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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Tuesday, 14 Feb 2012

Vol. 213 No. 7

Bretton Woods Agreements (Amendment) (No. 2) Bill 2011: Second Stage

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I welcome the opportunity to address the Seanad on the Second Stage of the Bretton Woods Agreements (Amendment) (No. 2) Bill 2011. The purpose of the Bill, which is very short, is to enable Ireland to accept an amendment to the articles of agreement of the International Monetary Fund, IMF, which are incorporated in existing legislation, namely, the Bretton Woods Acts 1957 to 2011.

The amendment, which is known as the amendment on the reform of the executive board, arises in the context of a number of IMF governance reforms that were agreed by the board of governors in December 2010. At present, the five largest members of the IMF are entitled to appoint one executive director. The effect of the proposed amendment is that the executive board will in future consist only of elected executive directors, thus ending the category of appointed directors. It is expected that the amendment will facilitate restructuring of the Board on a more representative basis.

I apologise for interrupting but would it be possible to obtain copies of the Minister of State's speech?

We will try to obtain copies for the Senators. The main objective of the IMF, which was established following the Bretton Woods conference in 1945 and which Ireland joined in 1957, is to support global financial stability in the interest of all its members. Since the onset of the global financial crisis, the fund has played a key role in helping to restore stability to the international system. We are particularly aware of this in the context of the EU-IMF programme for Ireland.

The IMF is a quota-based institution. Each member country is assigned a quota based mainly on its relative position in the world economy. Quota subscriptions generate most of the IMF's financial resources. A member's quota determines its maximum financial commitment to the IMF and its voting power and has a bearing on its access to IMF financing and the cost of borrowing from the fund. However, current quotas have not kept up with changing economic realities, especially the increased economic weight of major emerging countries in the world economy. While the quota adjustments will benefit emerging market economies in the main, a number of economically advanced countries, including Ireland, which have been significantly under-represented in the past, will also receive a quota increase.

In December 2010, the board of governors agreed on a package of quota and governance reforms building on decisions which were taken in 2008 and which were designed to strengthen the fund's legitimacy and effectiveness. It is worth recalling that, under the 2008 reforms, it was agreed to realign voting power in the IMF to reflect changes in the global economy and to increase the voting power and participation of low-income countries. The related amendments to the IMF articles were provided for under the Bretton Woods Agreements (Amendment) Act 2011, and the Bill before the House continues this process of governance reform.

The 2010 reforms involve a shift of more than 6% of quota shares to dynamic emerging market and developing countries while protecting the quota shares and voting powers of the poorest members. The amendment on the reform of the executive board is, by resolution of the IMF board of governors, required to have entered into force before the quota increases can become effective. This requires acceptance of the amendment by a voting threshold of three fifths of members, with 85% of total voting power. While it is not possible to be definitive with regard to the timeline for the implementation of the 2010 quota changes by resolution of the board, each member has committed to use its best efforts to complete the necessary steps for acceptance before the annual meeting in October of this year. That is the entire objective of the exercise. As I stated on Committee Stage in the Dáil, we are trying to put the legislation in place in advance of the annual meeting to which I refer. This will enable Ireland and other countries to implement the reforms contemplated in the legislation, which are important for all members of the IMF.

While the quota adjustments will benefit emerging market economies in the main, a number of economically advanced countries which have been under-represented in the past, including Ireland, will receive a quota increase. When the amendment has been accepted by the requisite majority of IMF members, the quota increases agreed in 2010 will come into effect. The adjustments will result in a significant increase in Ireland's quota and this will result in an important reduction in the interest rate margin on our borrowings from the fund. The legislation is, therefore, designed to allow the Government to agree to the reforms in question at the annual meeting of the IMF in October. By logical extension, those reforms will allow for a lower rate of interest on our borrowings from the IMF. That is an important and significant point, particularly in the context of the situation in which we find ourselves. The Central Bank has estimated that, taking into account the previous quota adjustments, which were implemented in March 2011 and the further increase under the 2010 reforms, there could be an overall reduction, on a weighted average basis, of the order of 100 basis points in the cost of our IMF borrowings. This is a very welcome development and the present Bill is part of the process of delivering this adjustment. It should be noted that these expected savings may change either upward or downward in light of future quota revisions. This is a very short Bill with just three sections. The main provisions relate to acceptance by the Government of the amendment on the reform of the executive board. The text of the amendment is contained in the Schedule to the Bill.

