Gerry Adams
Ceist:3. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his Department's recently published strategy statement for 2016 to 2019. [12044/17]
Amharc ar fhreagraTuesday, 21 March 2017
Ceisteanna (3, 4, 5)
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:4. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach his plans to implement his strategic priorities as laid out in his recent strategy statement. [12132/17]
Amharc ar fhreagra
Micheál Martin
Ceist:5. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach the supports his Department provides to Independent Ministers of Government, as outlined in his Department's strategy. [12054/17]
Amharc ar fhreagraFreagraí ó Béal (19 píosaí cainte)
I propose to take Questions Nos. 3 to 5, inclusive, together.
My Department's strategy statement sets out the key objectives for the Department for the period of 2016 to 2019. The strategy statement is aligned to the Government's key priorities and policies and sets out six strategic priorities. These include providing excellent support services for the Taoiseach and Government, ensuring Ireland has a sustainable economy, helping to ensure that Government policies and services support a socially inclusive and fair society, and ensuring that Ireland maintains strong relationships in Europe and the world. It also includes ensuring the best possible outcome for Ireland in relation to Brexit, which includes protecting the common travel area and the peace process, as well as developing North-South co-operation. It also includes planning for the future in the context of all of the many uncertainties arising in the international environment.
The strategy statement recognises the central and co-ordinating role of the Department to ensure that policies are developed and implemented which support economic development and social progress. Recognising that Brexit is the major issue facing Ireland, the Department created a newly amalgamated international, EU and Northern division under a new second Secretary General. The work of this division includes supporting the Cabinet committees on Brexit and European affairs, overseeing the overall Government response to Brexit, including both the economic impact and the negotiations at EU level and with the Administrations in London and Belfast.
The parliamentary liaison unit referred to in the strategy statement was established to perform a liaison function to help ensure that Ministers and Departments are properly informed of new responsibilities and procedures in the Thirty-second Dáil. The unit liaises on a regular basis with advisers to the Independent members of Government in performing this function, including the chief strategist for the Independent Alliance and the political co-ordinator for the Independent Ministers in government to ensure that they are informed of Oireachtas issues and to assist them in engaging with the new processes arising from Dáil reform.
Progress is reviewed on a regular basis by my Department's management advisory committee and by senior management in each division. The Secretary General holds a quarterly meeting with all staff at which progress across all aspects of the strategy statement is reviewed. My Department publishes an annual report formally setting out progress achieved across all the strategic priorities.
If we had more time, the Department of the Taoiseach's strategy statement for 2016 to 2019 would demand and really deserves more rigorous and critical scrutiny than we can afford to it today. The Government's multiple failures regarding housing and homelessness, health, including mental health, and water, are just some of the issues that expose the inadequacy of the strategic objectives set out in the strategy statement.
The paper sets as one of the Department's core activities the formulation of policy with regard to the North. Negotiations are currently under way to restore the political institutions in the North and, indeed, are in their final and crucial week. Sinn Féin has met daily with the other Assembly parties and the two Governments as part of the implementation talks at Stormont Castle. There are significant obstacles in the way of progress, as the Taoiseach is aware. Not least of these is the British Government's deliberate blocking of money for the commencement of legacy inquests. All of the families involved have suffered the grievous loss of loved ones, and they have the basic right to expect that inquests will be held. Some have been waiting for over four decades. The British Government needs to stop hiding behind its claims of national security. An inquest is the least that a family should expect. It should not be subjected to a political veto, or indeed a negotiating ploy.
Does the Taoiseach accept that the funds should be released immediately to the Lord Chief Justice to proceed with his five-year plan to deal with the backlog of legacy inquests? Does the Taoiseach accept that under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement, the British Government has a responsibility for delivering on equality and rights protections in the North and that thus far it has failed to do so? The issue of An Gaeilge and Acht na Gaeilge is a case in point. Will the Taoiseach report to the Dáil on his approach to the negotiations and his expectations for them with only days to go? The Taoiseach indicated in the United States last week that his future as Taoiseach was dependent on the Northern talks and the EU's decision on Brexit. Will he clarify what this means? What is his timeframe for the talks in Belfast?
With the House's permission, does Deputy McDonald agree that we take the three supplementaries and a composite answer from the Taoiseach? That will give more time.
The strategic priorities document is littered with pious aspirations and noble objectives, particularly in the area of housing and social inclusion. They are belied by the actual policies implemented in these areas. I will quote the better society section of the Taoiseach's document, "We will seek to ensure that the position of vulnerable groups in society is taken into account." It continues, "There will be a focus on providing a safe and supportive environment for children, families and older people, including through reforms in the areas of housing." Let us test those noble aspirations against the human reality.
I am dealing with the case of a young mother called Sinéad at the moment, who has a four year old child. There is a history of abuse in the background of the family. They are very vulnerable, and Sinéad is terrified for her four year old daughter. She is homeless. She has been told, as part of a new policy, that she cannot stay in hotel accommodation in Dún Laoghaire near a supportive family network, but must instead go into a hostel 11 km away, in Francis Street, over a pub. How is she supposed to get her child to school? This is a policy that has been set down by the Minister because he has to meet a target of getting everybody out of hotel accommodation.
