous and terrible. The people are running short of food and the other things they need to live, but they do not seem to be running short of guns and bombs. Hamas seems to be able to get these goods into Gaza, but it is unable to get food into Gaza. It is quite reasonable and rational to point that out. I say that as someone who is horrified about what happened. I do not understand the force that was used.
People have criticised the use of force in international waters, but I am old enough to be reminded of an incident that occurred in 1962 when I was on my honeymoon. It is probable that no one else here is old enough to remember it. Russians with loaded ships were heading towards Cuba in international waters but President Kennedy told them not to go any further. He told them to stop, just as Israel told the flotilla not to go any further in international waters. Fortunately, Russia agreed at the time to turn back. The Americans said they would not allow the Russians to land in Cuba with whatever was on board their ships. I see a similarity between what happened then and what is happening now. Israel said the flotilla would not be able to land in Gaza. It asked those involved to land in Israel and to allow inspections to take place so that the goods could be taken into Gaza.
I disagree with what has happened. I believe the investigation that will take place into these horrific killings will be fair. Regardless of where it takes place — I assume it will take place at UN or EU level — I am sure it will be impartial. I hope the investigation will consider the possibility that the flotilla could be accused of coat-trailing, to use an old term. In other words, they may have been acting in the hope of causing a scandal and embarrassing Israel. I am no defender of Israel in this situation, but I believe it would be irrational and unacceptable to expect the Israelis to allow uninspected ships to go into Gaza after they have been bombed continuously and suffered many deaths over many years. I believe we need a balance. That is what I would like to have in this debate.
I welcome the Minister for Foreign Affairs. I thank him for coming to the Seanad to give Members an update on recent events in Gaza. I start by offering my condolences to the Turkish Government and people as well as to the families of those killed during the Israeli commando raid on the humanitarian flotilla off the coast of Gaza. Like everyone else, I was shocked as the events unfolded on Monday morning. I followed the news bulletins as information slowly seeped out about what had occurred on the high seas. When it became clear that the raid had happened in international waters, I could not believe the Israeli authorities had once again acted in defiance of the overwhelming wishes of the international community.
I commend the Minister, Deputy Martin, not just for the way he has responded to the latest crisis but also for the interest he has maintained in the Middle East region, especially Gaza, since his appointment. He is right to say that Israel is pushing back the line on what is regarded as acceptable in the name of security. It is time for the international community to say "stop". There is no excuse for the deaths of those who died on the flotilla. This was underlined in the motion passed by the United Nations Security Council. It is rare for such a unanimous declaration to be achieved. That it happened so swiftly shows that Ireland is far from alone in telling Israel that this is simply not acceptable. I echo the Minister's call for a full independent inquiry to establish what happened during the early hours of Monday. The information that has been coming out has been one-sided. It appears that Israel has denied those people it has detained their rights, while its public relations machine was activated to give just one side of the story.
The Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs had invited the Israeli ambassador to address it tomorrow but I understand he has declined, which is very disappointing. It is more necessary than ever that we should hear from him and have a full discussion with him. I welcome the fact the Minister has already met with one of our citizens who witnessed the events and has spoken directly to the humanitarian ship MV Rachel Corrie, both yesterday and today.
While we are appalled at what has happened, we should also look at the behaviour of the Israeli authorities since the deaths. The Minister was correct when he strongly came out against what was effectively the kidnapping of our citizens. Despite the best efforts of the Irish Embassy in Tel Aviv, access to our citizens has been extremely unsatisfactory during their time in detention. Israel has an obligation to recognise the consular rights of Irish people which did not happen. I welcome the fact people are being finally released and commend the Department of Foreign Affairs, our colleagues in the Dáil, the Taoiseach and the Minister for the pressure they brought to bear to help bring about a resolution.
We must now hear their side of the story. I encourage the Government to meet these captives on their release and take note of their accounts of what happened.
Our priority now must be the safety of the MV Rachel Corrie and those on board including five Irish citizens. I join the calls of the Minister and the Taoiseach in demanding this humanitarian ship be allowed continue its mission. In light of the tragedy that has unfolded, it is not an unreasonable request to ask that the ship be allowed to sail on to Gaza. The supplies it has on board will be welcomed by the local besieged population. I urge the Minister to remain engaged with Israel to secure this result and at the very least ensure no threat is issued against the MV Rachel Corrie.
Ireland has a proud record in the Middle East, calling for peace at every opportunity, restraint and respect between Israel and its neighbours. We have to remain engaged with many governments in the region, including Israel, and encourage negotiations to bring about a settlement acceptable to all.