Section 1 of the Bill sets out the definitions of terms used in the Bill. Section 2 provides for approval of the acceptance of the amendment of the IMF articles by the Government. Section 3 contains the provisions relating to the Short Title, construction and collective citation.

The amendment on the reform of the executive board is set out in the Schedule to the Bill and has 15 sections. The first section provides that the executive board shall consist of 20 executive directors——

I do not know if this has happened to other Senators and I apologise, but there is a page missing from the copy of the speech that has been distributed.

We will try to address it.

All of the copies of the speech are distributed with the health warning, "check against delivery", and this is a warning for Senators and the media. I apologise for the missing page.

I think it is the second last page. I thank the Minister of State.

We will allow the Minister of State to continue and try to rectify it.

The second section provides that, for the purpose of each regular election of executive directors, the board of governors, by an 85% majority of the total voting power, may increase or decrease the number of executive directors. The effect of this provision is that the existing possibility, whereby the size of the board may be adjusted, will continue to apply to the restructured board.

The third section provides that elections to the all-elected executive board will continue to be at intervals of two years and in accordance with regulations adopted by the board.

The remaining sections 4 to 15 delete or amend existing provisions which refer to the category of appointed executive directors and include transitional provisions to govern the period between the entry into force of the amendment and the first election following such entry into force. These sections do not provide for any changes to the existing provisions beyond those resulting from the elimination of the category of appointed executive directors.

As I said at the outset, this is a short Bill designed to give effect to IMF reforms which were approved in 2010 by the board of governors, including the then Irish Minister for Finance. The changes relate to the governance framework of the IMF and are part of the ongoing process of modernising the fund and enhancing its legitimacy in today's world.

Ireland's acceptance of this amendment will contribute to the ratification process to enable the amendment to come into effect, the target date, as I stated earlier, being by the next IMF annual meeting in October 2012. The implementation of the amendment, when it becomes effective, will trigger the related quota increases and lead to a significant reduction of the interest rate on Ireland's IMF borrowings.

In summary, there are tangible benefits for Ireland from this process. The quota increase will assist in strengthening our representation and influence in the IMF and will result in reduced borrowing costs. To put it in a nutshell, up to now, as I understand it, the big countries have automatically held sway and had people appointed directly to the board of governors of the IMF. The impact of this legislative change, once it is accepted by the IMF, will be that people must be elected to the board. This recognises that the world is a different place to what it was ten or 15 years ago and, as a consequence, representatives from big and small countries must be elected. This is a fundamental reform which people have expected for quite some time. It is thus in Ireland's interest, and in the interest of the IMF membership generally, that the Bill be enacted. I commend the Bill to the House.

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. I appreciate he probably received his script on his way into the Chamber as it is the nature of the business. Perhaps in his capacity as head of the main procurement agency for the Government he will send a memo to all Ministers and Ministers of State to state when they come before the House they might at least have the courtesy to make their initial speeches available to Senators and certainly to spokespersons. This is not meant as a personal reflection. The only reason I raise this is because the Minister of State has sat in this Chamber as a Senator to discuss a technical Bill of this nature——

I am sorry, a Leas-Chathaoirligh,——

I am not in any way attempting to put the Minister of State on the spot but the point might be made. This is not the first time this has happened and it also happened under the previous Administration. It is important that we put it on the record and we will leave it at that.

To put it to bed and ensure it is not repeated by other Ministers and Ministers of State, perhaps the Leader can address it by contacting the various Ministers and Ministers of State. I am sure it is a teething problem that can be resolved.

I have no wish to in any way embarrass the Minister of State. That was not my intention.

I accept the Senator's bona fides.

I thank the Leas-Chathaoirleach.

