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Seanad Éireann díospóireacht -
Thursday, 26 May 2022

Vol. 285 No. 9

Competition (Amendment) Bill 2022: Second Stage

Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

I am pleased to have the opportunity to introduce this Bill to Seanad Éireann. It is of vital importance. It strengthens the powers of our competition authorities to effectively enforce competition law, creating a fairer environment for Irish businesses and consumers. The Bill has passed through the Dáil and it was great to witness the cross-party support that exists for its provisions.

I think it is accepted by most Members of this House that the transformation of this country’s economy from an inward-looking and State-dominated economic model to one of export-orientated growth, dynamic competition and increased choice for citizens has resulted in unimaginable societal and economic progress for the State and its people in the past 30 years or so.

Much of this progress arose from policy decisions made and voted on by the Oireachtas driven by the desire of previous Members of this House to end the relentless emigration of our people and to pursue the idea that this nation’s living standards could be as good, if not better, than those of our European neighbours. We have, as a country, surpassed even those goals, not by accident, but by decisive and deliberate efforts of the Government to ensure that Ireland continues to have a competitive economy, not for its own purpose but to fund a fair and inclusive society, with high levels of educational attainment, good quality employment and social supports for our citizens.

The advance of our integration in the EU’s Internal Market has not only created record-level employment, it has also benefited our citizens in the choice of goods and services they can access here for competitive prices. We are all well aware however, that there are sections of our economy that are less competitive than others. Indeed, in some instances, they have conspired to keep it that way. All of us are far too aware of sectors that still have high costs associated with the services they provide, resulting in high profits but underwhelming services. We know practices that drive out competition, that drive up costs for ordinary citizens and that undermine the dynamic nature of our economy. This is why I am particularly determined to introduce this Bill to the House today for Senators’ consideration. I hope this legislation will go a long way in deliberately disrupting firms and companies that do not play fair, that try to drive out competition and that seek to rig the system to increase profits in an unfair way.

The purpose of the Bill before the House today is to introduce measures that will strengthen the powers of our national competition authorities and to give them greater tools to tackle anti-competitive practices. For too long, the State has been seen as soft on rogue businesses and those seeking to game the system. This view, whether justified or not, does significant damage to the credibility of Ireland as a place to do business and it undermines the confidence our people have in Government and Government agencies.

We see continued frustration with the high cost of insurance in this country, which is driving many small enterprises and community groups out of business. The impact on local employment and creativity when this occurs can be profound. I share that deep frustration. Despite some of the most significant reforms made in the law pertaining to competition, consumer rights and personal injuries in recent years, premiums have not dropped sufficiently and uniformly despite assurances made by the insurance sector. I think it is fair to say that the outcome of the recent investigation by the Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, CCPC, into the motor insurance market leaves questions unanswered. It also shows the need for legislation, which I am introducing today.

Let me be clear: this Government wants to see severe consequences for companies that engage in price-fixing, bid rigging or any other forms of anti-competitive practices which do damage to our economy and our people. We believe that unlawful actions by companies should have strict and severe consequences. There needs to be proper penalties for unlawful actions. That is the reason and purpose of the introduction of this Bill today. We are seeking to give teeth to our agencies that are charged with protecting consumers and our economy. We need to properly resource those agencies and give them the powers required through legislation to carry out their tasks both efficiently and effectively.

As Members of this House will know, Ireland has two national administrative competition authorities, namely, the Competition and Consumer Protection Commission and the Commission for Communications Regulation, ComReg. This Bill will transpose the ECN+ directive. This will mean that for the first time in Ireland, competition law can be enforced through administrative actions taken by competition authorities. The European Competition Network, ECN, is composed of the Commission along with national competition authorities from each member state.

It became apparent to the network that there are a number of areas in which existing EU law is insufficient to meet the objective of a fair Internal Market for everyone. These include, but are not limited to, giving national competition authorities the means to impose effective fines and implement leniency programmes. The ECN+ directive intends to fill some of the gaps that exist in the current system. The new powers given by the ECN+ directive will apply only where there is an interstate trade element.