However, the situation in Gaza is unacceptable. Easing the plight of the people in Gaza was the sole purpose of the flotilla's mission. Many Members, including the Minister, have seen at first hand the situation on the ground. I remember the Minister recalling a visit to a boys' school built from metal containers.
The food shortages, lack of building supplies and the pumping of raw sewage into the sea have led to a critical point. Those on the flotilla were not violent and their intentions were good. There is no excuse for what we saw unfold off the coast of Gaza.
The Government is unequivocal in its demand for the illegal blockade to be lifted. I urge the Minister to use every possible opportunity to achieve that goal.
I hope Israel will reflect on the bloodshed that has occurred and allow the MV Rachel Corrie and its humanitarian cargo safe passage.
I wish to share time with Senator Doherty.
Is that agreed? Agreed.
I thank the Leader for arranging this debate with the Minister for Foreign Affairs at such short notice. As my party colleague Deputy Higgins said in the other House, we have reached a turning point this week in the Middle East. This has been brought about by the illegal actions of the Israeli armed forces in the storming of the flotilla bound for Gaza and the ensuing deaths of so many unarmed aid workers. I express my condolences to the families of the deceased and wish the best recovery for those injured in the attack.
The Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, described the attack as a bloody massacre, an attack on international law, the conscience of humanity and on world peace. The Israelis, however, have tried to defend their actions claiming they were unsure whether the flotilla was smuggling guns into Gaza. We heard such claims before with the non-existent weapons of mass destruction to justify the war in Iraq. Like in that instance, this has turned out to be paranoia on the part of the aggressor.
Senator Quinn spoke about the need for balance in this debate. However, the Israeli action of killing of so many unarmed civilians was in no way balanced. I fail to accept such a well-armed army as Israel's could not have used non-fatal weapons such as CS gas to detain those on board. While I do not agree with the detention of the flotilla, Israel's reaction to it has been a gross violation of international law and was in no way balanced.
The fact the aid flotilla was necessary suggests a failure on the part of the international community to act. We have known for some time the plight of those living in Gaza. Matters got considerably worse last year at the time of the Israeli armed forces' Operation Cast Lead. As a member of the foreign affairs committee I received a copy of the Goldstone report on the operation and listened to one of its authors, Colonel Desmond Travers, describe the background to the inquiry. He candidly spoke of the reality on the ground with deliberate attacks on civilians leaving their homes while holding white flags, an attack on a Mosque during evening prayers in which 15 people were killed and that 30% of agricultural land in Gaza is unusable. This, along with the blockades, is having a direct impact on food production and availability.
The population of Gaza is 1.5 million people, 80% of whom are unemployed and 56% of whom are children. Israel has repeatedly said in recent days there is no humanitarian crisis in Gaza. However, a UN report in April 2010 showed 300,000 Gazans live in abject poverty and 700,000 need food aid. Life expectancy and infant mortality rates, as well as the general population's health, have been adversely affected by these conditions.
The flotilla was an attempt to bring aid relief to the people of Gaza who are being subjected to an illegal blockade by the State of Israel. I too would have liked to hear the Israeli ambassador, Dr Zion Evrony, give his explanation for his state's action at the foreign affairs committee tomorrow. I am very disappointed he has cited unforeseen circumstances and cancelled his attendance.
The Turkish Premier, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, said today would change history and nothing would ever be the same again. Across the world, we have seen governments and citizens stunned by Israel's actions. Governments on each continent have expressed dismay at the Israeli Government's flouting of international law.
The UN Security Council called for a prompt impartial, credible and transparent investigation conforming to international standards. Seemingly the word "independent" was pulled from earlier drafts at US insistence because it implied the investigation should not be conducted by Israel. Like Senator Norris, I am disappointed at that watered down statement.
Inside Israel there is a recognition it has gone too far. It largest selling newspaper, Yediot Aharonot, called on the Israeli Minister for Defence, Ehud Barak, to resign, claiming:
If Ehud Barak doesn't resign, international public opinion will perceive Israel as a country that is deserving of collective punishment as a sovereign entity. It ought to be hit, if not over the head, then at the very least in its pocket by means of an economic boycott. That is a clear and immediate danger.
Another newspaper Ha’aretz asked why Israel did not see that instead of tightening the siege of Gaza, it was about to tighten the siege on itself. Across the world citizens are calling for action.
