Thank you, Chairman, and thank you, Members, for your welcome. I am pleased to participate again this year in the discussions on the revised Estimates for Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation.
Since I met the committee in its earlier formation just over one year ago, the European and international land-scape have undergone considerable change. The EU has been enlarged; a new Commission and a new Parliament are in place and relations continue to strengthen with the countries of central and eastern Europe. The World Trade Organisation has begun its stewardship of the newly liberalised world economy, South Africa has celebrated the first anniversary of democratic multi racial Government and the Middle East peace process has reached a critical juncture. On our own island, the introduction of peace in Northern Ireland has introduced a critical new dynamic in the search for lasting political agreement.
However, in the international political arena, black spots remain. There are fears that Bosnia is once again slipping towards a generalised resumption of hostilities. The conflict in Chechnya continues to be a matter of the gravest concern and the Rwandan tragedy is still being played out. As the UN celebrate its 50th anniversary, international confidence in the organisation badly needs to be renewed and strengthened.
As time does not permit me to address the full spectrum of foreign policy issues I propose to concentrate on a number of topics of current interest and I will be glad to respond on any matters of interest to the committee in our questions and answers session. I will first address the specific subject matter of today's agenda; the 1995 Estimates.
The total amount of money that Ireland spends on our foreign relations costs less than 0.5 per cent of what the Government spends in total. This compares very favourably with other countries of comparable size, none of which has as many of their population living abroad as we have. The value for money represented by our foreign relations effort is achieved mainly by a highly dedicated and committed staff which has coped over the years with an ever increasing array of tasks.
However, the combination of static resources and increasing work-load is not sustainable indefinitely. Following a comprehensive review earlier this year, I concluded that there was a compelling need for a limited strengthening of structures at headquarters and of the overseas mission network, as well as for some specific steps with regard to our Presidency of the EU.
As the committee is aware, the Government has agreed that new embassies will open this year in Hungary, the Czech Republic and Malaysia. Both from a EU and bilateral perspective, our present under-representation in eastern Europe could not have been allowed to continue. The Union's enlargement to the east will be a central preoccupation over the period ahead. Key Irish interests are engaged in this debate as we seek to encourage the enlargement process while ensuring that it takes place in the context of a deepening of European integration and the maintenance of key union policies.
In bilateral foreign earnings terms, the cost benefit case for the new eastern European missions is compelling. Equally, a resident embassy in Malaysia will be of vital assistance in strengthening our links with one of the fastest growing economic regions in the world. To ensure the sharpest possible foreign earnings focus, the Government has decided that these new embassies will take the Ireland House concept one step further, with representatives of An Bord Tráchtála being integrated to the staffing structure at the outset. As a matter of general policy, I am determined that the promotion of Irish economic interests abroad, whether trade tourism or inward investment, will remain among the highest priorities of my Department and that our co-operation with the semi State promotional agencies will continue to be strengthened.
At home, the Department staffing structure is being strengthened to deal with new work-loads, especially in the political, Anglo-Irish and economic divisions. A special allocation for Presidency preparations is being used to meet the costs of a major upgrade of information technology and communications facilities, additional temporary staff assignments and necessary maintenance and refurbishment work at certain missions abroad.
I intend to ensure a continued strong emphasis on the effective and efficient use of resources, with new pressures being met wherever possible through redeployment. The disciplines of strategic management are increasingly being brought to bear and the active implementation of the strategic management initiative will continue. With nearly half of the Deparment's total expenditure being incurred abroad, in countries where living and working costs are generally rising much faster than in Ireland, rigorous financial controls will remain essential.
The programme subheads account for just 3 per cent of the overall Departmental Vote. I am sure the committee will welcome the increase again this year in the allocation of North-South and Anglo-Irish co-operation. The substantial increase in information services is accounted for by the new edition of "Facts about Ireland", which was recently published, and production costs of the forthcoming White Paper on foreign policy.