In deciding to implement this directive through primary legislation, the Government felt that it was important that the same sanctions should also apply to breaches of national competition law. This will avoid having two parallel systems with differing sanctions. The stated aims of the ECN+ directive are as follows: to ensure that all national competition authorities have effective investigation and decision-making tools; to ensure that all national competition authorities have the ability to impose effective deterrent fines; to ensure that all national competition authorities have a well-designed leniency programme in place which facilitates applying for leniency in multiple jurisdictions; and to ensure that the national competition authorities have sufficient resources and can enforce EU competition rules independently.

The date given by the Commission for transposition of this directive was 4 February 2021. Unfortunately, we, along with several other member states, did not manage to transpose this directive by this deadline. I do not need to tell the Senators how incredibly difficult the last two years have been, or about the significant legislative burden that the pandemic has placed on both Houses of the Oireachtas. This is a difficulty we share with our European counterparts.

Particular to the Irish context, however, was our unique constitutional position. Transposing the ECN+ directive raised significant constitutional considerations, given the particular role of the courts in the Irish Constitution. The constitutional concerns included the introduction of the concept of administrative sanctions, periodic penalty payments, interim measures and leniency provisions. Ireland has robust defences against the administration of justice by any body, save for the Judiciary. In order to transpose this directive in a way that is compatible with Irish law, it was necessary to consult with a number of legal experts to ensure that the legislation would be workable.

Additionally, in April 2021, the Supreme Court issued a majority judgment in the case of Zalewski v. the Workplace Relations Commission and others, which had a significant impact on the drafting of the Bill, which was quite advanced at that stage. A previous decision of the High Court had concluded that the Workplace Relations Commission, WRC, was not administering justice within the meaning of Article 34 of the Constitution. The judgment in this case overturned this decision. The Supreme Court agreed that the adjudication service of the Workplace Relations Commission does constitute the administration of justice, which has been traditionally regarded as the exclusive preserve of the courts. However, the majority decision also concluded that the adjudication service of the WRC is not repugnant to the Constitution because it found that the administration of justice is limited.

Limited administration of justice is permissible under Article 37 of the Constitution. While the Zalewski judgment was supremely helpful in clarifying how the administration of justice can be achieved within the parameters of the Constitution, in the case of this Bill it required a fundamental redesign of how the provisions relating to administrative sanctions would work at quite a late stage in original drafting. The main changes introduced on foot of the Zalewski judgment have been around ensuring that adjudication officers are independent in their functions, that the process of adjudication and the process of investigation are separate and distinct, and that the procedures surrounding the imposition of administrative financial sanctions are clear and transparent.

The Bill also provides for court confirmation of the decisions of adjudication officers and the ability to appeal those decisions. The delay in bringing this Bill to this House is regretted but it was imperative that this directive was transposed in a way that is constitutionally solid and that provides our competition authorities with the tools they need to effectively challenge anti-competitive conduct.

Well done. I thank the Minister of State, who kept to time very well.

First, I apologise for the absence of our party’s spokesperson, Senator Crowe, for whom I am deputising.

We are very happy to support this Bill, which is part of the Minister of State's legislative programme and an area of priority. It speaks to the fact that we believe that where there is fair competition, it will benefit the consumer. Fianna Fáil, as a pro-business party and party in government, believes it is important to support business while at the same time ensuring a level playing field for everyone competing within the sector. In that sense, I am heartened by the fact that this legislation strengthens the role of the CCPC. At times, we need — dare I say it — to stand up against the erosion of bureaucracy. People sometimes give out about red tape but we need to have standards to ensure competition and fair trade, in addition to sufficiently strong regulators with qualified staff and sufficient powers and resources to tackle the problem.

We are aware and have seen evidence of cartels operating in certain sectors in recent times. The CCPC has done a lot of work to try to tackle that. We have got to be able to ensure consumers are getting the best value, which is achieved by ensuring fair competition.

