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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 26 Oct 2016

Vol. 926 No. 2

Finance Bill 2016: Second Stage (Resumed)

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

If Deputy Danny Healy-Rae arrives in the Chamber I will concede six minutes of my time to him. Section 3 amends the earned income tax credit to increase the value of the credit from €555 to €950. While it is a small step, it is a very welcome measure for the self-employed. They need to be supported because they are the backbone in trying to recover Ireland's economy.

Section 4 deals with the home carer tax credit. While the increase is most welcome it simply does not do enough to benefit families who care for their children in their own home, which is very important. The benefit to families is limited, particularly since tax individualisation, as one-income families pay more tax than dual-income families on every euro earned. We cannot discriminate against one-income households, particularly in light of the newly introduced child care scheme. I appeal to the Minister to review the workings of this scheme. During the budget debate some people took umbrage with me but it is not just my belief as studies have proven that the best place for a young child to be raised, certainly in the first six months of their lives or longer, is in the home.

I have nothing at all against child care. It is very necessary. My own children were in child care.

Section 7 extends the home renovation incentive scheme for a further two years. I had proposed this scheme in my pre-budget submissions for many years and I welcomed its introduction. If it helps families and small businesses and limits the potential of the black market, it is very welcome. The scheme is working successfully. I suppose I have to declare an interest as I put new windows in my house under this scheme. It is an important scheme that gives small business people great opportunities and cuts out the black market.

Section 8 deals with the first-time buyers scheme. I have huge concerns in this regard. I have told the Minister, Deputy Coveney, this in committee. I am slightly pleased that an amendment has already been proposed to avoid over-borrowing but it is a matter of concern that this was not raised at the outset. The Central Bank rules and the requirement that 80% of the price of a house would have to be borrowed support the more well-off and not ordinary couples who want to build houses or buy second-hand homes. These people, who might have some savings, want to work and perhaps have their own house on a family site. Not to allow this was a retrograde step because there are many who are forced to sell houses or want to sell houses so that they can trade up or down. The scheme is narrow and negative.

Section 11 extends the start-your-own-business relief for a further two years and this is most welcome. Tá fíor-fháilte roimhe sin. We need those who are qualified, educated and have the vision and the enthusiasm to start their own businesses and we need to stimulate and support them.

Section 14 makes a number of amendments to the living city initiative. While the amendments in this regard are welcome, they simply do not go far enough. What about our living towns, our rural towns and our villages? It is not all about Dublin, although it seems to be. There are other cities as well. I am not being anti-Dublin, but we need the rural towns and the county towns too. A tax incentive scheme could revitalise Ireland’s largest towns and provide badly needed homes and, more importantly, bring life back into our towns. This should not have been ignored in budget 2017. It is crazy that in certain towns there are streets on which no one lives. We need to be imaginative and get people back living in them, thereby reducing the housing list. We are making living towns but the shops close at 6 p.m.

Preliminary findings from the analysis of census 2016 by the Heritage Council of Ireland reveal that there are more than 10,000 vacant non-holiday homes in 17 of the larger towns across the country. That is bizarre. Those homes should be utilised. Where they are built, finished and ready, they should be used. The living city initiative, which is currently confined to parts of the cities of Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Galway, Waterford and Kilkenny, must be extended and targeted at some of the country’s largest provincial towns, including Clonmel. The latter, which was the largest inland town until quite recently, has 536 vacant homes. Imagine it. Nenagh has 603 vacant non-holiday homes and Thurles has 499 vacant non-holiday homes. There are 3,000 approved applicants on the housing lists in Tipperary. Those vacant homes would half the lists. We need to use our imaginations and introduce stimulating legislation.

There are homes in our towns which are lying idle, which are almost derelict and which could be put to good use but for the cost of redevelopment, particularly the taxes and charges. An individual in my town of Clonmel had a business that closed down not so long ago. It was a relatively new business, in operation for perhaps ten years. He could convert the premises to four or, possibly, five apartment units. He went to the planners with his agent for a pre-planning meeting. His bank would not loan him the money but his accountant told him to run away from it in any event because he would have to pay 50% of the costs in development charges, planning fees and God knows what. Four families could have been housed in what is an empty but pretty modern building that will become derelict. Where is the imagination? This has been a gravy train for the county councils but they need to wake up and smell the coffee. Those charges were brought in during boom times. They need to be reduced so that business people such as that young man, who has a young family, can do this. He cannot let the premises because no one will take it up. He wants to change the use, but the process in that regard is too slow, arduous and costly.

Such an extension could play a major role in revitalising these towns and deliver thousands of habitable dwellings for homeless families and workers. It is not rocket science. We can have all the plans and homeless conferences we like, and I sympathise with anyone who is homeless, but we are achieving nothing. The answer is right in front of us and all that is needed is some slight amendments to the legislation and a bit of imagination. County managers and chief executive officers of councils should be instructed to get off their high horses and change the rates. They might say it is a matter for local authority members, but they all should be instructed as I have outlined. In the context of the most recent county development plan for towns in Tipperary, I made a submission to the effect that if there is a need for a change of use, this should be quite easy to facilitate. There would be no need to be reckless. We can observe the planning laws but we need to cut down the costs and the red tape. Do not say it is a no-no and that it would be a contravention of the plan. Have it in the plan that it can be done.

While I welcome the extension of the living city initiative, we simply cannot ignore the towns. The Government has given a commitment to rural Ireland and an extension of the living city initiative to a living town initiative would be a first step in the right direction. I looked for that in the programme for Government as did the Rural Independent Group - including Deputy Danny Healy-Rae and others - and the Independent Alliance. This needs to be examined and delivered upon. I have just given the example of the planning charges, and there are many more I could give. They are just too prohibitive. Amendments to the county development plan are not wanted. They are not listening. It is a closed shop.

Section 17 amends the income averaging regime for farmers. The IFA and other groups lobbied for this. I agree with and welcome it but I am concerned that the regime only allows farmers to elect the averaging regime for a single year but we know that there could be two very difficult years in a row. What options are available in this regard? This is very badly needed. Farmers are not trying to get out of paying tax. In a year such as this, however, when the price of milk, beef, cattle and cereals is through the floor, they experience difficulties. In difficult years, it is not viable to produce those items and crops to which I refer. What will farmers do? They should have some way of writing off this year and levelling it out. They will pay it. I am not saying that they do not pay it. They will pay it.

The amendment relating to vulture funds is very disappointing. Section 21 amends section 110 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997 and tightens the loopholes used by vulture funds to pay an effective zero rate of tax on profits made on financial investments. It is like closing the stable door when the horse has not only got out but has gone off around the coast. It is ridiculous. Vulture funds and big investors availed of loopholes for far too long and, while I welcome the fact that it was brought in immediately, the whole area of retrospection should have been examined. We hear all kinds of stories every day. We hear that AIB has sold off lots of loans. There is something going on there because there is an eerie silence in cases I am involved in. They are in stalemate and are not being moved on at the moment. I am worried that they are all going to be sold off by banks that we bailed out and literally own.

Section 25 reduces the capital gains tax rate, which is very welcome for the self employed and farmers. It is also very welcome for vulture funds and therein lies the problem. We have new vulture funds in the country, which include the equine empires. I welcome them and support them. Coolmore Stud is one in my county. It gives great prowess to the racing industry, great enjoyment and good employment to people and support in respect of community issues. However, these funds will not stop - and cannot be stopped - gobbling up, grabbing and taking over all the land, including most of that in south Tipperary, as well as in south Kilkenny, west Waterford, east Cork, and now Kildare and north Tipperary. They are everywhere. This has to be stopped because this welcome measure was intended for families to be able to pass on land without capital gains tax. The long and the short of it is that with these vulture funds we do not know from where the money comes. They can outbid anyone and they close down the places when they buy them. They just bulldoze them. They bulldoze the fences, put up new ranch gates and hire security firms. A snipe would not get through the ditches not to mind, say, a rabbit getting a look in.