In the past five years the IMF has had an ambitious programme of reform. As the Minister of State correctly pointed out, this is the latest in a series of reform mechanisms. The previous Administration introduced similar legislation at the beginning of the process in 2010. The executive board will be reduced to 20 members from 24 and they will be elected. As the Minister of State said, prior to this its members were appointed. It has been a source of criticism globally, not from countries such as Ireland but from developing countries, that there has been an unfair weighting in terms of who is on the board. Perhaps the new quota system will provide an opportunity for emerging economies.

There is continuing criticism about the fact that the head of the IMF and the head of the World Bank are appointed, and that a nice little arrangement seems to exist between the US, which usually takes the position of president of the World Bank, and Europe, which takes the IMF position, with Christine Lagarde in the position at present. I do not raise this in order to change it although there are those who are critical of it. It is important and relevant from an Irish perspective that we have somebody with a European background, and with regard to the EU, Christine Lagarde had a very strong and warm relationship with the current and previous Administrations here when she served as French Minister for Finance. Her sentiments were very positive towards Ireland.

It was rather unfortunate, and I use the word cautiously, that Dominique Strauss-Kahn had to step down because there had always been a perception, in this country and others, that the IMF was a great bogeyman and when it came into a country it effectively decimated its economy. However, it became apparent from the public statements of Dominique Strauss-Kahn, prior to and during his tenure of office, that he was very concerned the fragile economies which the IMF entered would not be further eroded or destabilised by the fiscal policies traditionally pursued by the IMF. There are stories going way back about the manner in which it effectively reduced economies and the people in them almost to penury. There is a new awareness, particularly in light of the international banking crisis that started in 2008 and which has affected all countries. I want to put on the record that we are not unique in this regard. Some might say the previous Administration was unlucky to have been there when it happened, but it happened and we are now dealing with its aftermath.

This particular reform is very positive. I appreciate the Minister of State will put a positive spin on it but I understand that while there will be some financial advantages to the country they will be quite small. The Bill does not say exactly what they will be but I suppose one must be thankful for small mercies in the current climate, and any reduction in Ireland's financial liability must be welcomed.

We would prefer if the IMF was not here, in a sense dictating Irish economic policy, but that is what is happening. Interestingly, from reading letters to The Irish Times certain people seem to suggest it is manna from heaven that the IMF came here because successive Administrations did not bite the bullet in terms of stricter and tighter economic and fiscal policy. It took the IMF to wake us up and make us take the decisions we have taken. However, even with its committed support of €22.5 billion from the extended fund facility, loans under the EU-IMF programme of assistance to the end of last September amounted to €26.5 billion. Loans from EU sources amounted to €17.6 billion, while loans from the IMF amounted to €8.9 billion. We are talking megabucks in terms of the impact on the economy. It is sad these are loans rather amounting to a free lunch. The country must address this matter and is doing so. I wish the Government well in its efforts to ensure this happens, with particular reference to the promissory notes. It is morally unjustified at this point in the development of the banking crisis that a promissory note of €30 billion is still hanging over us like the sword of Damocles because much has moved on since the giving of the bank guarantee in 2008; the environment has changed completely and we will be left in an impossible position unless the Government seeks adjustments. I know it is very much aware of this.

I would like to think sentiment for Ireland is positive because we are seen as being model pupils, an awful term to use when one considers the reality of our economic situation. However, if we are adjusting and complying, painful as it may be, and seeing a spark at the end of a long dark tunnel, surely there must be reciprocation on the part of the European Union. This is not a case of giving back the money or sending it up in smoke, rather it is about an adjustment to allow the country to manage its way out of the economic morass in which it finds itself in an orderly fashion to give some hope to the people. It is all about hope and confidence, like everything else. Therefore, I hope any attempts the Government is making in this regard will be successful.

In spite of our compliance record under both the previous and current Administrations which I applaud, there was one significant criticism by the IMF since the budget, namely, that the budget decision to reduce capital spending was too severe. Perhaps it was not a criticism as such, but it raised eyebrows, offering a view the Government might have gone a little too far in the reduction on the capital side as distinct from the current side. The only reason I raise this issue — it is an old chestnut at this stage, as the Minister of State is well aware — is I genuinely believe that if we were to spend a little more public money on the roads and infrastructure in general, we would create jobs. It is a Keynesian approach to economics that now seems to be out of favour in the austerity-led German-French alliance. However, the Government would do itself and the country a great favour if it were to consider this point in the context of the budgetary position and try to find avenues to explore such as the establishment of a bank of reconstruction or perhaps using pension funds to stimulate the economy.