We must learn from the lessons of inaction. We should have acted after the publication of the Goldstone report but did not. I commend the Minister for Foreign Affairs for being the first European Minister to see the impact Operation Cast Lead had on Gaza. He published an article in The New York Times a year later stating the conditions prevailing for the ordinary population of Gaza were inhumane and utterly unacceptable. Yet last week he agreed to the accession of Israel to the OECD. This was done with the Council’s roadmap, which states the Council reaffirms that OECD membership is committed to fundamental values, including a commitment to human rights. The Minister must recognise that the actions of Israel show a blatant disregard for human rights and, bearing in mind that his vote could have prevented it from gaining accession, I call on the Minister to appeal for this action to be reversed. Pressure must be brought upon Israel at a European level. The Minister has the experience and the knowledge to be at the forefront of this issue and I urge him to ensure be there.
Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire. Like my colleagues, I express and offer my sympathy to the families of all those who were killed on the Gaza freedom flotilla, the nine individuals who lost their lives in the early hours of Monday morning at the hands of the Israeli commandos, and the all those injured.
I completely disagree with the comments of my colleague, Senator Feargal Quinn. They were akin to what we could have heard from the propaganda machine of the Israeli authorities. It was unlike Senator Quinn. I agree with many of his views but some of his comments took me by surprise.
I believe all those on the Gaza freedom flotilla were brave individuals. I commend Senator Mark Daly, who attempted to join the flotilla, along with our colleagues in the Lower House, Deputies Chris Andrews and Aengus Ó Snodaigh. This is an illegal blockade which must be lifted and Ireland must play its part in lifting it. I am glad there are Irish people on the Rachel Corrie attempting to break the blockade of Gaza and I wish them God speed. I hope the Israeli authorities rescind their threats on that ship and allow it safe passage into Gaza. We should not allow any of our citizens, whether Irish or those of other member states of the EU, to be blackened as the Israeli authorities have attempted and we must defend them at all times. They are peaceful protestors who are trying to break what is an illegal blockade by the Israeli authorities.
I commend the Minister on his early response in respect of this onslaught by the Israeli authorities on the free Gaza flotilla. The words he uttered gave comfort to the Irish nation. He expressed the outrage, horror and anger that was palpable throughout the island of Ireland. I referred to the terminology he used, such as "kidnapping on the high seas", and the other language, which was deeply emotive but was very sincere given his track record on this issue.
I call on the Senator to conclude.
There is a time when we must all stand up and, sometimes, words are not enough. That time is now. I refer to the actions of the Israeli authorities not only in this instance but when they forged Irish passports to conduct activities of murder. In this case, commandos came down from a helicopter in the dark of night, with Irish citizens on board a ship, equipped with iron bars and kitchen knifes and they opened fire. There is a time to stand up, a time when words are not enough and I believe that time is now. This is not the time to invite the ambassador to the committee but to expel him. The Minister should threaten or request an end to the preferential trade agreements with Israel at a European level.
I wish to share time with Senator Ó Brolcháin with the agreement of the House.
Is that agreed? Agreed.
I welcome the Minister. Senator Quinn is looking through the wrong end of the telescope on this issue and I was astonished by his contribution which struck me as ill-informed and grossly misplaced. As Senator Doherty remarked, we find ourselves much in agreement with Senator Quinn in this House but in this case his contribution was beyond the beyonds.
The Rachel Corrie is on its way to the Gazan coastline as we speak. I have been outing the fact in recent days that I inspected the cargo myself before the ship left and I have no doubt of its humanitarian nature and of the humanitarian intent of the crew.
I believe the Minister has spoken to Derek Graham by satellite phone. I heard him today on local radio expressing grave concern at a rumour, and it was just that, to the effect that a Turkish gunboat may accompany the Rachel Corrie on its approach to the blockade. I hope that is not true but it is something about which he was exercised on radio today. It would be good to hear an assurance from the Minister that this is not the case in any shape, way or form. It would represent an appalling vista to see that boat used as a pawn in an international power trade. I raise this for the safety of the people involved.