This is bad for Ireland. I lobbied the Government but it has not dealt with this matter. It suits the big conglomerates. The same applies to the vulture funds. While the measure was necessary, I sought a land cap of 750 acres, which is more than beneficial to anyone. It should be a lot less, but I stuck it at 750 acres. It was ignored in the budget. The Government will have to step in. These funds now have so much land in Tipperary it is the equivalent of 100 farmers each having a family farm of 120 acres. This is totally unacceptable. It does not affect the Leas-Cheann Comhairle's area but it affects all the good land.

We are back to the landlords and the penal times and we do not have a land commission or anyone looking at the issue. The Government and its predecessor have adopted a hush-hush policy, as did the Government before that, of which I was a supporter. The policy is that we must not touch these people because they are paying the parties handsomely and supporting them. This is utterly wrong and immoral. Ordinary families have to leave. Where will we get our schoolchildren or our football, hurling and camogie teams? How will we fill our community halls? We will have a wasteland for horses only.

While I do not find anything wrong with the increase in the price of cigarettes because they are bad, I feel for small shopkeepers. Similarly, the legislation on alcohol is killing and crucifying small self-employed shopkeepers. The Government will not tackle the supermarkets, Coolmore Stud and other conglomerates because those that are big and powerful must not be touched as their lobbies are too powerful. Meanwhile small shopkeepers are being denigrated, destroyed and subject to onerous taxes. Cigarettes will be sold on the black market, resulting in a loss of revenue to the Government. Black market cigarettes are much worse for the health of smokers and increasing the price of cigarettes provides support for illegal industries.

I would say much more if had time. I welcome the Ceann Comhairle back to the House.

The Government's credibility will depend on the success of the housing strategy it announced some weeks ago and again in the budget a fortnight ago. Many young couples are disappointed that the Finance Bill does not provide any help to first-time buyers who purchase a second-hand home. It is also unclear whether repossessed houses in housing developments that fell into other people's hands will qualify as new houses. The help-to-buy scheme is unfair to persons whose first home was repossessed as these people never owned their homes because they were taken from them on the basis that they could not pay for them. It is sad that no facility has been provided to this group when they seek to buy a home. It is unfortunate and unfair that they will not be classed as a first-time buyer.

I am glad houses in County Kerry are not as expensive as in other places. I am aware of a farmer's son who wanted to borrow €100,000 from a bank to build a house. The bank would only lend him €180,000, the amount it stated it would cost to complete the house. It would then be more suitable for the bank to get rid of the house if the young man found himself in the position that he could not pay for it. He only wanted to borrow €100,000 because he has brothers who work in the building trade and he could get other help to do much of the work involved. The bank will not give him less than €180,000, which would be grand except his income means he does not qualify for a mortgage of €180,000.

In other parts of the country, the help-to-buy scheme will assist first-time buyers paying up to €600,000 for a house. If a buyer needs to borrow 70% of the cost of €600,000 home, he or she will have to take out a mortgage of €420,000. To obtain such a facility from a bank, the borrower's gross annual income would have to be €120,000. People on incomes of €33,000 or at most €40,000 believe this is wrong because the scheme will help upper-income earners to the detriment of lower-income earners. The scheme seems to be designed for the wealthy rather than the poor. I and many others are very hurt by this because it is not fair that it facilitates people earning €120,000. Others have been left out, for example, people seeking to purchase a second-hand home to do up with funding from the home renovation scheme in order that they can put a roof over their heads.

The help-to-buy scheme is unworkable when one considers the figures. A person seeking a mortgage of €420,000 must have an 84% deposit. The Government's attempt to rectify the housing problem is poor and will not succeed. We also have many other problems in the housing sector. It is clear, for example, that only four or five construction companies will qualify under procurement rules to tender for national or State building schemes. This is unfortunate because smaller builders who have stood the test of time will not get a look in or a smell of these tenders. They will do the building for the bigger companies and many of them will not get paid, as happened many times in the past. This is very unfortunate. Many issues need to be rectified but the budget made no attempt to do so. The biggest problem facing the country is housing and we are not properly addressing the social housing aspect of the problem.

I thank Deputy Danny Healy-Rae for those words of wisdom.

It is a little over two weeks since the budget was delivered. One of the main features that was focused on was the help-to-buy scheme, which I described as the help-to-sell scheme in my response to the Budget Statement. The sentiment I expressed turned out to be true because in the immediate aftermath of the scheme's announcement, media reports suggested the price of some new houses jumped by approximately 20%. Across media outlets, we heard many potential first-time buyers say they were terrified the measure would lead to price rises and make an uphill struggle even more difficult. In my local area in Kildare, prices in one development increased on the very evening of the budget.

Despite claims to the contrary from the Minister for Finance, Deputy Noonan, and Minister for Housing, Planning, Community and Local Government, Deputy Coveney, on the floor of the House, it became obvious within hours of the budget that the Central Bank of Ireland had grave concerns about the help-to-buy measure and its potential to impact on the market and undermine the very rules the Central Bank had put in place to try to protect first-time buyers or at least keep prices at a stable level. Both Ministers were adamant that the Central Bank had given them the go-ahead for this measure. Within 48 hours of the much feted measure being announced, it was being rolled back and we see in section 8 of the Bill that it has been altered. These alterations are not sufficient, however. Just yesterday, Davy Stockbrokers revised upwards the growth forecast for prices in the residential housing market. While I acknowledge that this could be driven by a number of factors, the scheme appears to be one of the drivers of this upward revision. Davy Stockbrokers now estimates that property prices will grow by 7% in 2017, due in part to the help-to-buy measure or help-to-sell scheme as I describe it. The net effect of the scheme will be to raise property prices. I ask the Minister of State to explain how higher prices will help first-time buyers to purchase a home.

Even if we ignore the issues of affordability that the measure creates, there is another serious flaw, which is that it splits the market of prospective first-time buyers between those who can afford the new builds that developers are providing and those who seek more affordable options on the second-hand housing market. It is very difficult to see how we can ensure a social and demographic mix with such a policy. I come across many people who are looking for solutions because they are in a home they bought before the crash that is now way too small for their family's needs at this point. It is not that there are not starter homes. In many cases, it is that the wrong people are in the starter homes or too many people are in homes that are too small. The totality of this needs to be looked at.

It is for that reason the Social Democrats will table an amendment to the Bill seeking to remove what we see as a retrograde measure in its entirety. We believe the housing crisis should be tackled, but not by rehearsing failed policies of the past. We had a first-time buyers grant in the past which was simply absorbed into the cost of houses. That was the reason given in this House as to why it was dispensed with. We need to grasp the bull by the horns and tackle the supply at source in the here and now by utilising fiscal measures designed to immediately make thousands of vacant units available as housing options. For example, for every 1% decrease in the vacancy rate, and we have one of the highest vacancy rates in Europe, we would release approximately 5,000 housing units which are immediately available rather than being units that must be built. It is obvious that is where some of the emphasis should have been put.

We also intend to propose the removal of the special assignee relief programme. This is designed to provide a tax relief for those specialists who are deemed deserving of a special tax arrangement by virtue of their expertise. This measure costs the State an average of €20,000 per employee every year and it runs over a period of five years. We believe that if a company believes an employee is specialist enough to warrant such remuneration, then the employer should pay for that rather than the State.

There is a principle of equality in the tax system. That issue of equality is one that runs through a number of other areas and is one I will return to later. Part of the reason that people are not coming to live here or are not staying here is the cost of living, with the cost of housing one of the big contributors. There are a number of things that need to be done in this regard. It is not clear who has responsibility for the land bank that comes under various Departments, State agencies and semi-State agencies. It seems to us this is one thing that prevents the amalgamation of a range of different house types being built, including housing for sale, local authority housing and housing for rent. We feel this is a practical step that should be taken.

