Brendan Howlin
Ceist:10. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent engagements with the British Prime Minister in Salzburg with regard to Brexit. [42205/18]
Amharc ar fhreagraWednesday, 24 October 2018
Ceisteanna (10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15)
Micheál Martin
Ceist:11. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with Prime Minister May in Salzburg; the specific issues with regard to Brexit in addition to those relating to Northern Ireland that were discussed; the responses that were made; and if other issues were discussed. [38841/18]
Amharc ar fhreagraMicheál Martin
Ceist:12. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach if he has spoken to Prime Minister May since the Conservative Party conference with regard to the Good Friday Agreement, Brexit and other issues. [41070/18]
Amharc ar fhreagra
Richard Boyd Barrett
Ceist:13. Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent engagement with the British Prime Minister, Mrs. Theresa May. [42045/18]
Amharc ar fhreagra
Joan Burton
Ceist:14. Deputy Joan Burton asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his contact with Prime Minister May. [43837/18]
Amharc ar fhreagraMicheál Martin
Ceist:15. Deputy Micheál Martin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his bilateral meeting on 17 October 2018 with Prime Minister May and the progress that was made on the backstop, particularly in the context of the commitments given on the backstop in December 2017 and March 2018. [43887/18]
Amharc ar fhreagraFreagraí ó Béal (6 píosaí cainte)
I propose to take Questions Nos. 10 to 15, inclusive, together.
My most recent bilateral meetings with Prime Minister May were on the margins of the European Council in Brussels on Wednesday last and at the informal summit in Salzburg on 20 September. We were in contact by phone in the interim. At our meeting in Salzburg, I reiterated my hope that the future relationship between the EU and the UK will be as close, deep, comprehensive and ambitious as possible but that it is essential that the withdrawal agreement, including the protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland, is agreed first. I stressed that there is not much time left if we are to conclude a withdrawal agreement and have it operational by the time the UK leaves the EU in March. At that time, the Prime Minister said that the UK would be bringing forward proposals for a backstop or at least alternative text for it.
I also raised the current political situation in Northern Ireland and emphasised the need to get the devolved institutions up and running again. When we met last week in Brussels, we once again discussed Brexit. I told Prime Minister May that it was disappointing that the recent round of intensive negotiations - mainly at official level - had not yet resolved the issue of the Border satisfactorily.
While I recognise the political challenges faced by Prime Minister May at home, I was reassured that she did not in any way seek to row back from the commitments the UK made in writing back in March and again in June. These concerned the backstop, which must be legally operative and apply unless and until there is a new agreement between the EU and the UK that would supersede it.
It is important to say again that this was agreed in principle and in writing in a document jointly published by the task force and the UK in June.
Following the European Council meeting, I expect negotiations between the UK and the EU task force will resume and intensify over the coming weeks. Time is now running out and the risk of a no-deal outcome, which would be bad for everyone, increases with every day that passes.
I welcome the robust and solid support for Ireland once again by all of our EU partners and EU institutions last week and I expect that all sides will now use their best efforts to reach a deal that is acceptable.
The Taoiseach indicated to the House that he met the British Prime Minister in Salzburg and Brussels. Throughout this period, it seems clear that Ms May is seeking to transfer the risks associated with Brexit to Ireland and has contorted the position we thought was fixed and clear last December. She is doing complex manoeuvres that seem designed to disguise the fact that she is walking away, or distancing herself a little, from the December agreement. The Taoiseach says she is not seeking to row back but all her comments, including the comment she made to the British House of Commons and elsewhere, are evidence that she is now unwilling or unable to deliver on that commitment.
Prime Minister May is talking about the extension of the period of transition as an alternative to the backstop. It is not an alternative, as the Taoiseach has made clear, and that needs to be made clear in this House. Has the Taoiseach discussed this directly with the British Prime Minister in one-to-one discussions? Does she understand that, as a country, we want the closest possible relationship between the UK and the EU, but we are part of the EU team? Regardless of the outcome of those discussions, which will take some years to complete, there must be a legal backstop to ensure the integrity of the island of Ireland and no hard Border here regardless of what may ensue from any discussions. Does she fundamentally accept that point?
Brexit is clearly the number one issue and I endorse Deputy Howlin's comments. Does Prime Minister May understand the Taoiseach's and the country's seriousness about this issue, and, more important, does she understand the seriousness of the backstop for this island? Does the Taoiseach get a sense from her that she is trying for time, political time or otherwise, to try and achieve a deal with her backbenchers?
The Taoiseach referred to robust and solid support from our EU partners, which is welcome. What are his comments on Chancellor Merkel's unofficial briefings to newspapers such as The Financial Times after the summit in which she seemed to unofficially indicate that support might not be as robust or solid? I acknowledge she officially clarified that afterwards, but straws in the wind like that are not helpful. In fairness to Mr. Barnier, he has been squarely behind this country but that kind of leaking is unhelpful to the Irish cause.
The Taoiseach referred to the drift in Northern Ireland, which is the other big issue. That is affecting people's daily lives. Expenditure decisions about key issues such as housing, education and health are being taken by unelected officials with no consequences for wrong decisions. Has the Taoiseach any plans to take an initiative to try to address that drift?