I note that much emphasis is placed on fines for those who engage in unlawful practices. I am a big supporter of levying extensive fines but the problem is that many companies measure fines against the potential profit that might be gained from engaging in unlawful activity or in a cartel and then simply write the fines off as business costs. We cannot have circumstances in which companies are asking whether they will make a lot of money if they take a risk, making it worthwhile to bear the brunt of the fines. Therefore, it is important that those who willingly and recklessly engage in anti-competitive behaviour be held personally responsible. Directors of companies that engage in behaviour that is not in the interest of the consumer should be personally held to account. That would include prison sentences.

While it is important to consider giving the CCPC more power, particularly to tackle cartels, that in itself will not automatically mean more competition. Let me refer to one of the problems in several sectors of our society, including insurance, banking and financial services. One could certainly say that, in theory, there is no cartel and that there is insufficient competition simply because, in many cases, there are too few players in the market. As the Minister of State has committed to, we need to consider a whole-of-government approach to competition. The Central Bank has no role in ensuring competition. Therefore, it has no role in insurance, financial and banking services. We know that, in Ireland, we are paying some of the highest prices for our banking, financial and insurance products, partly because of the lack of competition. We are aware that players are leaving the market. This is not necessarily because of a cartel. The way to ensure greater competition is to ensure all our regulators regard the matter as a priority. While this legislation is very welcome, it does not address some of the problems concerning the lack of competition in the market, as opposed to anti-competitive practices.

That said, this is very positive legislation. The challenge concerns how we measure and ensure that when the Bill is enacted, the CCPC will have sufficient resources to tackle any suspected incidents of anti-competitive practice, bribery and so on. We must also ensure that those engaged in those practices are held responsible. In that regard, I am very happy to strongly support the Bill. I thank the Minister of State and his officials for all their work in bringing it to this stage.

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit freisin. Just as my colleague, Senator Malcolm Byrne, was standing in for his party spokesperson, I am standing in for mine, Senator Ahearn, who unfortunately cannot be here but who had a discussion with me about the Bill. We are certainly happy, on behalf of the Fine Gael group, to welcome it and its provisions.

I have heard what the Minister of State said about the delay in transposing the directive. It is regrettable that we missed the deadline but I understand the explanation he has given. It is obvious from the Bill that considerable work has gone into it. To echo a point I frequently make in debates in this House, as excellently drafted as this legislation might be, it is pretty illegible regarding its amendment of the 2002 Act. One cannot read this in isolation. I have said time and again that when dealing with amending legislation, we should produce a consolidated or revised version because the reality is that, in the future, we will have to work from what the Law Reform Commission does. There may be a practical element to that but, from the point of view of creating legislation that ordinary people can deal with in a real way, we should, instead of having a section telling us what section has been amended, have a section telling us what the section actually states so it can be very clearly read. That is a technical drafting point that I feel strongly about.

It is important to notice, in the context of this legislation, that we are dealing with a quite competitive business environment in this country. For the most part, we have business sectors and organisations that engage in proper, lawful, considered, competitive activity that benefits us all. It is tremendously important that we eschew protectionism and put in place laws that ensure anti-competitive practices are not tolerated. We say that not merely to follow the directive from the European Union and European Commission but to acknowledge that the anti-competitive practices are bad for business. They make it extremely difficult for new entrants in a market or industry sector to thrive or have a fair opportunity to compete. They are bad for consumers, customers and citizens within the State. Not only do they promote higher practices but they also affect the quality of the product or service in question. It is to the benefit of everybody in Ireland to have a competitive environment that ensures businesses and companies compete against one another to provide not only the best product but also the best product at the best possible price. That is at the heart of the competition legislation we are debating.

By extension, it necessarily follows that pro-competitive behaviour and pro-competition measures benefit the economy as a whole. We have a much more agile, functional economy when we have genuine competition that serves the business sector, consumers and ordinary citizens. Such competition is good for our economy and means it can grow sustainably. Those anti-competitive measures and practices that have certainly been present in most sectors in Ireland, although not recently, stifle the economy in no uncertain terms and prevent business sectors from growing. Therefore, the basis for the competition Acts is very strong.