Measures in regard to a minimum effective rate of corporation tax are needed. If we need extra Revenue staff, that needs to be implemented to make sure the 12.5% rate is the effective rate. I would welcome the extension of the home improvement tax relief. More can be done on this and we could be more ambitious. With regard to the whole area of climate change, the housing stock is one of the three big areas, along with agriculture and transport, to which we need to pay attention. The first one, housing, is the more difficult of the three but something ambitious could be done in regard to retrofitting homes. We import a huge amount of oil every year and reducing that would have a positive impact on the economy.

The website www.daft.ie undertook an analysis recently which referred to the number of vacant houses available in the country. When it looked again at the figures, there was a significant redundancy rate within the vacant housing stock which is caused primarily by the fact houses are left vacant and allowed to become derelict, without heating and so on. Reducing that vacancy rate may well reduce the redundancy rate.

We believe the housing fund could have been much more ambitious. We rarely come across a situation where ICTU and IBEC both agree but one of the areas they agreed on was the need to expand the capital side of the spend. I know a smoothing effect was used, which is very welcome. However, there needs to be a negotiation at European level, particularly around funds to be spent directly on building houses. There is an emergency fund at European level but house building would not qualify because a natural disaster is required to leverage that fund. However, one could not say this is anything but a disaster and there is no end in sight to what is a major emergency. There is broad support for such a negotiation and it could save a substantial amount of money by reducing the cost of housing and increasing the housing stock. In the rental sector, I am now hearing that people are entering bidding wars in order to rent a house and the amounts being paid have gone through the roof, if the House will pardon the pun, even in the last three or four months.

I referred to land management, which is a big issue. If we are to reduce costs, the scale at which we build is important. The State has a land bank but that does not appear to be co-ordinated. That co-ordination needs to happen as a matter of urgency.

I want to deal with the issue of equality, which is very much a budgetary issue. I remember the day equal pay for equal work happened because I was one of those people who got a bigger pay cheque that day. It is one of those big days in my life that I remember. Essentially, I was sitting beside a man who started the job after me and did the same work but he got paid more than I did. On that day, I got an equal pay packet. What is going on in regard to teachers, nurses and gardaí is wrong. I listened to the Minister this morning. He was pushed over and over again, and asked whether he supported equality of pay for equal work in principle. He ducked and dived and would make no commitment, even in principle. There has to be a response to that.

One cannot have people doing exactly the same job for different amounts of money. Pay restoration is certainly happening but people possibly do not believe it is happening quickly enough. The principle of equal pay for equal work needs to be stated. It needs to be stated clearly in the House that the principle should be applied.

As I stated, there are certain provisions in the Bill that we welcome and there are some very significant ones that we oppose. The issue of housing has been badly handled. Given that it is the number one issue and that it has reached crisis level, that is more than disappointing.

Although Deputy Donnelly is next, would he be so kind as to allow Deputy Durkan to contribute? He has been here for quite a while and must leave. He will be very brief.

When he makes his brief contribution, I will call Deputy Donnelly.

Is that a promise?

I would be honoured to hear Deputy Durkan.

I thank Deputy Donnelly. I am so sorry about this but I have to be in a certain place at 9.55 p.m.

I am glad to have an opportunity to speak on this important legislation. I will add my humble contribution to those made by numerous Deputies in the course of the debate. Housing and the lack of it has rightly been identified as a major issue. The Government has put in place very considerable investments and supports to address this. It has made available €5.3 billion over the next few years. It is a matter for the powers that be, the local authorities on which we all served, to utilise the funds available as quickly as possible to provide the housing necessary to meet the needs of our people.

I listened carefully to the speeches this morning because I was in a position to do so. I was particularly impressed by the contribution of Deputy Connolly, who clearly has an understanding of the housing problem from having worked directly with the people in need of housing. Her contribution was realistic and based on clear knowledge of the issue. She did not attribute anything to anything other than the need to deal with the issue through the normal system of provision, whereby the local authorities provided housing directly for people within their catchment areas. We all know that policy became old-fashioned over the years. Gradually, it was pushed to one side and eventually everybody relied upon the private sector to provide rental property. This did not work and could never work. Some of us present, including the Ceann Comhairle, pointed that out at the time. Unfortunately, nobody listened to us. It is only now, several years later, that we find the damage done was colossal in more ways than one. One thing that happened at the time in question was that responsibility for the mainstream of local authority housing was given to voluntary housing agencies. The agencies are particularly good at dealing with special housing needs and supports but they were not equipped to deal with the whole housing problem, nor could they ever be so equipped. It was not their statutory responsibility. It was a dream, a pipe dream, and it simply did not work.

The measures put in place by the Government are realistic, forthright and urgent. They recognise the need to do something about the matter in the shortest time possible. In such circumstances, we need to allow the matter to take root and settle. We need to go back to the old local authority housing loans. There are several tranches of demand in this housing area. We did away with the old local authority housing loans and the system has become very complicated in recent times. There is now an assessment group that takes some days to assess eligibility for a loan. This is crazy because, as the Ceann Comhairle and I well know, it does not take any more than 20 or 30 minutes, if one has the information, to make an assessment. Either the person has the capacity to repay a certain amount or not. There is not much sense in saying that if a person is five, seven or ten years in a job, he or she has a better chance of repaying because nobody has an absolute guarantee of a job at any time, including Members of this House. Suggesting a person has a better chance of getting a loan if he or she has been a certain number of years in the job is one of the most ridiculous suggestions I have ever heard. We all know it depends on the job and how long it will stand for. This is in somebody else's hands. There is no risk-free lending. There is no such thing as a guarantee of the ability to pay and there never has been. That is not what lending is about. We need to clear this up and reintroduce the loans to which I referred as a matter of urgency.

We need to reintroduce the use of private developed sites, or what we used to call private sites, through the local authorities. They were extremely effective and efficient in delivering houses to the people who were at the first stage of being able to provide a house for themselves. For instance, young gardaí, nurses, professionals, local authority workers and civil servants had a great opportunity, and many of them availed of it. They provided themselves with a house without ever burdening anybody else. If they had not done so, they would now be crowding the system and driving up house prices by virtue of creating more competition in the marketplace. Private sites and county council loans can be incorporated into the plan, even after the passage of the Finance Bill. I hope they will all be utilised as quickly as possible.

House prices in this country are way too high. I had the temerity to mention that at a meeting of the housing committee recently and there was absolute uproar. People tore their hair out and beat their breasts stating it was an appalling thing to say. I had suggested a Deputy's salary would not service a loan of more than €250,000. It would not, should not and could not. Two and a half times the income of the main earner was always the norm in the determination of the ability to repay a loan. Now people on the same salary as a Deputy are expected to service a loan of €300,000 to €400,000. I cannot understand for the life of me how people could expect that.

We have inherited much of the high pricing from the boom time. It is a legacy issue. Everybody felt it was better to be living in a very expensive house. We all lived in more expensive houses during the boom. I did not notice any difference. I did not feel any better getting out of bed in the morning and walking down the hall, and I did not feel very lucky to be living in a very expensive house. Everything was relative to the prices everywhere else. Whatever the market determined at the time was what we were committed to.

Consider the circumstances when and if house prices stabilise. It will take a little while because there are people who will be caught in relative negative equity in the climb-down. A house worth €600,000 or €700,000 is pricey. It is not a first-time buyer's house, no matter what happens. We need to be very careful to ensure the lending market is not taken over by people who have resources and need more to extend a loan or improve their chances of building a house at the kinds of prices in question. If it is at all possible, I hope we will graduate in the direction of encouraging a decrease in prices. The Central Bank of Ireland is quite correct in doing whatever it has to do to keep the prices down. There is nothing to be gained from everybody having a house worth €1 million. It creates circumstances in which nobody else can buy. I am not looking at anybody on the other side of this House. God forbid that I would be in any way suggesting that anybody on the other side of the House would have a house like that.

I would love to go on but I must conclude. I am grateful to the Ceann Comhairle and Deputy Donnelly for having allowed me this opportunity. Perhaps my colleague on whose time I infringed will take a full slot if he gets the opportunity in the course of the evening.