The call for action is prescient right now. There have been many diplomatic gestures, some of which have been strong and some not so strong. We need stronger action at this stage with regard to expressing our outrage at the act of piracy in the eastern Mediterranean. Last year, my party proposed diplomatic expulsion on foot of the abuse of Irish passports and it is good to see that is happening. As long as Irish citizens are in need of the support of our diplomatic services in Tel Aviv in Israel, we should keep our people there. It would be inappropriate to remove them at this moment but we should send the strongest possible signals at this stage. Would a conference of the signatories of the Fourth Geneva Convention be a prospect given that collective punishment is expressly outlawed in that convention? That is precisely what has been inflicted on the people of Gaza through this blockade and through Operation Cast Lead, to which Senator Hannigan referred and which killed thousands and left many children without parents, schools, education, sanitation, prospects or hope. Gaza was utterly devastated by that operation. Approximately 40 lorry loads of construction material have been allowed through the blockade since then whereas, prior to that, there were 7,000 in the same year. The convoys were sent to deal with a reconstruction project that was nowhere near the scale of what was required after Operation Cast Lead.
The offer by the Israelis to bring in the goods is utterly disingenuous. The banned list means that, in fact, nothing would get through. Serious work must be undertaken in using the collective punishment avenue and we must seriously consider convening some group around this theme of abuse and around the Fourth Geneva Convention to try to lever an end to the blockade of Gaza.
The Lisbon treaty probably offers us some prospects. For anyone who had any doubts about its merit, now is the time to show the increased ability of the European Union to act with one voice on foreign affairs issues and such a position ought to be taken up now after the passing of the Lisbon treaty.
I commend the Minister, Deputy Martin, on his actions to date. He has acted very responsibly and has caught the mood of the people. I thank Senator Dearey for sharing time. I commend Senator Doherty on his words, which were very poignant. There is a very close relationship and an affinity between Palestine and Ireland because of the nature of the conflicts that have taken place in Ireland and Gaza.
I received a call late one night from the Mayor of Beit Lehia, the third largest city in Gaza. He is an independent mayor and he informed me his house was surrounded by tanks that night. This is the type of country in which these people live. I received a text message recently indicating there were several gunboats approaching the flotilla and this concerned me greatly. Subsequently, lives were lost. It is time to stop the rhetoric. I agree with Senator Doherty it is time to consider diplomatic expulsions.
I thank the Minister, Deputy Martin, for coming to the Seanad to give a comprehensive report on this situation. I commend him, the Taoiseach and the Government on their united approach in this regard. There was a united statement from the Cabinet yesterday and it set a headline around the world on this issue. The Minister is, as far as I know, the only Foreign Minister in the European Union to visit Gaza. He was initially refused entry but was then allowed in to see the situation at first hand, as he mentioned in his report. It gives him a great insight into the situation in Gaza and the plight of 1.5 million people. It sets a tone for his work with the other ministers. I believe there should be a united approach by the foreign ministers of the European Union to consider all aspects of the situation in Gaza.
We are currently reacting to the tragic murder of nine Turkish citizens on the high seas, and the injuries of many more. We extend our sympathies to the families. Senator Mark Daly, Deputy Chris Andrews and Deputy Aengus Ó Snodaigh were also prepared to go on those ships with aid to Gaza. I commend them on their courage and commitment. I recall a visit to the West Bank, Jerusalem, Hebron and Ramallah by Deputies Eamon Gilmore, John Gormley and Aengus Ó Snodaigh, the late Tony Gregory, Senator John Paul Phelan and myself approximately four years ago. We were guests of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation and met the different factions there. We could not meet Hamas because its representatives were out of bounds as far as we were concerned due to their stance on Israel.
An independent international investigation must be conducted under the auspices of the European Union or the United Nations. There is no point having an investigation carried out by the perpetrators of this action; it would be a total whitewash. An excellent report was produced by the United Nations on the atrocities in the war of January 2009. A total of 1,200 people were killed then, yet nobody talks about it. It is a case of the reaction to the last atrocity. The event on Monday was a great tragedy, but 1,200 Palestinians were murdered or killed over 18 months ago. That is the reality on which we must focus. A solution must be found. What happened yesterday will pass from memory as international events take over and we move on to the next atrocity in the region.
With regard to action on Israel, I agree with the Minister that removing diplomatic missions is not an option. We must continue to have a conduit between this country and Israel, as two independent states. Israel must have a contact in Ireland. I regret that the ambassador will not attend the meeting tomorrow to put his point of view and to respond to our questions. The European Union gives massive aid and assistance. Baroness Ashton should play a role in this and summon a meeting of the Foreign Ministers, if one has not already been summoned, to discuss this issue and consider what action can be taken or what reprimand can be given to Israel. It should compensate the families that have been affected. Serious damage has been caused as a result of the nine murders or deaths and the 50 injured. The Irish citizens are safe and with regard to those on the high seas at present, the Taoiseach has made it clear that the ship should be protected and allowed to deliver its goods to the Gaza Strip.