It is appropriate to credit the EU for the leadership it has shown to all the member states, including Ireland, in pushing an agenda for greater competition. In fairness, we do not credit it frequently enough for how it has inspired a change in particular areas. Things that come to mind are competition and health and safety rules. The idea is that all the countries come together and state they must promote a culture in a certain vein, with the agreement of all the individual governments. This means we actually push the required culture on a legislative basis here. Citizens and those of us in business benefit from that competitive environment when it is realised here. This has worked very well generally. It can be seen very clearly when one compares our system with that in countries around the world that pursue protectionist agendas. I am thinking about the United States, in particular, and how it absolutely stifles the ability of businesses to get involved or provide proper products and services to citizens. Our system works well and has given us a very modernised and strong economic landscape within which business can work and we can buy goods and services. That does not mean it is always perfect. It can be frustrating sometimes when businesses or individuals cannot do something because it is contrary to competition law but, on the whole, we derive great benefit from the leadership of the European Union in this regard.

Let me say a word about promoting Irish products, notwithstanding the provisions of this legislation and the Act of 2002.

I do not think either this Bill or the 2002 Act precludes us from promoting Irish products, or products being produced or made in Ireland as opposed to solely by Irish companies. I understand the reason we cannot promote an Irish company alone but the State should, as I think it is entitled to do, pursue programmes that promote sustainable products that are grown, produced or developed in this country by businesses in this country, not necessarily Irish businesses but businesses that come here and use our raw materials, employees and human resources. It is legitimate for the Government to pursue those, along the lines of what the Guaranteed Irish label does in pursuing an agenda of buying local and shopping local. It is important to remember that competition legislation does not stop us from investing in our communities as consumers or from promoting businesses at the local level - shopping local, buying local and even eating and drinking local, which is also important. In fact, competition law encourages it because it provides products at local level that are attractive to the consumer.

In regard to the technical aspects of the Bill, and as I noted, this is substantial legislation. On the sanctions provision, I am generally slow to welcome the removal of matters from the courts but that may be my barristerial mind coming to bear on it. Having a streamlined administrative process is welcome. Having the competition authorities, such as the CCPC and the relevant bodies mentioned in the Bill, pursue matters on an administrative basis is streamlined and more effective and efficient, which has to be welcomed.

In regard to the sanctions, as Senator Byrne mentioned, will the Minister of State clarify whether we should look at the personal consequences for individuals who make decisions in regard to anti-competitive behaviour? Will there be direct personal consequences for white-collar crime, including incarceration? How will that work? Will those rules on white-collar crime be properly enforced, as, in fairness, they have been in recent years? More important, and Senator Byrne also raised this issue, as regards the value of the fines and the disincentive they create, should they be index-linked or set as a function of the profits of a company? That is where we can really hit people hard. If a portion of their profits will be taken, as opposed to just a monetary amount which will be more or less significant depending on the turnover of the company, should we look at that? Will the Minister of State clarify that any fine will not be tax-deductible, that is, will not be deducted from the tax liability of a corporate entity but will have to be paid out of post-tax profits?

I welcome the Bill. A great deal of work has been done on this and there is much for us to work on in the future as we build a more competitive and more streamlined economy.

It is always good to see the Minister of State, particularly after a fine win against Laois at the weekend. This is comprehensive and complex legislation which transposes an EU directive, while also making additional changes to benefit the national competition authorities, namely, the CCPC and ComReg. The CCPC is the primary enforcement body for competition law in this State. It has the power to play an enormous role in tackling white-collar crime if it is given the correct powers and is resourced properly. The CCPC investigates suspected anti-competitive practices and tries to bring these damaging practices to an end but can only do so when it is properly resourced.

This legislation has arisen due to the European Union's ECN+ directive, which aims to ensure that national competition authorities have guarantees of independence, sufficient resources and appropriate powers of enforcement, including the ability to issue fines. The inability of Irish national competition authorities such as the CCPC to impose administrative fines was identified by the European Commission as a concern and part of the divergence in national powers that led to uneven enforcement of EU competition rules. As a result, the State has been compelled by the European ECN+ directive to implement legislative changes to ensure the CCPC has the appropriate tools and resources to enforce EU competition law in a manner consistent with other EU member states.