Turning from management to policy issues, it is fitting to begin with Northern Ireland. It is not an exaggeration to say the situation has been transformed over the past 12 months. Consolidation of the peace process is now the crucial priority. The momentum for progress has been dramatically illustrated in recent days. A week ago today, an unprecedented royal visit began. Two weeks ago today, we were on our way to the Washington Economic Conference in which President Clinton personally played such a hugely important part. These have been only the latest in a series of significant milestones on the road forward.
The Washington Conference was a remarkable symbol of what we can hope to achieve by acting together. Never before has there been so comprehensive a gathering, in one place and at one time, of political representatives from the major traditions on the island. It demonstrated vividly that once-frozen lines of political division and demarcation are now giving way, however slowly, to real willingness to listen to the views of others, explore common ground and identify possible ways forward. This is particularly evident on the economic agenda. I saw this dimension yesterday in the course of a very constructive visit to Harland and Wolff, which would have been considered unthinkable for an Irish Government Minister even a short time ago.
There is an onus on the two Governments to foster the opening which now exists for comprehensive dialogue. In particular, I hope for constructive engagement and progress in the dialogue between the British Government and Sinn Féin. The importance of the various issues, including decommissioning, which are being addressed within that dialogue is understood on all sides. Both Governments wish to ensure that Sinn Féin can play its full part in an inclusive talks process.
It is my strong hope too that the Unionist parties will feel able at the earliest possible date to accept the invitation of the Irish Government to engage in discussions on the way forward. We can best make progress if we all have the clearest possible understanding of each other's position and if we together explore what scope there may be for flexibility in ways that do not compromise essential interests. Both Governments hope bilateral discussions of this kind can lead in due course to a collective talks process involving them and all the relevant parties.
A willingness to engage in dialogue is essential to the development of true understanding between the two traditions in Ireland. I hope all the political parties in Northern Ireland will grasp this opportunity to inform us of their views at first hand and to set out with us on the journey towards lasting peace, stability and reconciliation.
Turning to the wider European scene, our sights are now firmly set on our Presidency of the Union in the second half of next year. Two issues are likely to dominate our Presidency, First, there is the high profile Intergovernmental Conference to review the Maastricht Treaty, which is likely to be in session for the duration of our Presidency. Second, there is the decision on the move to the third stage of Economic and Monetary Union which must be taken not later than 31 December 1996.
The Presidency challenge does not come around often; it is likely to be 2003 at the earliest before we hold the office again. Our Presidency follows that of four large member states; Germany, France, Spain and Italy. I am acutely conscious that our performance will be judged against the background of a view among some members of the Union that the smaller member states are no longer capable of adequately carrying out the responsibilities of the Presidency. There will therefore be an onus on us to carry out the responsibilities of the Presidency well; I am determined that we will do so with full honours.
Last weekend, I participated in the ceremonies marking the fortieth anniversary of the Messina conference which launched the negotiations leading to the conclusion of the Treaty of Rome. It was fitting that the inaugural meeting of the Reflection Group of Personal Representatives of Foreign Ministers, which will play an important role in preparing the agenda of the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference, took place in Messina in conjunction with these commemorative ceremonies. The reflection group, on which my colleague the Minister of State with responsibility for European Affairs, Deputy Gay Mitchell, is the Irish representative, will work intensively in the coming months to develop the agenda of the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference and, where possible, prepare options which might be considered by the Intergovernmental Conference. The group is expected to report to the Madrid European Council in December.
The agenda of the Intergovernmental Conference requires careful and detailed preparation on our part. Ireland will have to come to the negotiating table with a clear idea of how we wish to see European integration develop in an enlarged Union and of the institutional reforms necessary to facilitate the efficient functioning of the Union. We will have to seek a careful balance between the protection of our short or medium term interests in the Union and our long term interest in the preservation of peace and stability on the continent.
In the coming months, the Minister of State Deputy Mitchell and I, together with officials from my Department, will discuss our negotiating approach to the reflection group and the Intergovernmental Conference with the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Joint Committee on European Affairs to ensure the views of the committees are considered in the preparation of our national position on the issues which will arise. We will also, of course, ensure that the committees are kept fully informed of the progress of the negotiations.