With regard to the long-term position, Hamas must accept the right of the Israeli people and the State of Israel to exist. It cannot continue its policy. We are aware of this from the situation in this country with regard to recognition of Sinn Féin and the fact that the IRA has been disbanded. Sinn Féin is now in government in this country, and rightly so. Hamas should follow that example and not exploit the position of its people in the Gaza Strip.
On a point of order, it might have been unintentional but I ask the Senator to withdraw the similarities he drew between Sinn Féin and Hamas in this regard.
I am not comparing Sinn Féin to Hamas.
I know, but that should be made clear for the record.
I am not comparing Sinn Féin to Hamas; I would compare Sinn Féin more to the Palestinian Liberation Organisation. I do not imply anything because Sinn Féin has taken a very positive role. There is no connection whatsoever. My point is that Hamas will have to accept Israel's right to exist. That is fundamental. There should be an effort to unite both Fatah and Hamas to achieve a united Palestinian approach. The Saudi Arabians have done much work on this, as the Minister knows. A Saudi Arabian delegation visited the Houses last week.
To summarise, we condemn what has happened. The Government has taken the action that was required. There must also be European Union action which will be stronger with the support of 27 countries. The Minister has accepted his responsibility and worked for the Irish citizens. We appeal for no action to be taken against them, that they be returned safely and that they can deliver their aid. Let us move on to the next step, which is to work with the Israelis and Palestinians to create a two-state system. Members on this side of the House are very proud that the late Mr. Brian Lenihan was the first Foreign Minister to recognise the right of a Palestinian state to exist in harmony and peace with Israel. I believe the Minister will continue that fine work on behalf of the Government. I wish him continued success.
Our only hope is that we get our five citizens home and that they safely deliver their goods. The Minister will do his utmost to ensure that happens.
I echo the compliments that have been paid to the Minister, Deputy Martin. He has put forward the Irish position very positively. As Senator Leyden said, he follows in a very proud tradition that dates back to Mr. Frank Aiken and to the late Mr. Brian Lenihan in this context. I welcome the opportunity to join colleagues in condemning the actions of the Israeli commandos last Monday. I also echo the concerns expressed on all sides of the House for the safe return of the five Irish citizens. I am reassured by the Minister's comments that every effort is being made, at both ministerial and consular level, to ensure the rights of these citizens are protected and that they will get home safely.
It is necessary to frame this debate in the context of the absolute right of the State of Israel to exist in peace and to defend itself from attack, which is a common thread through many of the contributions. Indeed, that is the Government's position and it has been consistent in that regard. I will not join in a chorus of disapproval of Senator Quinn's contribution. The Senator was attempting, as often happens in this House particularly where the Middle East and Israel are concerned, to project the Israeli view. Whether it is right is not the point; there is an Israeli point of view. All the contributions made in the House suggest that Members have already researched the domestic Israeli position on what has happened. A unified approach is being taken by the Israeli people in supporting the military actions of their army, and we should not be surprised at that.
Israel faces many external and internal threats from groups and state actors who question its right to exist. However, we are now at a critical early phase in the aftermath of this conflict, where the involvement of the European Union and the influence of the United States will dictate what sanctions or actions emerge. The United States, which in the past has failed to hold the Israeli Government to account for human rights abuses, is part of the solution in light of this recent activity. This failure cannot continue. It highlights another problem for the Obama administration, the question of US credibility in the face of the international condemnation. The Obama administration risks cementing the Bush era hypocrisy label. That administration made a great deal of advocating democracy in the Arab world, and rightly so, but then worked to overturn electoral results it did not like.
President Obama has encouraged non-violent resistance for the Palestinians' pursuit of equality and freedom, and he made that clear in his speech in Cairo a year ago next Friday. I will outline the challenge that faces American politicians. Any Member of the Oireachtas who has had any engagement with American politicians, as I have had through bilateral arrangements between Congress and the Houses of the Oireachtas, will testify to the fact that there are two no-go areas among the issues for discussion with members of Congress, whether Republicans or Democrats. One is the death penalty and the other is Israel. Most American politicians are petrified of being seen to step out of line, mainly because of the activities of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, the most effective pro-Israel lobby in the United States. If the AIPAC considers a candidate does not totally support Israel, it will fund an opposition candidate to unseat him or her. It has happened and will continue to happen. That is the challenge one faces.