Like the Minister of State, I commend the legislation which is an important step along the road towards full reform of the IMF. It is important that Ireland is seen to be an active participant in that regard.

The IMF dates back to the end of the Second World War when it was established along with the World Bank. Certain procedures and requirements were stipulated for each institution; everything was more or less carved up in that the senior person in the IMF was to be a European, while his or her counterpart in the World Bank was to be an American. This stood the test of time until Mr. Strauss Kahn ran into his difficulties in New York and there was a substantial play to seek the position of senior person within the IMF when candidates from Israel and Mexico were in the race. Even though Christine Lagarde won the day, we are moving towards a new world order and an era in regard to the position of developing countries. The previous world order was established with the United Nations, the IMF, the World Bank and others after the Second World War, but within the past 15 to 20 years, especially in the past ten, that order of great countries, with the power and resources they possess, is changing. That is the way it should be. The figure being quoted is 6% towards the nations in waiting. The agreement is in place and anything we say or do in this House will not change that position. This legislation must be concluded before next meetings are held in October.

The IMF has been the subject of substantial criticism by people who have worked within the organisation and by others outside it in other organisations. It is a matter of opinion. The term "bogeyman" was used on the other side of the House, but the organisation has been called much worse than this. It all comes back to the manner in which its representatives come to a country, do not negotiate but dictate as far as practicable what the arrangements will be. We are experiencing this to some degree. Far too often countries were not prepared to do the difficult thing and others had to come in who were not very concerned about what had happened in the past or other historical considerations within a country. They reduced everything significantly. Unfortunately, on too many occasions people are not prepared to give up what they have. "What we have we hold" is an expression used by people worldwide, not only in Ireland. During the summer I read a book about what had happened in the United States when some cities went bankrupt. Even though this had happened, those employed by the cities in question refused to accept any pay reduction. This happens worldwide. People do not like to accept reductions, but they tend not to negotiate as extensively as a government must do.

In November 2010 when the troika came to town, the concern was there would be a calamity, but it has proved to be much more accommodating than many had anticipated. I am very glad that one point is clear, namely, that the troika, particularly the IMF, has agreed to look at the promissory notes issue in the context of the recapitalisation of Irish banks. For one institution, Anglo Irish Bank, the numbers are in the region of €30 billion of the €63 billion due and I am satisfied there will be a result. Normally, bodies of that nature do not negotiate and there is no outcome or result that is satisfactory to all parties to the discussions.

On that basis and because no one was representing this House, a number of weeks ago I travelled to Berlin with the finance committee. I paid my own way because I was not included in the roll-call of those travelling and it was a trip worth taking. If there is a governmental agreement with financial implications for German taxpayers, the German Government will have to put the question before the budgetary committee of the Bundestag. We can all participate, not only at governmental level but also in our parties and at parliamentary committee level to try to advance these issues. I refer to the 1% reduction. We will take anything that is offered. We would like to receive more than 1%, but if that is the figure agreed to, so be it. It is a considerable result on the promissory notes issue and most welcome.

The view has been expressed in both Chambers of the Oireachtas that there is a moral obligation on us to pay all of the national debt. However, all of us, despite our different political mindsets, agreed when we met the Bundestag finance committee that one message had to be delivered, which was that there is a differentiation between the national debt that everyone agrees we are morally obliged to pay - this is how we pay, for example, our civil servants, the old age pension and child benefit - and the socialisation of bank debt, which is now considered to be sovereign debt. We delivered that message and parties from different strands of the political spectrum were on board.

