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Foreign Conflicts

Dáil Éireann Debate, Tuesday - 16 April 2019

Tuesday, 16 April 2019

Ceisteanna (56, 57, 66, 91)

Eamon Ryan

Ceist:

56. Deputy Eamon Ryan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade Ireland's position on the situation in Libya in the context of the recent advance of a person (details supplied) on Tripoli. [17627/19]

Amharc ar fhreagra

Mick Wallace

Ceist:

57. Deputy Mick Wallace asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will report on the most recent discussions at the Foreign Affairs Council meeting on 8 April 2019 on recent developments in Libya; the stance taken by representatives of Ireland at those meetings; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [17603/19]

Amharc ar fhreagra

Seán Crowe

Ceist:

66. Deputy Seán Crowe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if his attention has been drawn to renewed fighting in Libya and the fact that the UN is reporting significant civilian casualties and that thousands are fleeing fighting around Tripoli; and the steps Ireland is taking to ensure a new ceasefire is negotiated. [17560/19]

Amharc ar fhreagra

Niall Collins

Ceist:

91. Deputy Niall Collins asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if consideration has been given to the way in which the recent conflict in Libya could affect migrants who are already being kept in appalling conditions in detention centres there; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [17584/19]

Amharc ar fhreagra

Freagraí ó Béal (8 píosaí cainte)

As stated earlier, I am very keen to hear the Government's position on events in Libya, where there is real concern about a mounting conflict on the edge of Tripoli, the capital, in a country that has already been devastated and has for many years been in turmoil, particularly in light of the clear divisions that appear to exist within the European Union position. A different position is being taken by France and Italy, both of which have a lot of interest, or seem to have interest, in the region, which may be guiding some of the positions they are taking. What was the position of the Government, or what actions does it want the European Union to take in order to try to reverse the military escalation occurring at present? Where does Ireland stand in the context of the various European positions that appear to exist?

The Tánaiste will have sufficient time.

I propose to take Questions Nos. 56, 57, 66 and 91 together.

I am deeply concerned about the ongoing fighting around the Libyan capital, Tripoli. The military attack launched by the so-called Libyan National Army, LNA, which led to this escalation, is putting civilians at risk and disrupting efforts to find a peaceful resolution to an ongoing conflict.

As of Friday, 12 April, this fighting had claimed the lives of dozens of people, including at least 17 civilians, and displaced almost 10,000 people. I am especially concerned for the safety of civilians in the area of conflict. I fully support the UN's call for an immediate humanitarian truce to allow access for emergency services and to facilitate civilians who wish to move away from conflict areas.

At the Foreign Affairs Council on 8 April there was an exchange of views on Libya which highlighted the EU's shared concern about the recent violence and our conviction of the urgent need for all parties to implement immediately a humanitarian truce, to refrain from further military escalation and to return to negotiations. Member states also reiterated their support for the efforts of the UN special representative Ghassan Salamé in working towards peace and stability in Libya. He has come to speak to Foreign Affairs Ministers on two occasions, if not more.

In a declaration agreed by all member states on 11 April, the EU called on all parties to cease military operations and specifically called on the LNA and all the forces that have moved into Tripoli or its vicinity to withdraw. The EU reminded the parties involved in this confrontation that they must respect international law, including international humanitarian law, and that those who violate it will be held to account. The EU's unequivocal message to the parties is that there is no military solution to this crisis, only a political one. We strongly urged all parties to resume political dialogue without delay and to continue to engage in the UN-led process for an inclusive political settlement.

EU diplomats regularly discuss the situation in Libya, taking stock of any opportunities to exert a positive influence on the situation and to support political efforts. I expect that the next Foreign Affairs Council in May will have a further discussion on the situation in Libya but I very much hope that conditions will have improved on the ground before then.

The Libyan people have suffered greatly from years of conflict and political fragmentation and deserve to live in a peaceful and prosperous society. The political process, which is the only way to bring this suffering to an end and to return Libya's governance to a more stable footing, has unfortunately become a casualty of this recent violence. The UN-organised national conference, which had been scheduled for 14 to 16 April, has had to be postponed due to a deteriorating security situation. Ireland and the EU continue to believe that the national conference should be held as soon as circumstances allow in order to bring together the various political factions in Libya, with the aim of holding democratic elections. This is the only way to unify the country's institutions and to set Libya on the path to stability and economic recovery. Ireland and the EU continue to support the efforts of the UN special representative to bring this about. All Libyans and all international parties should give their full support to the UN political efforts.