The Taoiseach needs to make it clear to Theresa May, as I have said on a number of occasions, that under no circumstances will any Irish Government in any way facilitate or support the erection of a border on this island. The Taoiseach, and others, assume that Europe can be trusted absolutely. It needs to be made absolutely clear that preventing a North-South border is more important than Europe's concern with protecting the so-called market. The problem is Europe is obsessed with protecting this market. Britain is obsessed with a jingoistic, nationalistic notion of its own importance and sovereignty. We know what the DUP are into; we know the problem with it. We know the political problems and madness inside the Tory Party. We need to be aware that there are people in Europe who would consider sacrificing the Border issue to protect the Single Market. They need to be told that preventing conflict and the installation of a North-South border, which is divisive and has had disastrous consequences historically, is what is acceptable to us. They need to be told it will not happen and we will veto any attempt to impose it.
Last week, the British Prime Minister turned down a request for a meeting with the four main parties that represent the pro-remain majority in the North - the SDLP, Alliance Party, Green Party and Sinn Féin. The four parties are due to meet the Taoiseach in the coming weeks and have met Mr. Michel Barnier together, yet Theresa May has refused a request for a joint meeting. This is another example of the contempt being shown by her Government for the majority of citizens in the North. To preserve her toxic alliance with the DUP, she is trampling over the rights of citizens by acquiescing to the DUP's refusal to share power on the basis of equality. By refusing to meet political representatives of the four parties, she is ignoring the democratic will of citizens in the North who voted to reject Brexit.
The British Government is incapable of acting responsibly or with any semblance of impartiality while it remains wedded to the DUP. It is an appalling failure of Theresa May's responsibilities as a co-equal guarantor of the peace process and the political process. The onus is on the Taoiseach and his Government and the EU 27 to defend the North's interests during this critical stage of Brexit negotiations.
I am not sure the Taoiseach answered the first question I asked. Does he intend to raise with Theresa May the comments made by Ms Karen Bradley which also clearly favoured a section of unionism over the political views and political representation of the rest of the North?
If it is the case that Prime Minister May has refused to meet the four parties, I am disappointed to hear it. Sinn Féin, the SDLP, Alliance Party and Green Party combined represent the majority of people in the Northern Ireland Assembly, or close to it. That meeting should happen. I will have that meeting, having also met the leader of the DUP recently.
I did not hear Secretary of State Bradley's comments in full or in context and I always like to hear things in full and in context before commenting on them. It is a statement of fact that the majority of people in Northern Ireland voted against Brexit and neither the Northern Ireland Assembly nor the Northern Ireland Executive has given consent for Brexit. We all know that and I make sure that every Prime Minister and President in Europe knows that as well and they do. It is essential that the secretary of state is impartial in dealing with the various parties in Northern Ireland and that is what the Good Friday Agreement requires of the sovereign UK Government.
Deputy Boyd Barrett referred to an obsession about protecting the integrity of the Single Market. It is important not to forget that is our Single Market too and we benefit from it enormously. Huge numbers of jobs in Ireland exist because we are part of a European Single Market. I would not like a situation where Britain is given unfettered access to this market, including Ireland, if it is going to reduce labour, environmental and health standards or use state aids and competition manipulations to undercut Ireland's businesses and take our jobs. That is what protecting the integrity of the Single Market is about. It is not an obsession; it is about protecting jobs, workers' rights, health and safety and the environment, and ensuring fair competition and no state aid. That is something Deputy Boyd Barrett would be in favour of, if not obsessed about.
Deputy Howlin asked a number of questions about the pace of negotiations.
In March and in June, we agreed that there would have to be a legally operative backstop as part of the withdrawal agreement in the form of a protocol and that that would have to apply unless and until a new agreement supersedes it. We need to bear in mind that this is language the UK Government signed up to. It is in the letter the UK Prime Minister, Theresa May, sent to President Tusk. It is in the joint document produced by the UK and the EU back in June. This is, therefore, something that the UK has signed up to in principle and in writing. It is not just a matter of substance at this stage; it is also a matter of trust.
Ireland has no difficulty in hearing proposals for a transition extension. However, it is strange that I heard some suggestion from, I believe, the UK Secretary of State, Mr. Rabb, that we could have an extension of the transition period instead of a legally binding backstop. An extension of the transition period would be a concession to the UK because it would be asking for it, asking for more time to prepare to put Brexit into real effect. It would be asking for more time to negotiate a new relationship. It would be asking for more time to get that new relationship treaty ratified. This would be a concession to the UK. We certainly would not be exchanging anything in return for it. I thought that was a somewhat unusual trade-off to propose.
There is much excellent reporting on Brexit in the media. The long reports by RTÉ's Tony Connelly are really good and are a very good briefing for anyone who is following this topic. An awful lot of nonsense is also being written and I will not waste any time commenting on all the individual speculative stories that appear in the media on Brexit, particularly in the UK press.
Undoubtedly the prospects of an agreement are adversely affected by the current political situation in the UK. The UK is a very divided country. It is still roughly divided 50:50 between people who want to leave and people who want to remain. Even several years later, those who want to leave still do not know what leave means, which makes coming to an agreement very difficult. However, we are working towards that and I am confident we will do it.
Written Answers are published on the Oireachtas website.