I refer to the information about the troika review that was released earlier relating to the memorandum of understanding and the potential for a portion of the funds accruing from the sale of State assets being made available to the Government to assist job creation. We all accept that no country can get out of financial difficulties such as these without economic growth. According to the ESRI, an increase in GDP of 1% equates to 40,000 jobs. The objective is to get people back to work and I am pleased and satisfied that everything is not doom and gloom, which was the impression created prior to the visit of the EU-IMF delegation to Dublin. They see sense. We are meeting our targets, unlike others. For example, Spain is in significant difficulty with the European Commission tonight. If there is going to be a success under the programme, it will be Ireland. It is not pleasant, easy or nice but we can get there.

I welcome the Minister and I thank him for his contribution. The IMF was a vital institution following the war when architecture was needed to prevent a repeat of the 1930s and, as Senator D'Arcy said, this also included the World Bank, the UN and the International Civil Aviation Organisation. Most of these bodies served us well and there were no reruns of the Second World War. The IMF had an important role and Irish people played a significant part. I recall my own colleagues, Professors John Bristow and Alan Tait, working for the fund to help other countries, which the organisation went into by invitation. However, they were demonised, as the Minister of State said. In recruiting graduates from our department in Trinity College Dublin, the IMF chose the top people and it therefore built up expertise in economics, which plays a valuable role.

The reduction in the interest rate referred to by the Minister of State and the change in the organisation's remit to give developing countries whose economies are expanding rapidly a better say in how the IMF runs itself are welcome. Senators have referred to the fund's presence in Ireland. It is of huge value to us. Mr. Chopra has become a national figure who is widely liked. The IMF representatives have given us breathing space. What on earth would we have done if they had not come in? However, more important, as the Wilson report showed, the Department of Finance was short of economic expertise and it was valuable to have the IMF delegation present. I hope we will continue to avail of that expertise when the rescue period is over.

Senator Mooney and others wondered whether Keynesianism is applicable in a small, open economy, because many economists doubt it. I am not sure that the troika was correct in its criticism of the Government's capital programme because we need to develop capital investment appraisal techniques. I would establish a central office of project evaluation, COPE, and then put projects through the House to establish whether they were worthwhile. We had such a record of not investing in good capital projects and running up capital debt that the Government was correct. If the IMF thinks we should do more, the corollary is it should assist us in developing appraisal techniques, which should be published well in advance in order that we can judge whether a project is right.

When the IMF representatives visit Dublin, they should relate more to Parliament. Members have asked the Leader to invite them to the House. There are 42 new Senators and 77 new Deputies in this Oireachtas and it is important that the fund brings them on board. They are dealing with faults in public administration, including hopeless bank regulation and faults within the Department of Finance. Bringing the elected representatives on board would, therefore, be a major development.

Ireland experienced regulatory capture in that the banks undoubtedly got hold of the Exchequer on 29 and 30 September 2008. Have the IMF representatives ideas on how to prevent that happening again? Keynesianism in Ireland has built up a large, powerful bureaucracy. When the Government Chief Whip took a debate in the House, he stressed the importance of the Central Statistics Office and its independence and professionalism. Do we need a Government economics service, which would be both professional and independent?

According to the troika document released earlier, the Government needs to beef up competition policy. Measures have been introduced to address sheltered sectors, including one passed by the House last week to open up GP lists to new doctors. However, large sections of the economy have become sheltered, including airports and health insurance. It is strange that the Minister of State at the Department of Transport, Tourism and Sport seemed to think it a good idea that between 16% and 23% of taxi drivers might leave the industry. The deregulation of the industry was a successful policy and the Government needs to be more in touch with how economic policy works because mistakes were made. For example, there is a fiscal responsibility Bill on the Order Paper, which must be taken.

I support the IMF and the reason I was looking through the Minister of State's speech was to find even more supportive things to say to him and about him, and that has been remedied. The organisation has performed a valuable role and Irish people have played an important part in the secretariat and in providing economic expertise. The fund's staff provided an important input as we looked into the economic abyss a few years ago. They have steadied the ship and we should value their ideas on how we grow and their provision of economic help and expertise, which was highlighted in the jobs plan announced yesterday. The Minister will have his Bill long before the October deadline and I wish him well in that endeavour.

I compliment Senators Mooney and Barrett on their positive attitude and approach to this agreement. I never realised there were so many economists and economic academics in the country. The majority seem to survive on one-upmanship in the context of who will be first out with the bad news. If they continue to dish out enough bad news, eventually they will get something right.

