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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 11 Jun 2003

Vol. 568 No. 2

Shannon Airport.

Shannon is not just an airport. The independent overseas consultant, Alastair Tucker, concluded in his 1997 study that 23,000 direct jobs, mainly in industry, and 13,000 indirect jobs depend on Shannon Airport. Recent updates put that figure at over 40,000 jobs. European and international studies consistently highlight the Shannon region as a prime example of regional development. They all conclude that the key driver of this regional development and economic success is the airport and in particular its high level of services from the United States. The EU has consistently supported regions and has put considerable financial resources into delivering on its commitment to peripheral areas. I am confident that the Commission will acknowledge and accommodate the special case of the west of Ireland.

The onus is on the Minister and the Government to make a powerful case and not to undermine it in advance by negotiating a weaker position with the US authorities. Since 1994 – this is not generally well known – airlines have had the option of operating directly on US routes to and from either Dublin or Shannon as long as half the transatlantic flights serve Shannon. Aer Lingus, through a combination of inept management, uneven marketing, and anti-rural bias has failed to capitalise on this opportunity. If the will was there very few flights would need to land at both airports as they would be filled from both. Aer Lingus management and some of its American counterparts want to serve only one Irish destination and they have perversely discommoded business and private customers in Dublin and the west by routing flights through both airports to further that aim. People taking flights in Dublin are frequently put through Shannon. Likewise, people travelling from Shannon are very frequently being backtracked through Dublin in both directions. Prior to 1994 Aer Lingus promised that direct flights from Dublin would reduce the numbers going over London. The direct opposite has happened, which will not come as any surprise to anyone who has dealt with the airline.

The Government will have to decide if, as shareholder, it is solely concerned with the value of an asset to be shed at the highest price. It will have to decide whether the terms regional, or employment opportunities in the regions, mean anything or whether they should be sacrificed for the paltry return on the privatisation of Aer Lingus. In response to a parliamentary question yesterday the carrot of transatlantic services was held out to other airports besides Dublin and Shannon. I am surprised that the senior official who prepared the response was not aware that Aer Lingus objected strongly to the provision of facilities for wide-bodied aircraft in the new Cork Airport facility.

More than 40% of traffic through Shannon in 2002 comprised transatlantic flights. Shannon's daily direct flights are the lifeblood of industries up and down the west coast. They ensure that spare parts and raw materials are readily available and that deliveries of air freight reach customers on time. A diminution of services will result in job losses. Last week the promoters of the western technology corridor project, comprising key west of Ireland industrialists, reacted with horror to the news of open skies without a well-researched and adequately funded alternative strategy. Dr. Ed Walsh put the start-up cost of his Atlantic technopolis, the Cork-Limerick-Galway axis as a counterweight to Dublin, at €1 billion. His proposals put flesh on the bones of the national spatial strategy. This debate on air access policy is the first test and so far the Government seems destined for a no-grade result on the issue. More than 80% of air access is via Dublin and 90% of surface access is through east coast ports. The recent interim report of a tourism policy review group called for that share to be increased. When I asked the Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism to publish the background and supporting documentation he could not. There is none of course, except that conjured up by Aer Lingus executives and their business allies salivating at the prospect of a windfall, similar to that which followed the privatisation of Telecom, in the privatisation stakes of our national airline.

Changes will occur in aviation policy. I want those changes to be planned and managed to the benefit of the entire country. Dublin needs to have its growth managed just as much as the west needs a share of national growth in industrial and economic advances. Some regional support can be provided by regulation. Other supports cost money. The most dramatic and beneficial results have been seen in the case of Shannon and its hinterland. If the Government had many millions of euro at its disposal the same result could be achieved by direct investment in infrastructure and services. There is, however, a very considerable saving to the national exchequer by pursuing the former route of some regulation with some investment, and the EU will go along with the Government case if it is strongly made.

The White Paper on Transport of 2002, prepared by the committee of the regions, concluded that regional airports should not be disadvantaged by proposals for any joint transatlantic aviation agreement. I strongly agree with that sentiment. The Government has a wonderful opportunity to deliver on regional development and a spatial strategy while ensuring that the conditions for growth in air traffic and tourism are also availed of.

I thank Deputy Tony Killeen for tabling this matter. He has been a consistent champion of Shannon Airport and the hinterland since his election here, and long before. Inside and outside this House, he has consistently supported demands for a better future for Shannon Airport and the regions. I compliment and support him on that.