We will go back to Deputy Donnelly. He has 16 minutes, if he needs them.

I will focus on amendments made in the Finance Bill to tackle tax avoidance by vulture funds. As I have laid out previously, if the current situation is allowed to continue, with vulture funds paying virtually zero taxes, the State will lose out on €10 billion to €20 billion in taxes it should be collecting and that would be collected in other eurozone countries. That amount of money would obviously make a huge difference if invested in public services, housing, infrastructure, communities and the supporting of enterprise. The tax avoidance we see does not need to be curtailed, rather it needs to be shut down completely. That is the stated intent of the Minister for Finance, Deputy Michael Noonan, and the Government and the Finance Bill is the mechanism with which to do it. The question for us, therefore, is how the Bill measures up to the Minister's and the Government's stated intent to shut down tax avoidance by vulture funds. Having analysed the proposed changes and consulted industry experts, I would like to make four points, the first of which is that the amendments made in the Bill do represent genuine progress in shutting down tax avoidance by vulture funds. The second is that, in spite of this, the amendments still allow multiple loopholes that will enable vulture funds to continue to pay almost 0% tax. The third is that the amendments include new loopholes that could lead to even greater tax avoidance in the property sector and beyond. The fourth is that the new loopholes relating to property tax could make the existing commercial property asset bubble even worse, leading to a knock-on deterioration in the housing crisis.

I will go into more detail on each of these points but before I do, let us recall how little tax vulture funds pay in Ireland. In the past few years they have spent about €40 billion in buying loans from NAMA, IBRC and the private banks. Based on numerous filed accounts by vulture funds, they appear to be making annual profits in the region of €3 billion. Were the State taxing these profits in exactly the same way it taxes all other companies in Ireland, it would take in an additional €1 billion a year in taxes. These are some examples of what is actually being paid.

In 2014 Tanager made €9 million in profit and paid €500 in tax, giving an effective tax rate of 0.006%. In 2015 Mars Capital made €11 million in profit and paid €250 in tax, giving a tax rate of 0.002%. In 2014 - my favourite - Beltany made €36 million in profit and paid €250 in tax, giving a tax rate of 0.0007%. Believe it or not, that is a tax rate that is 43,000 times lower than the rate at which Irish companies all over the country are paying every year. At this rate we are looking at lost revenues to the State of about €10 billion. However, it gets worse because that is just the figure for lost taxes from vulture funds on the interest payments they are receiving from families who are paying their mortgages and businesses in servicing their commercial loans. The values of the underlying assets are increasing as loan impairment costs fall and property prices rise. Based on the accounts of several vulture funds, it seems that if capital gains were also taken into account, the State would receive an additional €10 billion in tax. Therefore, taking into account profits for the vulture funds on both interest payments and in capital gains, the State is looking at avoided taxes in the region of €20 billion.

The Finance Bill does represent some real progress in shutting this tax avoidance down. First, marking to market has been explicitly ruled out. Had it not been, vulture funds would have been able to avoid billions of euro in capital gains tax on gains they have seen to date in the value of assets. Second, a 20% dividend on withholding tax has been applied to a new class of property investment fund known as Irish real estate funds, IREFs. Third, the Revenue Commissioners have been given stronger powers of oversight over section 110 schemes, the financial vehicle of choice for tax-avoiding vulture funds. Unfortunately, in spite of this progress, the Bill leaves several other loopholes open and provides for some new ones. The result, as it stands, is that vulture funds will be able to continue paying taxes at close to 0%. Many vulture funds set themselves up as section 110 special purpose vehicles. This makes them exempt from all taxes, including VAT, stamp duty, corporation tax and dividend withholding tax. Instead, they are meant to pay a flat tax rate of 25% on their profits, but, as can be seen in the examples I have given, they reduce their declared profits to almost zero, yielding a few hundred quid on tens of millions of euro in profit. They do this essentially by making loans to themselves at very high interest rates. The loans are located offshore, typically in zero-tax jurisdictions such as the Cayman Islands and the interest rates on the loans are adjusted upwards to account for all the profits generated in Ireland, leaving no profits to be taxed here or where the loans reside, in the Caymans and other places.

The Finance Bill states these loans must now offer a "reasonable commercial return", which is welcome. This is an attempt to stop profits being moved offshore using very high interest rates. However, the Bill does not state whether this applies to existing or to new loans only. If it does not apply to existing loans, the vulture funds have nothing to worry about and can continue to place offshore all of their profits, as they currently do. However, even if it does apply to existing arrangements, we have evidence of lending rates in Dublin in the case of commercial property of greater than 15%. A few corporate finance tricks can then be used to justify a "reasonable commercial return" of, say, 20%, and that 20% will be enough to keep things going as they are, with no profits being declared in Ireland. We, therefore, need to amend the Bill to ensure this provision on a "reasonable commercial return" will apply to existing arrangements and that reasonable commercial rates will reflect normal banking rates, usually around 3% or 4%, not the higher rates of 15% or 20%.

Even if we were to do this, there is another loophole because the Finance Bill states the new restrictions will not apply if the loans are listed on a stock exchange as a collateralised loan obligation, commercial mortgage-backed or residential mortgage-backed securities. It takes about two weeks and about €50,000 in legal fees for a vulture fund or any other financial institution to take all of its loans and have them packaged in a nice prospectus and listed on a stock exchange. Once it does this, we are back to zero taxes. This loophole smacks of very heavy lobbying by the industry. I am told it has the financial advisers very excited because if this can be done for vulture funds, it can also be done for every other financial corporation holding loans - for example, banks, pension funds and life assurance companies. Therefore, in effect what the Bill would be doing in allowing this is creating a new market in mortgage-backed securities based on tax avoidance. What would the result of this be? Not only would vulture funds be able to continue to avoid paying taxes, so too would a new host of other foreign investors, essentially taking a sizeable asset base out of the Irish tax net. This new mechanism needs to be deleted from the Bill.

Even if we were to do this, there will be yet another loophole because the Finance Bill provides for IREFs to be exempt from capital gains and withholding taxes once they hold an asset for five years or if it is owned by something called a collective investment undertaking. Therefore, if all else fails, if we manage to clamp down on interest rates and somehow not have them list their loans on a stock exchange, vulture funds can make an internal transfer of their loans from the section 110 company to the IREF. They can backdate the move to before 5 September and then organise the IREF to be owned by a collective investment undertaking located offshore and, yet again, they will pay zero tax. Therefore, with all of these loopholes still available, it is unlikely that the Bill, without significant further changes, will have much effect in stopping tax avoidance by vulture funds and the Department of Finance agrees.

The budget estimates that additional revenues through these changes for next year will come to €50 million. Based on the profits being earned by the vulture funds, that €50 million would represent an effective tax rate of about 0.7%, so we are still good. We may no longer be at the 0.0007%, but 0.7% is also not acceptable.

Not only is the Finance Bill as it stands unlikely to succeed with vulture funds, but it appears to facilitate new tax avoidance in the property sector and beyond. For example, the amendments appear to open the door to tax avoidance by any Irish company worth over €10 million. How is that done? Any Irish company worth over €10 million can go through a set of legal and financial steps which would allow the owners of the company to no longer own the company but to own a loan to the company. This loan could be used, as they are now by the vulture funds, to suck all the profits out of the company, into a section 110 vehicle, and then offshore, thereby avoiding all corporate taxes.

As already discussed, the Bill also creates a mechanism for commercial and residential mortgages to be offshored, moving them into a tax-free world, but there is more. Through IREFs, it also creates a mechanism for funds to buy commercial property directly and never pay any taxes on income or capital gains. So the owners of commercial property will not have to pay any tax and the owners of the loans to property will not have to pay tax. Therefore, we are now at risk of taking the entire Irish commercial property sector, one of our biggest asset classes, out of the Irish tax base. No other eurozone country does this and neither should we.