One or two of them have.

That is my point. I do not know who is paying for all the economic academics. I was asked earlier to put this agreement in a nutshell. I replied that the country would be in a bad way without it. Under the proposed changes, it is positive that the management of the IMF will be directly elected. Second, Ireland will benefit by way of an interest rate reduction. Some have given figures of 100 base points, 1%, etc. but I would not quantify any reduction we may receive when the Minister is negotiating on our behalf. A long game is being played in respect of the promissory notes, but some of our more economic minded people and academics appear to be jumping the gun and not waiting for the negotiations to conclude to see the results, rather they are pre-empting the outcome.

Senator Sean D. Barrett made a good point on capital projects, in respect of which Senator Paschal Mooney said there was a deficit. That will be a positive aspect in the long term because, as Senator Sean D. Barrett stated, it will lead to value for money being achieved in such projects. By and large, there is value to be obtained, but many people in every walk of life are still charging above the odds. They have decided that if they do not get the job, so be it, that they will not work for less than a particular rate. That applies to Government projects also. We are all aware that in emergency cases local authorities must buy houses for families and once an auctioneer becomes aware that a house is being purchased for a county council, the price increases. In fairness to Senator Sean D. Barrett, he has previously highlighted the evaluation of capital projects. For years contracts were signed at a certain figure and it was then a case of adding on extras which amounted to more than the initial capital investment. Bad value was obtained in these cases. I do not look on the lack of capital investment this year as something negative because it will lay a pathway for capital investment in the future.

I ask people to keep their powder dry regarding the negotiations on the promissory notes because with the Minister negotiating on behalf of the country I can only see a positive outcome. While this is primarily a technical Bill, it gives effect to the IMF reforms approved in 2010 when the former Minister for Finance was negotiating on our behalf. I see two positives. First, the leaders will be directly elected — it will provide for increased representation for Ireland in that regard — and, second, there will be an interest rate reduction. Therefore, I support the Bill.

I will be brief because as previous speakers mentioned, this is a technical Bill to which we are not opposed. Therefore, we will not vote against it. However, we do have concerns about the IMF and its domination by developed countries which account for 15% of its members but which hold 60% of the votes. This must change. Further reforms are needed, central to which is giving the developing world an equal say in the way the IMF will be run. There is an argument that those countries most affected by its policies should have a greater say in the way it operates and that there is a need to abandon the use of the stringent policy conditions attached to the loans it gives. There is a need for a lender of last resort on the international stage and the IMF could be an appropriate body to fill that role.

As mentioned, the IMF attaches stringent and strict conditions to loans. This means, as we know, that national governments are told what they are supposed to do in no uncertain terms. Like any organisation, the IMF should be entitled to expect that it will get back what it loans but countries which are broke and in desperate circumstances have their economic policies dictated to them. In many cases this is unhealthy and unsustainable. Mali is one of the poorest countries in the world, with 90% of the population living on less than $2 a day. The consequences of the IMF's most recent involvement are stark. Utility prices rose dramatically following privatisation, while cotton prices dropped heavily following trade liberalisation. Development aid from the World Bank to the value of $72 million was blocked, which had the effect of making the majority in the country even poorer. This is not a record one could stand over. The head of the IMF is on a salary of $440,000, plus allowances, each year, yet the IMF lectures countries about the need for austerity, financial discipline and fortitude. It is subscribing to cuts to the minimum wage and in health care and other public services while its officials live on huge salaries. I look forward to the day when we can have a more substantive debate on governance reform in a democratic forum, but for now we will support the Bill.

I call Senator Jimmy Harte who was outmanoeuvred by Senator Tom Sheahan who was quick off the mark.

They are fast on the pitch also.

It is difficult to beat these Kerrymen. They are quick.

I welcome the Minister of State once again. When I was in school, we read about the IMF and the Bretton Woods Agreement. It was something we thought we read about only in a textbook, but images of IMF representatives arriving at our door brought me back to a time when I studied the theory of the Bretton Woods Agreement for my leaving certificate. Regardless of what is said about or our opinion of it, Europe and the world would be a much different place without the IMF and its involvement for the past 55 years, even though it might be populated by dictators and others who have ulterior motives. The Bretton Woods Agreement was put in place following the Second World War and concerned the way countries would harmonise their relationships. Generally, it has worked to the betterment of Europe and perhaps the world when we consider what happened in the last century.