I am deeply concerned that the current violence might put already vulnerable migrants and refugees in Libya at even further risk. I welcome the work of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR, to relocate a number of refugees and migrants who were in more dangerous areas into safe zones. In EU discussions of the situation in Libya last week, Irish officials highlighted the importance of guaranteeing the safety of refugees and migrants.  Ireland and the EU continue to support the work of the UN migration and refugee agencies to monitor and improve conditions for refugees and migrants in Libya, including inside detention centres, and to assist with the voluntary return of migrants to their countries of origin. We are aware that the current instability in Libya unfortunately limits further the capacity of the international community to do this important work in some areas.

In December 2018, the Council adopted conclusions on Libya noting that there can only be a political solution to the Libyan crisis that needs to come from the Libyans themselves through an inclusive political process. This continues to be the case.  Ireland and the EU will continue to monitor the situation in Libya and will support efforts to bring about a peaceful resolution to the conflict and build a better future for the Libyan people.

Linked to the challenges faced by and suffering of migrants, it is very regrettable that Operation Sophia has now been dramatically scaled down. It no longer includes the presence of ships and is now effectively a surveillance mission by air. That is a mistake by the EU and it is something we need to reflect on and correct. Getting collective agreement in the EU regarding ports that can facilitate the landing of refugees will prove very difficult, however.

For the information of the House, we are dealing with Questions Nos. 56, 57, 66 and 91. Given the time constraints, I suggest we take all supplementary questions together. I call Deputy Eamon Ryan and ask him to adhere to the limit of one minute.

Part of the problem in Libya is that the EU's position is being driven by a desire to stop any movement of migrants. Out of sight is out of mind applies in respect of refugees in Libya and the countries to which they are returning. The outcome of the EU's single-minded position is that refugees often become subject to criminal gangs. Critically, the Tánaiste stated there was an unequivocal European Union position. My understanding from reading reports is that the French Government originally tried to block the statement of 11 April and succeeded in amending it to take the French viewpoint into account. What position did the Government take regarding these internal EU negotiations? It seems the French are taking one side, while the Italians and others take a different position. Where did Ireland stand on the attempt to block that declaration and why did we agree to its amendment?

I know the Tánaiste could not make the meeting in question. I wonder how he feels about the position taken by France. France has been supporting General Haftar. French weapons helped him take over Benghazi in 2017. The Tánaiste stated that the people of Libya have suffered terribly. That is the case but he should add that this suffering is directly linked to the NATO bombing of 2011, which was a total disaster and caused a major humanitarian disaster. No one has been held to account for it. France is selling almost €28 billion worth of arms to countries in the Middle East, including €4 billion worth of arms to the United Arab Emirates alone. Much of the weaponry sold to the UAE has ultimately gone to General Haftar in Libya. When we allow arms to be poured into places such as Libya we are guaranteed to get absolute chaos and anarchy. That is what we are seeing. Is the Tánaiste happy with the role that France has played in Libya?

The World Health Organization has stated that at least 174 people have been killed and 758 injured in the battle for control of the Libyan capital. Many of us would see Libya as a failed state. Armed militias seem to control the country. The Tánaiste stated that Ireland supports the idea of an inclusive process but that seems less and less likely as events move on. We have seen that General Haftar believes there is a military solution. Part of the difficulty is that we have different states supporting the aim of a military solution. Libya is one more example of disastrous NATO military intervention alongside Iraq and Afghanistan.

My concern is that the next EU budget is set to provide €13 billion for military spending. This will be the first time that military spending will be in the EU budget. Using public money to fund arms companies and spending more on military projects will not increase Europe's security. Instead it clears the way for more arms exports to fuel conflicts around the world such as the conflict in Libya. Will the Tánaiste call on international actors, including EU members, to stop fuelling this conflict and instead use their influence to ensure there is an immediate cease fire and a political resolution found for Libya?

The outcome we all want is an end to armed conflict and a politically negotiated solution. There was much hope for the future of Libya when President Gaddafi was removed. What we now have, unfortunately, is a broken state with armed factional leaders. The Irish position in trying to move this process is to support the approach of the UN special representative rather than the approach of individual countries that may be advocating for certain courses of action. The whole point of having a UN special representative is to try and have a clear role for the international community. That is the position the EU is now collectively supporting and it is also the position the Irish Government supports.

Written Answers are published on the Oireachtas website.
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