If we do, two things will happen. First, the corporate tax base will be significantly eroded. Second, an existing asset bubble in commercial property will inflate further. Dublin is now the second most expensive commercial property market in the eurozone. Why is this? We have about the same cost to build and more or less the same average wages as everybody else, so commercial property prices should be about the same here as they are in the rest of the eurozone, but they are not. Commercial property in Dublin is now the second most expensive in the eurozone, which is cause for concern. That is an asset bubble. It is happening because we are offering massive tax incentives to people investing in commercial property.

So demand increases and rents become too high for businesses. With such high returns, zoned land is developed, not for housing which is what we need, but for offices and other commercial property because the returns on developing commercial property far exceed the returns on developing residential property.

Why are we giving tax incentives to foreign institutional investors to maintain this bubble? Why are we on the verge of making this bubble worse by giving even more tax breaks? Are we not afraid of Irish banks lending Irish deposits yet again against inflated property values? Is it not better to have commercial property investors paying Irish taxes as they do in the rest of the EU? Do we not want more rational Irish commercial property prices, against which our Irish banks can lend safely?

If we are serious about shutting down tax avoidance in the domestic economy, I offer my suggestions as to what the Finance Bill needs to do. First, section 110 status must be ruled out fully for all activity in the domestic economy. Once a tax-free vehicle is allowed to exist in the domestic economy, smart accountants and clever lawyers will find ways of using it, as I hope I have already demonstrated they are already planning to do after the enactment of the Finance Bill.

Second, the five-year capital gains exemption should be removed from the IREFs and we should properly tax Irish commercial property.

Third, any amendments giving tax exemptions for listed mortgage-backed securities should be deleted.

Fourth, all Irish companies paying reduced Irish taxes should file publicly accessible accounts with the Companies Registration Office. We only found out about the vulture fund tax avoidance because section 110 companies have to file their accounts publicly. However, many other tax-avoidance vehicles do not, meaning we have no idea what is going on in other parts of the economy.

I have prepared a detailed policy note which I will send to the Minister, Deputy Noonan, for consideration. I will also send it to Members of the House. My hope is that these changes can be incorporated on Committee Stage. If they are not, we can look forward to continued, growing, massive tax avoidance leading to underfunding in public services and infrastructure; a growing bubble in commercial property with rising rents for businesses; the Irish banking sector lending into another commercial property bubble; and a lack of development of residential housing, leading to yet higher prices.

If we make the changes, we can look forward to something altogether better: better public services, higher quality infrastructure, thriving communities, reduced costs of doing business, more affordable housing, a level playing field for businesses paying their taxes in this country and, critically, less risk of yet another property and foreign-capital-fuelled bubble and collapse.

It is entirely up to us, as legislators, to make this choice and in the coming weeks we will find out what choices are made.

I thank Deputy Donnelly for facilitating Deputy Durkan earlier.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Finance Bill 2016 on foot of the budget. We have come a long way when one takes a view from 2011 when our country was spending 50% more than it was taking in in revenue. A ten-year Government bond was yielding approximately 14% which was huge, indicating the capacity of our country to borrow. Let us consider where we have come in a short space of time in terms of the macroeconomic picture. We are projected to have a deficit of 0.4% of GDP for 2017. We are on course for break-even in 2018. The yield on a ten-year bond is now approximately 0.33%. This shows how far we have travelled in terms of the country's capacity to borrow money. It is important that the Government sticks rigidly to the programme it is on in terms of prudent fiscal management.

It is important to establish a rainy-day fund from 2018. One of the main problems in 2011 and prior to that when we hit economic turbulence was that the country had no money to invest in the economy. We need to deploy such a fund in a counter-cyclical manner, as was pointed out in the budget speech, in order to invest money into our economy when we hit tough times. It is very important to build up that rainy-day fund to ensure that our State has the maximum resources to manage difficult periods.

I wish to speak about the measures in the budget affecting the farming community. The Finance Bill allows farmers to opt out of income averaging, whereby they pay tax averaged over a three-year period. However, in a year when cashflow is under pressure they would still be paying a high rate of tax even though they might have a loss in that year. It is very important that we are giving farmers a chance to opt out of income averaging for the current year and defer a tax liability, which essentially will give them the cashflow and room that they need.

It is very important that the farm restructuring relief has been extended to the end of 2019 which will allow farmers to consolidate their holdings. There is a €25 million allocation for the animal welfare scheme for sheep farmers. A €150 million loan fund has been introduced and farmers can borrow amounts up to €150,000. It will be available to livestock, tillage and horticulture farmers. It will give access to funds at approximately 2.95%, which will give significant flexibility to farmers in accessing funds. At times when a sector meets cashflow pressure we need to put facilities in place, as the Government has done.

On income tax, we should continue to phase out the universal social charge.

It must hit our lower and middle-income earners. The 0.5% reduction in the rate of the three bands was very important, but, critically, increasing the 2.5% ceiling to €18,772 will protect those who are on the minimum wage to ensure they are not hitting the top rate. It is very important that we are protecting and reflecting those on the margins and who are under pressure.

One third of a million people in this country are self-employed and there is a huge differential between the PAYE tax credit and the fact that there was no earned income tax credit until two years ago. We must respect the self-employed and try to bring parity in order that there is no differential between them. The Government has done a lot to get to this stage of bringing the credit up to €950. We have to acknowledge that these one third of a million people employ 92,000 employees. They are all paying 10.75% PRSI on those employees. I think we need to be reflective in this regard when looking at our tax system.

There is a huge ongoing debate on the alleged disparity between income tax paid for those on lower incomes compared with those on higher incomes. A survey was brought out by the Irish Tax Institute which shows that in the case of an individual on €55,000, he or she currently pays more tax in Ireland than in Sweden, Spain, Switzerland or the US. He or she pays €800 more than in the UK. In terms of the differential between wages of €75,000 and €25,000, the person on €75,000 earns three times more but pays eight times more tax. In the differential between someone on €75,000 and someone on €35,000, the person on €75,000 earns 2.1 times more but pays four times more tax. It is important to recognise that it is a progressive taxation system. The more one earns, the more tax one pays.

There is a notion advanced by some people on the far left that the corporate tax rate should increase to ensure we increase revenue. Let us analyse that. If the corporate tax rate is increased, the first thing that will happen is the share prices of corporations will be pushed down. Essentially, what happens is that when people sell their shares, the capital gains tax is also reduced because the capacity of the share price is reduced and it is not as valuable. Therefore, that taxation revenue stream will not hold up. The second thing that will happen if corporation tax is increased is there will be less dividend income to go around the shareholders. What will happen then is that less taxation will be paid on dividend income. That also will reduce the amount of revenue coming through from that tax sector. Just because the corporate tax rate can be increased, it does not mean the other income streams will hold up. They will actually drop. It is a kind of mixed blessing, for want of a better word. It is important that we rigorously keep to our 12.5% rate. It was important that this commitment was made very strongly in the budget.

I recognise the increase for home carers. There is no doubt that we would like to do a lot more. Any Government would like to do a lot more. The Government is in a very difficult position as the fiscal space available is very tight. We have to ensure that we help those in most need. The expansion of the pension to bring in our carers, our blind, our widows and people with disabilities was a very important move by the Government in order not to divide society.

One of the more contentious aspects of the budget is the help-to-buy scheme. No matter what action is taken within the housing sector, it is going to be controversial. We saw the various different manifestos before the last general election and their proposals for housing. The ESRI was very clear on one issue at that point. It was that a help-to-buy or incentive scheme should not be given to save for a deposit on the second-hand housing market. It was very clear that the second-hand market has a fixed supply. The only direct result of that would be to increase the price of houses on the second-hand market. The approach the Government has taken is a very targeted one in that it is pointed very clearly at the supply of new housing. Obviously, that is where we have a huge problem at the moment. Essentially, there are people who are paying huge amounts of rent and who are finding it very difficult to get a deposit and get onto the ladder to buy a house because so much of their monthly income is being taken up by rent. It is important that this gives individuals a chance to get on the property ladder. There is a debate on where the ceiling is at and whether it should be at €600,000 or below. Anyone buying a house for €400,000 or more does not benefit in respect of the tax take he or she is getting because it is capped at €400,000. It is important to point that out. The line has to be drawn at some point. We want to see that those who need it most benefit from it.