The crisis in former Yugoslavia continues to pose perhaps the most difficult challenge to the European Union and, indeed, to the whole of the international community. Recent developments could lead to the unravelling of the progress which has been so painstakingly made in the peace process, including the return to normal life in central Bosnia with the end of the war between Government forces and those of Bosnia's Croats. Moreover, UNPROFOR has been placed in what is without doubt the gravest of situations since its establishment. A profound review of the UN's mandate in Bosnia is now under way in the Security Council on the basis of a number of options identified by the Secretary General.
Ireland has one basic objective in our policy on former Yugoslavia: the conclusion of an overall settlement to the conflicts, one which guarantees the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all of the states, within their internationally recognised borders, and which also ensures respect for human rights. We participate fully in the work of the International Conference on Former Yugoslavia, co-chaired by the EU and the UN, which provides the framework for a negotiated settlement to the conflicts in the Yugoslav region. We fully support the efforts under way to have the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement renewed and to bring the Bosnian Serbs to accept the Contact Group's Plan which has already been endorsed by the Bosnian Government and by Belgrade on behalf of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. With our EU partners, we are fully engaged in the effort to bring about the mutual recognition of Bosnia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. If achieved, this would be a major contribution towards peace in the region as it would signal that a greater Serbia is not attainable.
We are also continuing our efforts to prevent the spill-over of conflict and to bring aid to its victims by contributing personnel to the EU monitor mission, the UN peacekeeping forces, the EU humanitarian aid task force, the mission of the international conference which is monitoring the closure of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's border with Bosnia, and through our participation with the OSCE's Sanctions Assistance Mission.
Elsewhere on the continent, the conflict in Chechnya continues to command our attention. Heavy fighting is continuing in the mountainous region of the Republic. The OSCE Assistance Group which was deployed in Grozny in late April is working constructively on the ground. The agreement by the parties to the conflict to hold talks in Grozny on 25 May under OSCE auspices marked an important development. While both sides concentrated in the talks on a general statement of their positions, all of the participants agreed on the desirability of a cease-fire and acceptance that at the next meeting they would start working on the modalities necessary for a cease-fire agreement. Although no date was set for a resumption of the talks, it is the intention of the OSCE to reconvene the talks at an early date. It is imperative that both sides now demonstrate a firm political will to engage in serious and constructive negotiations at the OSCE-sponsored talks with the aim of concluding a lasting cease-fire and a peaceful political solution. The Government will continue to work actively towards this objective, both bilaterally, in co-operation with our EU partners, as well as within the framework of the OSCE.
Of course, there are flash points and loss of life well beyond the shores of Europe. The continuing tragedy in Rwanda erupted in the massacre at Kibeho camp on 22 April which the Government has strongly condemned. The international community including the EU must continue to do what it can to encourage the Government of Rwanda in its task of achieving justice, national reconciliation and reconstruction. We shall continue our support of the Rwandan Government in its efforts to restore normality to the lives of the Rwandan people, while at the same time monitoring their activities in this respect.
I am aware of the committee's resolution on placing an arms embargo on Burundi and Rwanda and we are pursuing this issue with our European partners. We support controls on the supply of arms, and we also support the building up of infrastructure, administration and the judicial system so that order may be restored. Ireland has given over £4 million in emergency assistance in the region over the past year.
One of the common features of conflicts around the world is flagrant violation of universal human rights standards. A concern for human rights will remain the centre of Irish foreign policy whatever the future evolution of our co-operation with our European partners. Any genuine conception of European security must include a continuing emphasis on implementation of human rights standards in our own continent and globally.
As I have already announced during the consultative process for the forthcoming White Paper, I am taking steps to further strengthen the human rights function in the Department of Foreign Affairs. A new human rights unit is being established in the political division of the Department and it will be fully operational in the coming weeks. I am confident it will play a crucial role in giving expression to one of the most important priorities of the Irish people in the foreign policy arena.