The sentence in the Bill that hits everybody is that implementation of the amendment will trigger the related quota increases and lead to a significant reduction in the interest rate charged on Ireland's IMF borrowings. That is what the people want to hear because they know when that happens, it will be to the benefit of taxpayers. Five or six years ago no one in this building would have thought we would be talking about the IMF coming here because, as Senator Kathryn Reilly said, it was always mentioned in the context of dealing with countries such as Mali and other Third World countries. We never envisaged the day when Ireland would need its assistance, but we have no choice in the matter. If we do not work with it, it will give us its answer. In fairness, even the previous Government recognised, albeit late on, that we had a problem which we are now fixing.

No one has any problem with the Bill. Senator Sean D. Barrett is the expert on the "ins" and "outs" of the IMF, economic history and the prognosis for the country. I am sure the Minister of State is up there also in terms of his knowledge, but the sentence in the Bill that indicates we will benefit from a rate reduction is what people want and need to see. Therefore, I support the Bill.

Does the Minister of State wish to respond because there isunanimity on the matter?

I thank colleagues for their positive comments on the Bill. A lovely story was told by Dave Allen in the wonderful series he made in the late 1970s and early 1980s in which he described what it had been like to grow up in Waterford city. He said that if ever he was a bold boy his mother would say that if he did not go to sleep the "scissorman" will come and get him. He was a guy who allegedly went around Waterford and elsewhere at the time chopping off children's fingers and nails. Dave Allen used to ask the question: "Would you sleep too if this lunatic was out and about going to kill you?" A little like the "scissorman", the IMF had a bogeyman status for some years largely because of what occurred in the 1970s. During the course of the past decade or so, its world view has changed a little. It has seen itself as an organisation which helps countries grow and develop and there is a recognition that stimulus is needed and that fundamental reform does not always have to be on the austerity front in that it must also be about how an economy develops.

I first met Mr. Chopra and his colleagues with the then Deputies Noonan and Kenny and a few other colleagues on the finance team when we were not in government. He said in that wonderful Mombasa voice of his that: "We need to get to know you because it looks like you are going to be in government in a few months time". He asked the question: "What is Fine Gael?" I answered that by saying: "Last night I was in University College Dublin addressing a Young Fine Gael meeting and a very smart 19 year old Young Fine Gael member said that "the IMF agenda is the Fine Gael agenda". I said: "Whatever that means, I am not sure, if it is about deregulation, public sector reform and reducing expenditure, I am not exactly certain."

I thank colleagues for their remarks. Senator Mooney's remarks were very constructive. He rightly pointed out the role that is now played by Christine Lagarde as head of the IMF. It is important for this country given her significance and from where she has come in terms of the European experience. She understands this country and has a familiarity with it. In terms of our relationship with her, to have someone like her at the top of that organisation is hugely beneficial to this country, as Senator Mooney rightly pointed out.

The IMF has always been clear that its interest rate is published in the shop window, as it were. It does not negotiate. It has a clear view that if one wants to get money from it, one can check its website and see its interest rate on a daily basis. It is not negotiable. It is there arguably as a lender of last resort but there is a transparency about its interest rate regime in a way that may not be as obvious about other organisations because of the fact that it alters on a daily basis based on what it can obtain from its own forces.

I thank Senator Mooney for his welcome remarks and comments concerning the Government's efforts to redesign the promissory notes. We continue to work with our colleagues. As other Senators said, the fact that the IMF, the Commission and the ECB, in their latest report, have agreed a joint position paper, which hopefully will come into agreement by the end of February following which it can then be transcended to the political level, is an advance, but we should not set a timeline or a time limit as to when we will obtain this, if we will obtain this. We are hopeful that we will succeed but those negotiations continue.