There are brave people in the United States Congress. References have been made to the Goldstone report which was prepared, as Senator Leyden will know, by a Jewish judge and sanctioned and endorsed by the United Nations. Believe it or not, it was subject to an opposing resolution in the House of Representatives last November that was overwhelmingly carried. In other words, the House of Representatives rejected the report. However, some honourable people took part in that debate. One was Congressman Dennis Kucinich, a Democrat from Ohio. He made the following comment which is relevant to what happened this week: "Almost as serious as committing war crimes is covering up war crimes, pretending that war crimes were never committed and did not exist, because if this Congress votes to condemn a report it has not read concerning events it has totally ignored about violations of law of which it is unaware, it will have brought great shame to this institution." That sums up what is happening in the United States and the challenge the European Union will face.
I hope the Minister will not merely focus on achieving consensus among European Union member states, as has been suggested, as this would be extremely difficult. One has only to look at the rather bland statement by Baroness Ashton which coincided with the American statement expressing great regret and calling for an investigation. Beyond this there was nothing. This is because her hands are tied. Most European countries, particularly the bigger states, will not speak out in total condemnation of Israel. This is especially true of Germany which considers itself to have a guilty past in this regard. I hope the Minister will focus equally on the United States and hold bilateral discussions with his colleagues in Europe and the United States.
Several Senators have reflected on the fact that everything continues to be the same, no matter what happens. For them, I leave this quote: "In the aftermath of the crisis observers suggested Israel's diplomatic position and foreign reputation had been permanently tainted. The New York Times reported that Israel was facing its worst diplomatic crisis in two decades.” Does that comment refer to the events of Monday last? No, it refers to the invasion of Gaza. This will continue, unless action is taken.
What happened is a source of deep embarrassment to the Israeli military. It is obvious there was not total consensus at Israeli Cabinet meetings last week and that resistance was not anticipated. One Minister is reported to have said the Cabinet thought the people on board the boats would turn and flee once the military personnel boarded and that they were caught unawares. This has been a military failure for the Israeli defence forces which pushed the expedition in the Israeli Cabinet, although there was dissent within it. The secretary to the Israeli Cabinet is quoted in Ha’aretz, the most influential newspaper in Israel, as saying he opposed the military intervention, that they should allow the boats to go into Gaza because not allowing them to do so would be a major public relations disaster for the state of Israel. There are sane voices, even within the Israeli Cabinet.
I wish the Minister well in what he has done. He is following a proud tradition and I hope he will continue to do so in tackling this intractable and complex problem.
I thank all Senators, including the Acting Chairman, for their contributions to the debate. It follows the constructive debate yesterday in the other House where all parties agreed to the text of a motion. It is important that the Irish Houses of Parliament send a unified message to the international community that we condemn the Israeli attack on the flotilla, demand the immediate release of all detainees and call for an independent and impartial international inquiry. Our best approach is to do this on a united basis. This sends the signal to the global community that we wish to send. A united statement from the Houses of Parliament is a powerful message in itself. That is why I asked Opposition spokespersons in the other House to join me in drafting the motion that emerged from the debate yesterday. This House may also subscribe to that motion.
Senator Daly has a continuing interest in this issue and has raised with me many issues pertaining to Gaza, both as a Senator and arising from his involvement with the Free Gaza movement. Other Senators have also taken an interest in the issue in which there has been a general interest and with which there has been engagement across the House and elsewhere.
Senator Leyden referred to the politics of the latest atrocity. No country has stood more clearly than Ireland on a range of issues from the war in Gaza onwards. Because of this we have been the focus of much attention. I do not say this to seek any commendation. Whether we like it, it is simply a fact.
Senators mentioned the Goldstone report. We did not stand by on it. We endorsed it at the United Nations General Assembly where we had only four other EU countries behind us. We were disappointed by this. Thankfully, in a second vote some months later a greater number of EU countries supported our stance. At the time of the Gaza conflict, there were some very tough and challenging meetings at EU level. However, I have noticed a shift in opinion and orientation among some EU member states. Senators have been honest in observing that 27 member states must come from different perspectives and backgrounds. The conclusions arrived at last December under the Swedish Presidency were strong in their commitment to a two state solution and in terms of the blockade on Gaza. They were much stronger than previous ones. Ireland had a significant input in their shape with the Swedish Presidency and other like-minded states. I have, therefore, noticed an evolution in thought and approach among European member states in the last 15 to 18 months. It is slow and may not be perceptible to many looking in from the outside, but I have witnessed it. It stems from the power of debate and argument which can be long and arduous, but is, in essence, the fundamental power we have. People call for action. That is the most effective action we can take.