Against the background of the changing international climate, the future security and defence arrangements in Europe continue to be a focus for debate. The various organisations with responsibilities for European security and defence are reviewing how best they can contribute to the evolving European security architecture. For Ireland, both on a national basis and as a member of the EU, the question is how best we can guarantee our own security and contribute to security in our region and internationally.
A common thread throughout all this debate is a recognition that conflict prevention and peace-keeping are increasingly seen as core activities for security co-operation. In the context of the CFSP provisions of the Maastricht Treaty, the EU and the Western European Union continue to develop their co-operation in this area. The EU administration of Mostar, for which the Western European Union is providing the policing element, is a concrete example of this co-operation.
In the OSCE, there is an increasing emphasis on developing the organisation's role in early warning, conflict prevention and crisis management. The number of OSCE missions to areas of actual or potential conflict has continued to increase. The question of possible Irish participation in OSCE peace-keeping and humanitarian operations is one that requires consideration as our current legislation foresees such involvement only under UN authority.
Another issue which needs to be considered in the role of NATO's Partnership for Peace in European security co-operation; 42 countries are now involved with peace-keeping providing a focus for their co-operation in the Partnership for Peace framework. I have already made clear my view that we should examine whether participation in Partnership for Peace would benefit Ireland.
This committee's work so far on European security and defence issues is a welcome contribution to the developing debate. I initiated the debate last year because I believe it is essential that the Irish people have a full understanding of the changes in international security and their implications for Ireland.
In this context, it is significant that the question of security and defence will be a key topic for the Intergovernmental Conference next year. The Government's approach will be a constructive one, based on the commitments in the programme A Government of Renewal— namely that we will play our full part in the EU and that our foreign policy will continue to be underpinned by our commitment to peace, security and co-operation.
All these issues can be debated in the knowledge that the Government is committed to putting to the people in a referendum any outcome of the Intergovernmental Conference negotiations that would entail Ireland's involvement in a common defence policy. This will ensure that Ireland's policy of military neutrality will remain unchanged unless the people decide otherwise.
At the recent NPT review and extension conference, the States' party decided to extend the treaty indefinitely. I am pleased the outcome of the conference corresponds with Ireland's objectives. Far from legitimising the possession of nuclear weapons, the indefinite extension of the treaty has placed a continuing obligation on the nuclear weapon states to pursue nuclear disarmament. The enhanced review arrangements mean that the nuclear weapon states will have to answer to other States' party as to their implementation of pledges set out in the programme of action including "the determined pursuit by the nuclear weapon states of systematic and progressive efforts to reduce nuclear weapons globally, with the ultimate goal of eliminating those weapons". The Government will do all it can to see that the nuclear weapon states are held to this pledge.
In recent years four of the five nuclear powers — Britain, France, Russia and the United States — have introduced unilateral moratoria on nuclear testing. The Government has welcomed these moves and we have called on China to introduce a similar ban. I am deeply concerned at reports that a French experts commission has recommended a resumption of nuclear testing by France; 25 years after the entry into force of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and five years after the end of the cold war the Government sees no justification for the stocks of nuclear weapons and fissile materials that exist today.
I call on the French Government and the other nuclear powers to maintain their unilateral moratoria until agreement is reached on a comprehensive test-ban treaty. In this context, Ireland wants to see the pace of negotiations on the CTBT intensified with a view to agreement next year on a treaty that will ban testing in atmospheres for all time.
Subheads A and B of the International Co-operation Vote deal with our contributions to international organisations. The principal component here remains our contribution to the United Nations. This year the UN celebrates its 50th anniversary. Our national committee for the anniversary, under the patronage of the President, held its inaugural meeting on 11 April. It is a broadly based committee with Members from the Oireachtas, NGOs. and the public and private sectors under my chairmanship. A programme of events has been drawn up and there will be a particular focus on the later part of the year when the entry force of the UN Charter on 24 October 1945, will be commemorated.
However, as we mark the 50th anniversary the UN continues to face a difficult financial situation. The figures speak for themselves. As of 30 April 1995 the UN was owed $1 billion in regular budget arrears and $1.6 billion on the peace-keeping account. A small number of the larger member states were responsible for the bulk of these arrears. Ireland, in common with our EU partners, pays its assessed contributions to the UN in full and on time, as all member states are required to do under the charter.