It is unfortunate that the European Union has had to compel the Irish Government to act in the interests of Irish consumers, especially when we see that the casino capitalism that caused the banking crash still exists in the protected and gilded world of high finance. The ever-unfolding events and allegations of malpractice in respect of high finance, insurance, public procurement and building development, to name but a few, serve as a reinforcement that this Government does not see white-collar crime in the same way that it sees blue-collar and other crime.

At pre-legislative scrutiny of the Bill, the CCPC stated that international estimates from the OECD suggest the rate of overcharge in public procurement is between 20% and 30%. The chairperson of the CCPC stated: "Considering annual State spending of approximately €16 billion on goods and services, if even 1% of it was subject to price-fixing or bid rigging, a surcharge of 20% or 30% would be a substantial sum of money." What is even more infuriating is that in 2007, the accounting firm RSM Robson Rhodes estimated Ireland was losing €2.5 billion a year from economic crime. If that figure is applied to the past 15 years, it amounts to a potential loss of more than €37 billion to the Irish economy.

The economic and social costs of corruption and white-collar crime far outweigh other forms of crime. Despite corporate and economic crime bringing the State to its knees just a decade ago, the area has consistently received far less funding, resources and political attention from successive Governments. The same goes for media coverage of white-collar crime, where it is painted as almost not a crime at all. While this legislation is a good start, along with the Companies (Corporate Enforcement Authority) Act 2021, which established a stand-alone Corporate Enforcement Authority, resources and funding must follow.

Sinn Féin is happy to support this Bill and will propose a couple of small amendments on Committee Stage.

I thank the Minister of State for outlining the provisions of the Bill and its transposition into Irish law of EU legislation. The Labour Party broadly welcomes the Bill and the intention behind it to tackle anti-competitive practice, for instance, where businesses engage in price-fixing and other breaches of competition laws. Like workers, consumers must be adequately protected throughout the country. Too often, the interests of big companies are privileged over those of ordinary people.

It is important that the authorities to which power has been delegated to enforce these rules are adequately funded and given the resources to fulfil their brief. We see these issues across various sectors, whether it be the CCPC, the Data Protection Commission, DPC, or the Residential Tenancies Board, RTB. If a body has been set up to allow ordinary people to make complaints and enforce their rights, it should be given teeth to tackle the issues people bring to it. The purpose of the European Competition Network, through the directive which this Bill transposes, is to allow national competition authorities the means to impose effective fines to ensure they have sufficient resources. It is, therefore, welcome.

The powers set out in the Bill include the ability to fine companies a maximum of €10 million or 10% of total worldwide turnover for breaches of competition law. It is vitally important that such breaches are tackled in Ireland but it is equally important that the provisions of the Bill and the intentions behind it are backed up with the reality of implementation. We must ensure that companies do not find a way to dodge or work around the legislation and its enforcement mechanisms. We must also ensure that investigating bodies such as the CCPC and ComReg use their powers actively to pursue them.

It is worth considering how pervasive these issues continue to be in Irish society, whether in the Celtic tiger years or, more recently, with various issues involving insurance companies. I have recently been contacted by a number of people who raised what they perceive as the potential for price-fixing in the housing industry. An increasing number of homes are being advertised as "price on application" and people are also being asked to show loan approval. If people are not told the price of a house, they may want to buy before they have provided the loan approval to the estate agent or equivalent. In order to fill out the application prospective buyers are being asked to provide extensive personal and, more important in the context of this Bill, financial information. Prospective buyers are expressing serious concerns to me that once sellers' agents know the relative incomes of the prospective buyer or the amounts they have been approved to borrow, they are pitching the prices of the houses accordingly. If this is the case, it is unacceptable. I hope this Bill, by strengthening the powers of the competition authorities, will be able to tackle such issues or at least provide guidance to people on what rights they have under the legislation.

Inasmuch as the Labour Party broadly welcomes this legislation, we also hope to see the same approach taken to increasing the powers and resources of other administrative bodies such as the RTB without the need for new prompting.