I agree with Senator Mooney that we must concentrate in 2012 and beyond on the issue of how to stimulate the economy when we have no money. Senator Michael D'Arcy pointed out the welcome news from the Commission and the troika in terms of the proceeds of the sale of State assets. We can use some of that money for investment in jobs and in a stimulus. That is very good news. That is something on which the Government has been painstakingly working during the past year to make sure that we got over the line. When the troika first came to town, its view was straightforward. It is the lender of last resort and its view was that if we have assets, we should sell them and pay off the debt. However, we have been making the point that this would not be a sensible approach, that selling the assets in a firesale would not be sensible in terms of maximising the sale of the asset. There is no point in doing that unless we can use part of the sale of those assets for the purposes of investment in a stimulus and in jobs. We very much take on that task now, given the announcement from the Commission today.

I agree with Senator Michael D'Arcy that the BRIC countries are crucial to the future formation of the IMF. That was one of the reasons in the most recent Finance Bill the Government took the view that it was right to support our exporters who will export to the BRIC economies as a means of helping our companies at home. Very significant tax benefits will be yielded for Irish companies selling products to Brazil and Russia and breaking into new markets in China and the like. What we are trying to do in that respect is significant.

I also agree with Senator Michael D'Arcy that we have a relationship with the IMF. We have come into a close relationship with it during the past 14 or 15 months and it is developing. It recognises the significant progress that has been made in this economy during the past year and a half in terms of dealing with our problems in an up-front and honest way. I agree with the Senator's remarks in that regard.

I thank Senator Barrett for his remarks. He made a crucial point, namely, that significant numbers of Irish economists and public officials have played very senior roles in the IMF during the past 30 or 40 years and have helped other countries and helped our reputation as a small country. We have always done well as a country in punching above our weight in having very significant players in these international organisations. We are a neutral country and we come with clean hands, as it were. The Senator pointed out the role of colleagues of his in Trinity College and elsewhere who have played a significant role in the IMF, and I want to recognise that.

I fully agree with Senator Barrett that this and the other House and the committees of both these Houses need to be fully engaged in the appraisal of capital projects. The questions need to be asked before the money is spent rather than afterwards. If we have learned anything from the fiasco from some winner-takes-all projects that were selected by purely political means during the past decade and beyond, we need to properly involve Parliament; it should have an oversight role. I refer to the comments made by the Minister, Deputy Howlin, in his budget speech. We envisage a huge role for the committees of both Houses as we get close to adopting the budget at the end of this year. We need to stress-test proposals and examine options in a realistic way. I fully agree with the Senator that oversight of and parliamentary engagement in capital and current expenditure is something that this Government wants to put in place with the co-operation of all parties and Independents. We very much agree with that.

The IMF's involvement in this State is a matter for this House, but I very much hope that if colleagues want to meet the IMF and the troika, they will have an opportunity to do that and engage with them in a private way and if the troika chooses to do that in a public way, that would be a matter for it.

Senator Sheahan rightly spoke about good advice and keeping our powder dry when it comes to the promissory notes, on which I agree with him. We should not set some arbitrary deadline as to when this matter will be concluded.

Senator Reilly spoke about conditionality. She is right about that, but as Shakespeare said: "neither a borrower nor a lender be". If one draws down funds, one does it on the terms of the people who are lending to one.

Terms and conditions apply.

To return to what that Young Fine Gael member in UCD said, she has a point when she said that much of the IMF agenda is the structural reform agenda that this country must take ownership of and change if we are to develop a better economy for all of us. I also agree with Senator Reilly about the developing economies; that is why it is important that we keep development aid strong. It is in all our interests that we have strong development aid support programme for developing countries in order that we can develop those economies to help our economy and the world economy. We need to recreate our economies on a constant basis. I agree with her that there is a need for the State to continue to do that.

I thank the Senators for their positive remarks. This is a technical Bill, but the reforms that have been agreed and that will, I hope, be introduced before the October IMF meeting represent important and significant progress in terms of this international organisation and this country's relationship with it.

Question put and agreed to.

When is it proposed to take Committee Stage?

On Thursday next.

Committee Stage ordered for Thursday, 16 February 2012.

When is it proposed to sit again?

At 10.30 a.m. tomorrow.

Barr
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