Side by side with individual issues and episodes that have occurred, there is the broader question of trying to be effective and influential in brokering a peace deal. There is much respect for Ireland across the Middle East and we want to approach this issue with a degree of balance. Senator Quinn accused me of lacking balance. He is entitled to do so. This is a debate and it is important that we have one. I believe I am balanced in my approach to this matter. I speak out when I see blatant injustices taking place or illogical policies that are counterproductive to the security of Israel and a strategic resolution of the conflict. The blockade of Gaza is wrong because it amounts to a collective punishment of the people. That is the fundamental point. All of this happened because of the illegal blockade of Gaza.
After my visit to Gaza, I was followed by Bang Ki-Moon and Cathy Ashton. We raised the issue at European Union level and spoke to President Obama who asked us for our observations and Secretary of State Clinton. The events of the past week happened because non-governmental organisations representing citizens with strong views on the situation in the Middle East wanted to demonstrate their opposition to the blockade. The Israeli Government has issues with that but citizens in the free world are entitled to articulate their position, to oppose and to object once it is within peaceful means. As a democrat, I must uphold the right of people to do that. Israel needs to be more tolerant. I am not naive and I acknowledge that within any non-governmental movement, elements can emerge from time to time. We witnessed that in El Arish in 2008. Many people came back to me and said they did not realise there were elements within that. In this context, people are entitled to profile and highlight a blatant injustice such as a blockade and to seek to bring humanitarian aid through.
Senator Quinn felt that was unrealistic and unreasonable and he referred to a comment I made, about which I was a little taken aback because I asked whether anyone was suggesting, given what has happened, that it would be unreasonable to allow the ships through. No one in the wide earthly world, including those in the Free Gaza Movement flotilla, would object to inspection, even in the zone. As it turns out, I spoke to Shane Dillon, a participant, and his observation was that everything was screened before it was taken on board his ship. In any event, if the Israeli authorities wanted to screen ships, they could.
The bottom line is that is not the issue. The issue is UNRWA cannot access cement to build schools because it is regarded as something that could contribute to the manufacture of a war material and, therefore, is not allowed in. The list of prohibited goods changes at different times, which is farcical. The international community wants a comprehensive range of material to be allowed in for the reconstruction of Gaza. Billions of dollars were committed by the international community at the major donor conference in Sharm el-Sheikh in the aftermath of the Gaza war. Countries such as France are waiting to build hospitals but little progress has been made. It has not been comprehensive enough and it is only scratching the surface.
The situation would be transformed if the blockade were lifted and if reconstruction took place in Gaza. Much needed employment would be generated for many young people because Gaza has a young population. There is significant malnourishment of children, which I witnessed. It is harrowing to watch fathers and mothers queuing desperately for basic food supplies. UNRWA does not supply a comprehensive food basket. It provides basic supplies such as flour, which gives people the bare necessities in the context of the food nutrients a population requires. Despite all the talk from Israeli spokespeople, it does not stack up.
This reflects the wider peace process. The blockade has been a significant barrier to advancing talks between the Palestinians and Israel to get to where we all want, which is a two-state solution and people living in harmony. It is also wholly counterproductive. Senator Quinn asked about what cannot get into Gaza. The bottom line is the blockade has sustained Hamas. There are many tunnels which are controlled by the organisation. Its members collect customs duties and taxes on goods that pass through the tunnels. I met legitimate business people who have been wiped out. They had traded with Israel and through Israeli merchants for a long time. They have gone out of business and are watching a new generation of business people emerge who are under the control of and supported by Hamas. This makes no sense and is counterproductive to any strategic objective of Israel or the international community. Seeing is believing.
We were satisfied with the conclusions of the European Council meeting in December regarding the blockade. A range of issues were raised by Members. For example, I mentioned that Ireland is respected but we must balance how we approach various issues. Membership of the OECD is not, and cannot be, interpreted as an endorsement of Israeli policies. It is an economic organisation which issues reports on economic development. In no way can it be construed as supporting Israeli policy. I have not taken the boycott-disinvestment route because it would not help to achieve the objective we want, which is a resolution of the Middle East conflict. We have made that call in the context of how we approach this.