I thank the Senators for their overall support for the Bill and for their consideration and comments. Similar points were raised by Senators Malcolm Byrne and Ward. I agree with their support for fair trade. It is not just good for business; it is very good for consumers as well. It is not just about supporting business but ensuring that consumers have choice. Where we have better trade and better competition, we will have greater choice and cheaper products and services for consumers.

The point about consolidated legislation was well made. It is something about which there needs to be greater consideration across every Department. I thank Senator Ward for his honesty about his profession and the comment he made about not liking to see business taken away from the courts, but he will know that the burden of proof to bring something to court is always that much higher. Introducing these new administrative sanctions is about ensuring more people are penalised in a timely fashion - the Senator is nodding in agreement - which is what we wanted to ensure we could achieve.

Senator Malcolm Byrne raised the issue of personal accountability and the level of fines companies may be subject to. I will make the point that existing criminal powers for the CCPC are not being interfered with by this Bill. Personal accountability for serious criminal breaches will still be a sanction that will be imposed by the courts. The level of administrative financial sanctions that can potentially be imposed is very significant; Senator Moynihan alluded to them a moment ago. The Bill will also increase the level of fines that can be imposed by the courts for criminal breaches of competition law. The penalty for individual criminal breaches will not exceed €50 million or 20% of turnover in the previous financial year, whichever is greater, so by any stretch of the imagination, that is a very serious fine from a criminal perspective. On the new civil measures, the maximum amount imposed in administrative financial sanctions will be €10 million or 10% of total worldwide turnover, whichever is greater, of the undertaking in the preceding financial year. One of the Senators made the point that it is very important these measures act as a deterrent. It is not about catching people out and penalising them but deterring them from engaging in the behaviour in the first instance. To be fair, these measures will do that.

It is not the case that we are being forced into doing this. Ireland is a member of the EU. We feed into this process and into what legislation is needed. We were very much part of the process. In fact, the ECN+ directive was designed only to apply to inter-state trade and competition. In deciding to implement the directive through primary legislation, the Government believed it would be better to go further to ensure the same sanctions would be applicable to national competition law. We are actually going even further than the EU has requested of us because we want to ensure consistency and that we can enhance competition through our own national competition law. When I come to this House, Senator Gavan repeatedly makes the point that the Government seems to be soft on white-collar crime. It is funny that every time he makes that point, I am in the House introducing a further measure to get tougher on white-collar crime, whether it is this legislation, the new corporate enforcement authority or, as the Senator will be aware, the recommendations of the Hamilton review group. It might suit a narrative to say that we are soft on this form of crime, but we are not. The proof of the pudding is that we are enacting legislation to ensure that. I share the Senator's concerns. I see the damage white-collar crime has done to ordinary citizens. It is important that we are tough on it, and I share his concerns in that regard.

The powers being given to the CCPC and ComReg as a result of the Bill will act as a deterrent to anti-competitive behaviour by enterprise and help the Government in its efforts to tackle white-collar crime in our economy, which is a benefit for everyone living and working here, as I said.

I thank all the Senators for coming to the Chamber to share their thoughts. I look forward to working with the Seanad on Committee and Report Stages, including on any amendments that may be proposed. I am certainly not averse to reasonable amendments that will enhance the Bill and improve what we are trying to do. As I mentioned, the Bill underwent pre-legislative scrutiny by the Joint Committee on Enterprise, Trade and Employment and has been drafted to reflect several of the key issues outlined in the committee’s report. I hope we can have the support of all Senators to ensure we get this Bill enacted as soon as possible because, as we have all said, it is disappointing we have missed the transposition deadline. To be fair, we have had broad support in the Dáil and in the Seanad today. I see no reason why we cannot enact this legislation before the summer recess. I thank all the Senators for their contributions.

Question put and agreed to.

When is it proposed to take Committee Stage?

Committee Stage ordered for Tuesday, 31 May 2022.

When is it proposed to sit again?

Dé Máirt seo chugainn ar meán lae.

Cuireadh an Seanad ar athló ar 4.56 p.m. go dtí meán lae, Dé Máirt, an 31 Bealtaine 2022.
The Seanad adjourned at 4.56 p.m. until 12 noon on Tuesday, 31 May 2022.
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