The backdrop to the budget has been very difficult. What is progressive is that the Action Plan for Jobs is working and there have been huge dividends from the reduction of part-time work in our economy. We have seen a reduction in the number of people who are on schemes. It is important that we spread the message that we are strong in supporting job creation. There are obviously going to be huge challenges ahead. There is no doubting that. One of the biggest challenges will be the defence of our corporate tax rate. There is a great debate going on in Europe on the harmonisation of tax. We really need to defend that on foot of the budget. I acknowledge the State has robustly appealed the Apple case, which I also believe is very important. In terms of employees looking to January, it is important for them to know that if they are on low to middle incomes, the budget will benefit them. We need to continue on that path to try to bring our marginal tax rate below 55%, below 50% and to keep reducing it. The critical thing in allowing us to do that is the expansion of our work force. The more people who are employed, the more people who are paying tax. In essence, it gives the scope to relieve tax for people and to ensure there is more money in their pockets at the end of the day.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Finance Bill that will enact the legislative changes announced in the budget itself. At the outset, let us be clear: this was not a very inspiring budget by any stretch of the imagination. It was cautious and safe in the sense that there were no imaginative proposals in it in the context of the challenges we face as a country and society, where we have come from and where we want to go. It lacked creative ambition in many areas. In my ten minutes to contribute, I will concentrate on a few areas.

If we are to be honest with ourselves in this House, the greatest crisis facing Ireland as a country internally is the whole issue of housing and the dysfunctional housing market that is presently in operation. What we are effectively doing is enslaving another generation. During the Celtic tiger, we enslaved people to high mortgages and high house prices. What we are now doing is enslaving a whole generation to renting homes for the foreseeable future. There is nothing in this budget or Finance Bill that gives me any confidence that the housing supply is going to increase quite dramatically in the short and medium term. There are a number of fundamental blockages that have to be addressed. The key issue is supply. There is nothing here that is going to stimulate any form of supply. The announcement of the Minister, Deputy Coveney, of the housing strategy is but that: a strategy. However, I do not see anything in it that will actually put down bricks, blocks and foundations in the short and medium term to address the chronic shortage of housing in this country.

It is not as if Fine Gael has arrived into Government in the last few days. It has been in government for six years and this is its sixth budget. In that time over the last number of years, there was no strategic planning put in place to develop a housing strategy to deal with what was an escalating problem, not just in the last number of months, but for the last number of years. I can remember previously in this House in 2011 and 2012 the great fanfare from the Government benches about how they were going to address all of the ghost estates. They were bringing in bulldozers and knocking the whole lot. What we should have been doing was looking at the demographics and the pressure points that were beginning to show from early 2013 onwards that there was going to be a housing supply shortage and how it was going to create chronic problems for first-time buyers in general.

I will give a few statistics. In Cork, in the first eight months of this year, one of five of the residential properties that were sold was purchased by first-time buyers. In other words, 710 of the 3,643 houses were bought by first-time buyers.

This is 19.7%. We now have a situation where potential first-time buyers pay an inordinate amount of money on a monthly basis in rent. If we look at the Dublin market in August, the average rent paid for an average family house in the capital was €1,454. The difficulty we have is that potential first-time buyers will simply never get on the property ladder because they are consistently paying out huge sums in rent. They will never be able to secure a house in itself because they will never be able to meet the criteria laid down by the Central Bank. The Central Bank is the only thing acting as a brake at present on escalating house prices. The shortage is there, the demand is there, but access to credit for first-time buyers is now but a pipe dream. There has been some effort in the help-to-buy scheme. All the help-to-buy scheme will do is give some people additional money to purchase homes in a market where there are huge shortages of housing stock. All the Government is doing is throwing additional money at a problem to inflate house prices.

We have been around the block too often. The market is completely dysfunctional and nothing has been done in the intervening years since the crash in 2007 to address this issue. We have a €200 million infrastructure assistance fund for local authorities to address the chronic issues of infrastructure deficits in terms of water, sewerage and roads to open up some land for development. Then we go to the other side of the problem, which is our pillar banks. We still have a dysfunctional banking system. The pillar banks are incapable of lending into the development market to allow for the building of houses. Most of the development of housing is done by mezzanine finance, where exorbitant rates of interest are paid to try to access finance to build homes. Our pillar banks, which are there by the good grace of the taxpayers who stepped in and supported them, are now washing their hands of what is a national crisis. They are doing nothing to address it in terms of assessing business proposals being put forward by developers and builders to access finance to build homes that first-time buyers need and want. In all of this we have a crisis, and the budget and the Finance Bill have done nothing to address it. I am afraid the housing strategy as announced by the Minister, Deputy Coveney, is but a strategy and in many ways it will have no meaningful impact on the problem itself.

We now have a situation where we have gazumping of rental properties. Recently I came across a situation in Cork where a family made an offer of €1,100 for a rental property but by the time they got back it had increased to €1,350, at which stage the family had to withdraw. This was all in the space of a matter of hours. This is what families face on a continual basis. I cannot see how the housing stock can be increased with the proposals out there, when we have severe blockages in financing developments throughout State. While we tinker around the edges, families struggle on a continuous basis to buy a home or build a home so they can call it their home, as opposed to being in a situation where they are serfs for the rest of their days, paying exorbitant rents to investors.

In the first eight months of the year, of the 3,640 houses sold in Cork one quarter were bought by private investors because they can bring cash to the table. They are the people who can purchase the buildings and houses for sale in the State. This is what is happening. The help-to-buy scheme is a token effort to pretend the Government is doing something for first-time buyers, but in effect the overall problem is the fact our dysfunctional housing market is just not being addressed. Local authorities simply cannot fund the infrastructure deficits which exist in terms of water, sewerage, roads and other infrastructure, which are important for opening up development sites. Coupled with this problem is the issue of access to finance. Only a few housing schemes are being built and they are coming on the market very slowly. There have been only a couple of hundred in Cork in the past 12 months. I am quite definite that more could be built if some form of finance was made available by our pillar banks, which have washed their hands of assessing any business plan to do with construction. This is a major flaw in the strategy being discussed.

On the broader issue of the budget itself and the Finance Bill, what I found strange was that under our confidence and supply agreement with the Government we were told there would be no surprises in the budget, and by and large there were not any major surprises, but something I found distasteful to say the very least was that the Minister, Deputy Noonan, could bring €200 million out of his back pocket in the days before the budget. We were told the fiscal space available was approximately €1 billion, but when it came to delivering the budget we were told it was €1.2 billion.

On the broader issue of budget itself, independent commentators have said, and I am not taking any credit for this personally, it is a fact that it is the first progressive budget in the past five years. The previous five budgets were regressive. They asked those at the bottom to pay most. I am sure this was the intention, given Fine Gael's announcements during the general election and the campaign it ran for US-style taxes, which effectively are about giving greater tax breaks to those at the top and forcing those at the bottom to pay.

Overall it was an uninspiring budget. The Government is failing miserably on the issue of addressing the chronic shortage of houses for first-time buyers. As I have stated, it is condemning another generation of people who just want to put a roof over their heads and those of their families to years of serfdom to fund investors through exorbitant rents.

As did my colleague, Deputy Kelleher, I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Finance Bill. I want to highlight areas for further expansion and engagement in various areas and Departments as Bills emerge in the time ahead. Fianna Fáil's input, as per the confidence and supply agreement, as my colleague has outlined, ensured a fairer budget for all with a ratio of 3:1 between spending and tax cuts.