Ireland was asked to chair the Middle East resolution at the recent Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty review conference because it was felt by those in charge that we had some credibility and would have the capacity to bring countries as disparate as the US and Iran together and devise a formula and language that would meet the requirements of a successful conference. As one of the founding members of the NPT, we were concerned that progress would be made at the conference, which was held in New York over the past month. One of our civil servants, Alison Kelly, chaired the Middle East resolution and did an excellent job. She was a tremendous tribute to our diplomatic service and to the high calibre of staff within the Department. Perhaps people need to understand the broader context within which we must operate from time to time. We must have credibility with all sides if we want to make a contribution to the resolution.
I accept that creates challenges and problems but we have been fair. For example, we facilitated the ICTU conference in Dublin Castle by organising the hall and so on to ensure the widest exchange of views and contributions. We knew many of the themes of the conference related to boycott-disinvestment but we supported ICTU's right to host it and to invite speakers and so on. I was invited to speak and I outlined my perspective on boycotts and disinvestment in regard to Israel.
I sent a letter to every Oireachtas Member about the EU-Israel Association Agreement. There are association agreements with many countries but the same principle of boycott and so on applies. There were moves to upgrade that EU-Israel agreement but we said there could not be an upgrade because of the stalled political process in the Middle East and future upgrades would have to relate to political progress and resolution of the conflict. I have yet to detect the political will to resolve this. The proximity talks were undermined in an incredible fashion, which was difficult to comprehend, when US Vice President Biden visited Israel. When he went to launch the talks he was undermined by an announcement of the construction of a settlement in east Jerusalem. The talks, which should have begun much earlier, still have not commenced. Ultimately, they will lead to direct discussions. There should be Palestinian reconciliation but that has stalled for various reasons. It is a major inhibitor of progress because one needs a unified, coherent Palestinian voice at the talks that ultimately will take place.
Senators Dearey, Ó Brolcháin and others referred to the Rachel Corrie. I have made it clear publicly on the basis of my discussions with the crew members that they are pacifists and committed humanitarians and they indicated they will make it clear to the Israeli authorities that they have no wish for confrontation or conflict.
They will demonstrate that physically on board in terms of their demeanours, dispositions and so on, and in terms of the information they are going to impart to the Israeli authorities. That is why I have asked the Israeli authorities to avoid any interception in international waters. Given all that has happened they should allow the flotilla unimpeded into Gaza. They have said they will not, and want to maintain the blockade, but there is an urgent need for people to calm the tension here. Nine people have been killed. My utmost priority is to ensure no one else is injured or killed.
Many Senators have said this is a watershed in terms of the blockade and as regards the international community and its approach. I hope it is, in terms of the blockade, although what has occurred is an awful tragedy since nine people are dead, that we know about. Families are mourning tonight who should not be, as a result of the humanitarian situation.
Finally, as regards the passports, I made the situation clear two weeks ago in the other House. I had a week in China, but we have received a report from the Passport Office and from the Garda Commissioner. I indicated two weeks ago in the Dáil that I would be proposing action to Government that would be appropriate to the issue of the forging of Irish Passports, as regards the killing of Mahmoud al-Mabhouh. When news came in on Monday, I believed that would be the wrong time to announce that action, in the midst of all that had unfolded that day and on Tuesday. Any announcement would, frankly, have been lost and I also wanted to await more details and information about last Monday's events. I am proposing action to Government in relation to that and we will announce this in due course. I have always made it clear how unacceptable it is and was to forge Irish Passports and place Irish civilians at risk while undermining the integrity of the Irish Passport system. An appropriate response will emanate in relation to that.
I hope I have dealt with most of the issues Senators have raised. I have dealt with Goldstone. I thank and appreciate the genuine interest of Members of the House. My final comment in relation to Senator Quinn's assertions is that I do not believe there is any comparison between the Cuban missile crisis and what happened last week. They are many miles apart in terms of the reality of the situation. We said on Monday and I repeat tonight that the full story is not out yet. Very few people have spoken to those who were on the actual ship where people were killed. The situation has yet to unfold in that regard. We have had one controlled version, and there was a blanketing of all information on Monday and Tuesday, a jamming of all communication. My understanding is that the vast majority of cameras and videos on board the ship were confiscated, so it is prudent to hear what those on board have to say in terms of their perspective of what happened. I am in no doubt that a decision to engage militarily with the flotilla was most ill-conceived and wrong. It was that decision that led to the death of nine people, and the injury of many more. In my view, that was a fundamentally wrong decision and it should never have happened.
When is it proposed to sit again?
Tomorrow at 10.30 a.m.