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International Sanctions Application

Dáil Éireann Debate, Thursday - 25 January 2018

Thursday, 25 January 2018

Ceisteanna (8)

Mick Wallace

Ceist:

8. Deputy Mick Wallace asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade further to the EU's agreement in December 2017 to continue sanctions against Russia into 2018, the position of Ireland on the sanctions; his views on whether Irish involvement in the sanctions is having a negative effect on particular industries here; if he has had discussions with the Departments of Agriculture, Food and the Marine or Finance regarding forgone trade revenue due to the sanctions; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [3650/18]

Amharc ar fhreagra

Freagraí ó Béal (10 píosaí cainte)

My question is linked to the previous one. At the time of the imposition of the ban, Russia was the second most important destination for agrifood exports from the EU which were valued at some €12 billion in 2013. Almost half of this trade is subject to the ban. These sanctions highlight the partisan and hypocritical nature of the international sanctions regime. Highly politicised sanctions are being used in a situation which the EU and the US played a central role in escalating. Is Ireland vocal in its support for these sanctions, do we oppose them or do we stay silent on these matters? In 2014, Ireland had exports to Russia which were worth €722 million but in 2016 that had dropped to €364 million.

The sanctions to which the Deputy refers were introduced when I was Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine. We had been planning a huge trade mission to Russia that we had to cancel because of their introduction. In that context, I am very clear on the impact of the sanctions but that does not mean that imposing them was not the right thing to do.

In 2014 the EU imposed targeted economic sanctions against the Russian Federation in response to its actions in undermining the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. The duration of these sanctions is linked to the complete implementation of the Minsk peace agreement aimed at ending the conflict in eastern Ukraine. The ongoing conflict has cost over 10,000 lives, forced 1.6 million to flee their homes and created a humanitarian crisis which has left an estimated 3.4 million people in need of assistance and protection. Any relaxation of the restrictive measures can only be considered when there is clear evidence of concrete progress on the ground in eastern Ukraine. The lack of progress on the implementation of the Minsk deal and Russia’s failure to rein in the separatists provide a clear and continuing basis for keeping the measures in place. In December, the European Council agreed to a further roll-over of the sanctions to 31 July 2018 and Ireland fully supports this decision.

The restrictive measures have impacted on trade between Russia and the EU. In Ireland’s case, the direct effect has been minimal as the majority of goods and services we export to Russia are not covered by the EU restrictions. On the other hand, the economic downturn in Russia and the Russian countermeasures introduced in 2014 to ban a range of EU agrifood exports have had a negative impact on our bilateral trade. However, after falling sharply in 2015 and registering a small increase in 2016, I am pleased to note that two way trade with Russia rebounded significantly last year, with exports expected to reach around €470 million, an increase of €120 million on the previous year.

This is an EU collective position. If the European Union is going to be effective in the context of international politics, its members must act together. Otherwise, our position is substantially weakened. If Ireland is going to have an impact on big international crises, the way to do that is try to influence the collective approach of the EU. Ireland on its own is not going to be able to do much heavy lifting.

We should act evenly but that is not happening. In February 2014, the US and the EU supported an illegal and unconstitutional neo-Nazi led coup in Kiev. According to the constitution of Ukraine, the constitutional court of that country was supposed to review the case for the removal of President Yanukovych and certify that the constitutional procedure of investigation and consideration had been followed. Then the supreme court could certify that the case was worthy of impeachment but none of this happened. A Bill that did not have the required 75% support necessary for his removal was simply passed. The EU and the US had no problem with this illegal coup or with the fact that neo-Nazis took the top spots in the new administration. A few months prior to that, Victoria Nuland, the then US Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs, revealed that the US had invested a lot of money to help get rid of Yanukovych. An overwhelming majority in Crimea voted to secede to Russia and only then did the international community call foul play. The idea that we would use sanctions as a political stick in this situation just does not stack up.

The Tánaiste has said that this is a collective position on the part of the EU and that Ireland on its own cannot do anything. Does he not remember the time that Ireland went out on its own and advocated for the end of the use of cluster bombs? We were not making or dropping such bombs but we were a serious player in the debate at that time. We can have a strong voice as a small, neutral country, but we are not actually neutral. The very fact that we are still allowing Shannon Airport to be used as a US military base undermines any notion that Ireland is neutral.

I have great respect for the way the Tánaiste looks at things in some ways and I believe he is genuine. However, his alignment to US foreign policy distorts his position. That is very unfortunate, given that he is such a genuine person.

I want to get to Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan's question so I ask the Minister and Deputy Wallace to observe the time limits. The Minister has one minute in which to respond.

I will be brief because we do not have time to get into an in-depth debate on Ukraine. I have been to Kiev. I went there as an election observer and I do not necessarily accept Deputy Wallace's interpretation of what happened. Ireland takes an independent stance all of the time, particularly at UN fora. However, when the EU makes a collective decision for good reasons then it makes sense for Ireland to support that so that the message is very clear that Europe is united on an issue, in order to try to bring about change. We are united on the issues in eastern Ukraine and it makes sense for Ireland to be part of that stance. Of course, we would like to see a change and improvement in relations between Russia and the EU. It makes practical sense for that to happen but in the context of the Ukraine in particular and the reasons for the sanctions being imposed in the first instance, they are justified.

The Tánaiste said in response to Deputy Clare Daly's question that there is no consensus in the EU regarding an arms embargo on the UAE.

Can he honestly stand over the European Union view that it is not necessary to consider imposing an arms embargo on countries such as the United Arab Emirates, UAE, and Saudi Arabia given what they are doing in Yemen? There may be two sides to the conflict in Yemen but I ask the Minister to pick a battle in our lifetime than was more unfair than the current war in Yemen. Can he justify the lack of appetite in the EU for the introduction of an arms embargo against the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia in light of the sanctions imposed on Russia as a result of the conflict in Ukraine?

The European Union is not a perfect structure when it comes to foreign policy.

I am asking the Minister for his opinion.

There are certain conflicts and issues on which the European Union is able to create a firm consensus and when we can do this, the European Union acts together. However, when we cannot do this, EU countries act separately, which undermines the Union's authority and effectiveness. There are plenty of examples of this.

The question the Deputy asked relates to Russia, on which there is consensus in the European Union. Many people would like the relationship with Russia to change and improve. Many view the Minsk process as a test of this and linking sanctions to progress on the implementation of the Minsk agreement and process is a test. The European Union would act on sanctions in a positive manner if it believed it was appropriate to do so.

On a point of order, I would like to correct the record. The Minister stated Ireland does not have an arms industry. In 2016, arms sales from Ireland amounted to €60 million and we sold arms to a value of €3.5 million to the UAE. I did not correct the Minister when I spoke and I would like that matter corrected.

Question No. 9 replied to with Written Answers.
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