Recent proposals in the US Congress to substantially cut the US contribution to the UN system, including humanitarian and technical agencies, seriously threaten the organisation in its 50th year. They follow an earlier decision by the US Administration to reduce unilaterally its contribution to UN peace-keeping to 25 per cent from 1 October 1995. The EU has made known its concern regarding these proposed cuts in Washington. I personally raised this concern with US Secretary of State Warren Christopher at our meeting last February.
The UN operation in Somalia — UNOSOM II — came to an end in March this year and the UN is still learning the lessons of that experience. One effect has been a renewed emphasis on the more traditional methods of peace-keeping to which the Irish Defence Forces have made such a significant contribution. It is the Government's intention that they will continue to do so in the future. Whatever the difficulties which UNOSOM faced we can be proud of the humanitarian contribution made by the Irish transport company in Somalia.
Irish Defence Forces personnel and other volunteers served the humanitarian cause in the Rwandan refugee crisis last year. The UN was heavily criticised for its failure to respond more rapidly to this situation. We should recognise, however, that this failure was more one of the international community rather than of the UN itself. The organisation is simply not adequately equipped to respond quickly enough to such crises without the support of its member states. When I addressed the UN General Assembly last September I stressed the need to develop the organisation's capacity for early warning and mediation, and to make its peace-keeping capabilities more flexible and responsive.
While the financial cost of the UNPROFOR operation is significant, we are acutely conscious there is an even greater cost as the recent tragic death of Garda Sergeant Paul Reid in an accident in Sarajevo reminds us. As we mark the 50th anniversary of the UN and 40 years of Ireland's membership we will remember in particular those members of the Defence Forces and the Garda serving with UN peace-keeping operations who made the ultimate sacrifice for peace.
Whatever the current financial and other problems faced by the UN, it has been the consistent position of successive Irish Governments that the organisation plays a unique and irreplaceable role in the maintenance of international peace and security. The Government remains committed to this view and we are actively contributing to the ongoing debate on the future of the organisation in various UN working groups, including those on the reform of the Security Council and the financial situation of the organisation. It is our hope that when heads of state and government gather next October in New York they will not only mark the first 50 years of the UN but will renew the international community's confidence in the organisation.
Subheads C to J of the International Co-operation Vote relate to development co-operation. I am very pleased it has been possible to include a major increase in official development assistance in the Estimates for 1995. Total spending on ODA this year will amount to around £89 million — made up of £66 million from this Vote and the remainder from other Departments' Votes and Central Funds.
This is the third year running that ODA has had a very significant increase. It represents further proof of our unswerving commitment to help the most needy, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. I can say without hesitation that I am proud of this achievement. Even at a time when the economic indicators are improving it is not easy to secure major increases in any area of expenditure, however deserving. It is a mark of the Government's determination to bring our ODA up to the same level as that of our EU partners that we have made these large increases in the ODA budget. In the afternoon session my colleague Minister of State, Deputy Burton, will explain in more detail the provisions under the ODA subheads in the International Co-operation Vote.
All the issues I mentioned will be discussed in considerably more detail in the forthcoming White Paper on Foreign Policy which I intend to lay before both Houses of the Oireachtas in the near future. This will be the first time an Irish Government will have undertaken such a comprehensive public presentation of its foreign policy. The Government is determined its foreign policy should be accessible to the public and that it should have the widest possible understanding and support. The preparation of the White Paper has been greatly facilitated both by the wealth of written submissions received and the process of direct consultation with the public through the series of public seminars held.
I wish to record my appreciation of the valuable contribution which this committee is making in the foreign policy area generally. Its work will continue to have my full personal commitment and the support and active co-operation of officials of my Department. We are acutely conscious there is no monopoly of wisdom in addressing issues as complex and sensitive as those I have touched on this morning. Informed and inclusive debate is essential if we are to chart a way forward that commands public confidence and support. This committee has a vital role in that process.