With regard to the first-time buyer scheme, I hope the Minister will actively engage with all in the coming weeks prior to Committee Stage so the legislation is amended where necessary to show fairness to all those who wish to participate in it. In particular, I believe the first-time buyer's grant should be available to all those purchasing a house for the first time and not just those buying new properties. The difficulty at present is very few new houses have been built, for the reasons we know and have outlined in the House on many occasions. Excluding second-hand homes being purchased by first-time buyers is a great mistake in my view and opening it up needs to be considered. The timing of the introduction of the grant also needs to be considered.

The establishment of the budgetary oversight committee is to be welcomed, as the lack of an impact assessment meant some flaws in the help-to-buy scheme. These have been rectified by the Central Bank. Another area that needs to be looked at and has not been touched on is people trying to trade up. Many families are living in houses with negative equity. Their family circumstances suggest they need to move into a larger home, but they cannot afford to rent somewhere larger. They are being caught for tax on their own property if they rent it out, and if they sell it they will find themselves at a loss. This area is catching out many families and needs to be looked at.

The reduction in the rate of USC is to be welcomed, as it reduces somewhat the burden on low and middle income earners. The modest increase in people's take home pay ensures some benefits from the growing economy for the squeezed middle. The only issue with this is that at present the break given to people in USC is being consumed in other areas, such as motor insurance. The Minister of State at the Department of Finance, Deputy Eoghan Murphy, will bring forward measures next month in this regard. Motor insurance has increased by 40% over the past 18 months to two years.

The reduction in USC and more will be consumed by the 40% increase in motor insurance costs. Unfortunately, that reduction will not have a positive impact on families or on local economies. There will be no local spend because the modest reduction will be consumed by increases in motor insurance and so on.

The provision for the capital expenditure programme is disappointing. While the additional €250 million is welcome, the programme falls short in many areas. More investment is needed in bus and rail services to encourage more people to use public transport. They will avail of it once services are provided. Reduced fares and improved services need to be examined to reduce congestion on our road network. For example, there is terrible congestion on the M50 at the moment. The only way to get people out of their cars is to provide an adequate public transport system. The current capital expenditure programme falls short in this area. The interest rate on State borrowing through the relevant agencies is almost at 0% and, therefore, this was a missed opportunity for an improved and more ambitious programme.

Previous administrations invested heavily in improving our road network to bring it up to motorway and dual carriageway standard. The standard of roads such as the N3, N4 and N5 needs to meet dual carriageway or motorway standard. That will enhance access to hard-to-reach areas, make them attractive for foreign direct investment and assist businesses and people living in those areas. Tourism is also a massive industry and if people can access these areas and the right services are provided, they will certainly do so. That is why the Government needs to invest in and protect the road network.

There are proposals to build more centres of excellence in the health sector but people need to be able to access them. Currently, there is a deficit in this regard and this is another missed opportunity that needs to be examined. There is a massive transport deficit in Celbridge in my constituency. A bridge costing €15 million is required to assist further development in the town, which has a population in excess of 20,000, but it has not happened. Ring roads need to be competed in Clane and Maynooth to facilitate further public transport links to those towns while Kilcock and Leixlip need park-and-ride facilities to promote public transport. The transport sector needs to be addressed under the capital expenditure programme.

The child care measures announced in the budget amount to a start and I welcome the Government's commitment to the quality of child care provision but it still has a long way to go, in particular, in respect of the support for lone parents who wish to access third level education and for mature students. People who want to access FETAC level 8 courses do not receive the same supports as those participating on level 6 and 7 courses. That is wrong and they are at a disadvantage. This needs to be considered and provision needs to be expanded.

The €5 increase in the old age pension is welcome, as is the increase to 85% in the Christmas bonus. However, the Minister for Social Protection should work to increase the bonus to 100% as quickly as possible. It is important that his Department adjusts the pension means test limit in order that the increase does not negatively impact on services such as medical cards because the increase could lead them to losing a service they need. More needs to be done for the self-employed. They contribute hugely to the Exchequer and to the economy and they need to be able to avail of social welfare supports if they find themselves out of work or if they are out sick but that is not the case currently. The Minister also needs to focus on this. The approach to child benefit was hugely disappointing given the previous Administration cut the rates in two successive budgets. The Government parties chose to ignore it on this occasion. I made a proposal to extend child benefit to those in full-time second level education, which the Minister accepted. He said it would examine it seriously. It would cost the taxpayer €60 million but this opportunity was also missed in the budget. It is an expensive time for families when children are in their final year in school. They are struggling and hard pressed and the fact child benefit was not extended was a mistake. Hopefully, it will be considered in the upcoming social welfare Bill.

The increase of €15 million for the National Treatment Purchase Fund, NTPF, is welcome. However, the increase needs to be closer to €50 million for the fund to have an impact on waiting lists. Yesterday, I raised the outpatient waiting list for spinal surgery in Tallaght hospital in the House. Currently, more than 400 people are on the list in the hospital's catchment area, which includes counties Kildare, Longford, Westmeath and Dublin. There has been a lack of investment in a dedicated spinal surgery theatre. It would cost €4 million and €300,000 per annum thereafter to service it. This should come under the capital expenditure programme and such investment needs to be made to deal with the waiting list. While the NTPF deals with emergencies, it does not have a long-term strategy in this regard. The Government must invest in this infrastructure and in supports to meaningfully tackle the problems in the health service.

No funding was provided to fast-track the national broadband plan. People, for example, in the north west of my constituency, cannot even study from home, never mind operate a business or work from home because of the lack of broadband services. It is a huge problem.

A special fund should be administered by the Department of Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation to assist Irish businesses to promote themselves in light of the UK leaving the EU.

I welcome the additional funding for An Bord Pleanála to enable it to fast-track large residential developments in the recently introduced planning Bill. The irony, however, is there are sites zoned in my constituency and elsewhere with planning permission and companies funded to build on them but they cannot do so because Irish Water has told them the necessary infrastructure will not be in place for between three and six years. We have a housing crisis and this is crazy. Companies cannot build because of the lack of infrastructure. This needs to be examined and the additional €200 million provided must be focused on the areas in crisis in order that both housing and infrastructure can be delivered in tandem.

I wish to share time with Deputy Louise O'Reilly. Sometimes Teachta Kelleher can almost achieve the impossible. He almost got me to feel sorry for the Minister of State who had to listen to his contribution because the Minister of State will agree that if Fianna Fáil Members were sitting in his seat and if Teachta Kelleher was a Minister, there would have been nothing different in this budget. The Deputy made many comments about the failures in housing and health but Fianna Fáil had an opportunity to put forward an alternative budget and it failed to do so. It was the first year that the party did not produce a costed alternative. Instead, it criticised my party for putting forward an alternative that delivered on the big issues facing families. One of the few remarks the Deputy made that I agree with is there were no surprises in the budget. We got the same as we always have from Fine Gael-led Governments, which is an unfair budget that did not grapple with the big problems facing most families. We got the usual confusion and spin with no detail about any of the proposals that were announced. There was no vision and no plan for most sectors.

I will take up some of the issues raised by the Fianna Fáil spokespersons to which they did not provide solutions. There was a great deal of debate in the House about housing prior to the budget. An Oireachtas committee was set up to examine how we can meet the challenge of the housing crisis. It is accepted universally outside the Chamber that the best way to do this is for the State to start building homes again and for the State to purchase homes. Capital funding was needed to enable local authorities to buy houses and build homes to increase capacity in the system.