Therefore she cannot stay in a hotel in Dún Laoghaire near her family, but it is okay to put her in a hostel over a pub in Francis Street, 11 km away.
A year ago, Amanda got a HAP scheme housing placement, which was the Government's big solution. One year later the landlord pulls out of the HAP scheme. In my naivety, I thought that under the HAP scheme, the council had an obligation to find her something else. That is not so, however. Amanda has been told to take her three young children under the age of three into a hostel in Dublin city centre, 11 km or 12 km away from where they go to school. Is that the supportive environment for families, including children, that was promised in the document?
The strategy statement is fairly harmless but not terribly useful either. It is quite woolly in nature with very few tangible and firm commitments, deadlines or action points. It sets out six priorities which no one could argue with, although one could certainly add more. The one I want to focus on is Brexit, which is priority (e). There is reference to a workforce planning report in quarter one of this year. Given that his Department is taking the lead role in respect of Brexit, can the Taoiseach confirm what resources are now available in that Department to deal with the Brexit challenge? It would be useful if he could outline that to the House.
I would be the first to admit that I do not know a huge amount about the parliamentary liaison unit. The Taoiseach has said that it relates to the interaction between Government and the Independent members of the Government. Is it focused solely on the interaction with the latter members of Government, or does it also involve interaction with Independent Members of the Opposition who may or may not support the Government? In practical terms, what does that liaison unit do?
My question is on the same issue of Brexit. Deputy McGrath put it succinctly in describing it as a harmless document. Brexit is listed in the strategic priorities but among a group of (a) to (f), including planning for the future and a better society. Specifically, however, Brexit does not get a mention in the core work activities of the Department, which are listed in the document. The last four pages of the document are simply a rehash of the programme for Government's commitments. The document is harmless but does not seem to lay out in clear terms what the Department of the Taoiseach is doing in this regard. Is it still the Taoiseach's view that his Department should be like a Cabinet office driving the heart of Government on the issues that are of most importance to the country?
First of all, Deputy McDonald made a couple of points about the statement of strategy in the areas of water, mental health, energy and Northern Ireland political institutions. Obviously, the Department of the Taoiseach is central to all these Departments in the way that outcomes are achieved. I chair the Cabinet committee meetings which deal with many of these issues where the relevant personnel from different Departments and agencies appear before Government and report on progress made, or otherwise. These matters are published on a regular basis, as the Deputy knows.
In America, I said there were two overriding priorities on my return. One is the setting up of an Executive in Northern Ireland. The second is to deal with the clarification that we now have on the negotiating stance of this country in respect of our participation as a European Union negotiator arising from Brexit.
It is true that the two major parties in Northern Ireland, the DUP and Sinn Féin, have a principal responsibility to put together a functioning Executive for Northern Ireland, including all the communities and people there. That is something that I cannot impose on them, but I made it clear to Prime Minister May that we would not want to see in any circumstances a return to direct rule. Therefore, the options are limited. One either sets up the Executive within three weeks or not. If not, the Secretary of State can call fresh elections, introduce legislation to grant a further period of time, or else direct rule will be reimposed. If the latter is out, what is one left with? The first is a functioning Executive, which I hope can happen and which I have to be optimistic about. The second is further elections and the third is some further extension of time. I do hope that given these circumstances and in the knowledge that Article 50 will be moved, the politicians will get together, put the Executive in place, decide on a First Minister and deputy First Minister and get on with that particular business.
I have pointed out those two priorities which are really important. In respect of the facilities for Brexit, I can send Deputy McGrath some further information about this. There is a dedicated unit in the Department of the Taoiseach under a new second Secretary General. It works well with the European affairs section of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. The Minister of State, Deputy Dara Murphy, is the liaison person between both of those. If necessary, we will have an opportunity to call in specialist services or personnel who might be required for particular issues.
As we now prepare our response and contribution to the EU negotiating stance, that is a matter we will continue to re-examine. There has been a great deal of background work in preparation for all the options. I will not go into the details but I can furnish the Deputies with the numbers involved and refer to the opportunity to bring in specialist personnel if we need them.
The Taoiseach did not answer my question at all.
Gabh mo leithscéal. The Deputy asked about Sinéad and Amanda. I would ask him to give the details to the Minister of State with responsibility for housing, Deputy English. I am not accusing the Deputy of being incorrect but it appears strange that a single mother would be asked to go with her child 11 km away to a different local authority area.
That is what happened.
I am quite sure his own councillors on the council there would have raised this.
The decision is not being taken by the council.
Please, Deputy.
No, but I am sure they would have raised the matter as well. I am quite sure they are not giving the Deputy false information.
Our councillors have raised it at Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown County Council.
We are eating into time for the next questions.
I suggest the Deputy give the details of that case to the Minister of State, Deputy English, and he will have that matter followed up. People are still going into hotels.
Better a hotel in Dún Laoghaire than a hostel in Dublin.