I will begin by outlining for the House the background before moving on to the issues that I took into consideration in relation to this matter, the decision taken in Luxembourg on 5 June, and where I see the future of transatlantic aviation, its implications for Shannon Airport and for Ireland as a whole. The European Court of Justice ruled, on 5 November 2002, on a case taken by the European Commission against eight member states, not including Ireland, concerning their "open skies" agreements with the US, that the designation of national airlines in their bilateral air transport agreements is contrary to the right of establishment provided for under the treaties establishing the European Union. This means that member states must allow any European airline established in their countries to enjoy the benefits of that member state's bilateral agreements. This legal principle applies to each member state's bilaterals with every third country, not just with the US.

In response to the court's ruling, the Commission then reactivated a proposal to give it a mandate to negotiate an open aviation area agreement with the US. This was a long-standing proposal, and I believe that it is only a matter of time before such a mandate will be given to the Commission. The EU and US territories would be treated as one single aviation area. Such an OAA agreement between the EU and US would satisfactorily solve the legal problems highlighted by the court in relation to the US, and is a pragmatic response to the difficulty of up to 15, and shortly 25, member states having to simultaneously change their agreements with the US in an integrated way.

The mandate put forward by the Commission envisages a liberalised regime in which airlines may be owned, in any proportion, by European or US persons or interests, and such airlines may operate services in both Europe and the US, as well as between them. The intention is that these airlines could operate from any point to any other point in the open aviation area.

Other issues also arose during discussion on that mandate, such as the implications that an EU-US agreement would have for relations with third countries other than the US, and whether member states could continue to negotiate changes to their agreements with third countries on a bilateral basis, and these were all taken into account when the Transport Council took its decision on this issue.

These issues were discussed at Transport Councils in December 2002 and March 2003, but came up for decision at the Council held on 5 June in Luxembourg. It was not expected to be decided upon until the October meeting but the Commission and Presidency accelerated matters. When deciding what position I should adopt at that Council on behalf of Ireland, the main issues that I took into account were the ruling of the European Court of Justice last November, the impact on Shannon Airport and its hinterland, the impact on tourism of increased access to Ireland, the opportunities for Aer Lingus to increase its business on transatlantic routes, as well as Ireland's wider relationship with Europe. I should make it clear that my Department has not yet engaged in any negotiations with the US authorities regarding Ireland's current air transport agreement. While prior to the council meeting there were discussions between officials in my Department and officials from the US Embassy, at the embassy's request, regarding aviation issues generally, including the issues surrounding the European Court's ruling, those discussions did not include any negotiations regarding the bilateral agreement.

The existing Government policy on Shannon Airport has been in place in order to assist the development of that airport, as well as regional development in the west. It is recognised that for Ireland to have a globally competitive but regionally integrated economy, effective connections to the world are vital. Shannon Airport is strategically located and close to a significant population base. While recognising the transatlantic role of Shannon, its strategic location also suggests an enhanced role for it in linking the growing population bases in those areas with the UK and mainland Europe in addition to the US and eastern Europe.

A major factor regarding Shannon is that an EU-US liberalised market is the inevitable outcome of this whole process in Europe. It became very clear that there was a consensus among other member states that an EU-US agreement was the way forward. In view of that reality, I took the view that to seek to insist on a non-open skies policy would damage not only Irish tourism, business and aviation as a whole, but also the potential for Shannon Airport to carve out new routes into the US in this new and liberalised market, and to develop itself as a hub for passengers and cargo.

At the Transport Council, I stated that I would not oppose the wish of all the other member states to grant this mandate to the Commission to negotiate an EU-US agreement. I also reiterated my concerns about the impact an agreement might have on Shannon Airport, and I pointed out strongly that I will carefully assess the draft agreement which ultimately emerges from those negotiations. The decision to grant this mandate to the Commission was unanimous.

While I am conscious of the concerns being expressed on behalf of Shannon, I believe that a liberalised EU-US aviation market will have significant potential benefits not only for Irish tourism and business, but also for Shannon itself, for Irish citizens wishing to travel to the US, for Aer Lingus which could open new routes to the US and for other Irish airports which currently do not have scheduled services to destinations in the US.

I reiterate my commitment that I will not agree to any changes until I am fully satisfied that Shannon has an equal or greater volume of aviation business available to it. We will use the breathing space to engage in consultation with Shannon, with airlines and other interests to bring this about.

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