That would have the added advantage of driving down rents in Cork, Dublin, Waterford and other major cities, as well as in rural areas. We proposed an additional 7,000 units through acquisitions and new builds as part of our capital plan, yet I was told by Fianna Fáil that this was too ambitious and could not be achieved. It would be a drop in the ocean in terms of what will actually be necessary in the next few years, but it was a start and a move in the right direction. What we got from the Government, however, on this issue had been taken straight from the Fianna Fáil playbook when it was unable to solve any of the big problems, namely, the introducing of tax breaks. We had the so-called first-time buyer's scheme which was half-baked, with no real detail and which had not been properly teased out. Within a couple of days the cracks appeared, there were U-turns and the proposal is now left standing without any real merit. What budget day and the Finance Bill are about is celebrating that we are taking big decisions to deal with the problems facing families. We know that housing is the big issue, with people unnecessarily being in emergency accommodation, sleeping in their parents' and friends' front rooms and without a roof over their heads. This is the time to deal with these issues and put our money where our mouths are. Fianna Fáil had the chance to do so, but, of course, it did nothing, as usual. The Government of Fine Gael and the Independents had its chance, but it did nothing either. Here we go again with no real solution to the housing crisis.

Before the budget we were led to believe through a big announcement that there would be a significant child care package for working families and the so-called "squeezed middle". By the way, the squeezed middle includes those on an income of €30,000 to €40,000 a year, not those on an income of €70,000 or €80,000 a year, as Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael seem to think. The majority of workers in the State earn less than €45,000 a year. They are the ones who need support the most. When it came to child care, the Government announced a package which, again, had not been thought out or would not benefit the majority of working parents. It announced a package it would not even be able to deliver because there is not the capacity in the case of most child care providers to enable people to take the advantage of it in the first place. It was another of the big issues on which there was no vision, detail or plan. It is made up as the Government goes along in the hope everything will work out, but it does not.

Health, an issue close to Deputy Billy Kelleher's heart, is another case where things are being kept as they are. There is no plan to deal with the two-tier health service, to move to a universal health care system or to deal with the record numbers on waiting lists. There are record numbers of patients in public hospitals who are being outsourced to private hospitals. In Waterford the figure doubled from 3,000 patients in 2013 to over 6,000 in 2015. It is welcome that at least patients are being treated. Again, however, it is a sticking plaster solution - outsourcing to private hospitals, putting more public money into private hospitals and not providing capacity in public hospitals. There has been a doubling of agency staff costs because we are not employing the number of health staff we should. This is an additional cost because it does not save the State any money. Every week, when the figures come out, with record numbers of patients lying on hospital trolleys, the Minister trots out the tea and sympathy and there will be a discussion about what we need to do about the problem, but when the time comes to do something about it - budget day - nothing is done. Why are the resources not put into the health service? It is because the Government is not committed to Sinn Féin's vision for a universal health care system and increasing capacity in public services to deliver for patients.

There was the Cassells report on education. If we, in Sinn Féin, did not provide for the increased capacity as outlined in the Cassells report in our alternative budget, we would have been rightly castigated. We included an additional €130 million, in current and capital expendidture, in our alternative budget, €100 million of which was based on the Cassells report, but what did the Government provide? It only provided a fraction of that figure. We are nowhere near what we need to provide the capacity needed at third and fourth level, in the universities and institutes of technology, as well as at primary and second level.

All of the problems about which Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael will cry crocodile tears such as schools without resources, there not being enough special needs assistants, high pupil-teacher ratios, with the numbers on hospital trolleys and the homelessness crisis will be part of every Member's narrative for several months. However, when the Government had the opportunity do something about it, it did nothing. It gave us a bland budget, as Deputy Billy Kelleher admitted, but it was something of which he was part. He supported it and is allowing it to happen. I do not see any vision.

We need more money for mental health services. We rightly had emotional debates in the House on these issues because they affect many people. We were then told the money was not available to fund the services we needed. However, adjustments to a figure of €25 million were made to the capital acquisitions tax regime, which will have an impact on a tiny number of citizens. It is unconscionable that we will give a tiny number that €25 million because we want to change the inheritance tax rules to make a small number of people wealthier when we could have used the money to fund mental health services. These are the choices we have to make as politicians. It makes me laugh when I hear Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael accuse Sinn Féin of being populist as they were the parties which gave in to the vocal lobbies in this respect. They also wanted to phase out the universal social charge, a move which officials in the Department of Finance described as base eroding. They said it would not have an impact on many working families and would be regressive. I am a member of the Committee on Budgetary Oversight. We had any number of individuals and groups before us to discuss this issue, including the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council, the ESRI and IBEC, and every single one of them stated it would be a mistake to phase out the universal social charge. They all said we needed to increase capacity in the capital spend to build schools, hospitals, improve roads and provide for flood relief measures. I am sure we will hear Deputies Billy Kelleher and Frank O'Rourke talk again about flooding. Where is the money for flood relief measures? Less than €50 million was provided. When we had the opportunity to increase capital funding, we did not take it.

We hear much from both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael about the fiscal rules. Brian Hayes, MEP, spoke recently about the need for flexibility in that regard. Some of the Fianna Fáil members of the Committee on Budgetary Oversight and the finance committee also spoke about the need for more movement on the fiscal rules and we had an opportunity to spread the cost of capital investment over four years. This would have allowed us to front-load capital investment this year, but what did the Government provide? The additional capital spend was only €400 million. It blew the chance to take advantage of one of the few opportunities to avail of flexibility. Sinn Féin did take advantage, which is why it proposed a capital spend of €1.2 billion, which would have used up €400 million of the fiscal space available. That would have allowed money to be allocated for flood relief measures, road projects, hospitals, schools and the supply of housing. Instead, the Government delivered a bland budget. I would actually hazard the guess that when the ESRI makes the final analysis, this will not be considered to be a progressive budget. For all of the credit Fianna Fáil was trying to take for a so-called progressive budget, let us see what happens when the final analysis is made in the next few weeks.

We are debating legislation to give effect to what can only be described as a builders' bonanza, but what Fianna Fáil has named a help-to-buy scheme.

As we know, all of the available evidence points to the fact that this scheme will increase house prices and young families' level of debt, while also increasing profits for the building industry. The census figures for this year indicate that Dublin Fingal - my constituency - with a population growth rate of 8.1% since 2011, is the fastest-growing constituency in the State. This population increase demonstrates the absolute need to ensure an adequate housing supply and rent certainty not only in my constituency but in other constituencies, none of which this Government has provided for or plans to provide for. This Bill is proof of that. I meet people every day who are desperate to purchase homes in my community but owing to crippling high rents they cannot save for a deposit. The Government's help-to-buy scheme has forced up the price of new homes and far from helping people to buy it is putting homes even further from their reach. I do not know how a person is expected to save for a deposit if living in Swords and paying €1,400 per month in rent or living in Skerries and paying €1,300 or €1,400 per month in rent. It is not going to happen and that is unacceptable.

In this give-away budget, no thought was given to the type of homes that will be bankrolled by the help-to-buy scheme. I say this because the area I represent is, as I am sure the Minister of State, Deputy Eoghan Murphy, is aware, affected by pyrite. Families and young couples, first-time buyers who paid large sums of money for their homes, now find those homes effectively rendered worthless. Some are in limbo in that they can neither sell their houses nor extend them to reflect their changing circumstances. Burdened with negative equity and houses with no resale potential and often little chance of remediation, these people found no hope or comfort in the budget. I have already addressed directly with the Minister for Finance, Deputy Noonan, the issue of exemption from local property tax for home owners whose properties are affected by pyrite. Unfortunately, I have had very little positive outcome in that regard.

I would like now to draw the attention of the Minister of State to another issue which I believe should be given consideration if the Government is serious about helping these people. Budget 2017 provides for €22 million to fund the pyrite remediation scheme. The Government has said that this is a clear signal of the importance it attaches to addressing the issue of pyrite remediation. It has been said that this fund will facilitate the remediation of approximately 400 dwellings under the scheme in 2017. If, however, the Government is serious about the importance it attaches to addressing this issue, I can recommend a course of action that will go a long way towards addressing the struggles facing many home owners, particularly in the constituency of Fingal.

The Minister of State will be aware that it is a condition of eligibility under the pyrite remediation scheme that an application to the Pyrite Resolution Board must be accompanied by a building condition assessment with a damage condition rating of 2. This means that many households are locked out of the scheme and stuck in limbo. They have to pay privately to have their houses tested but if the house does not have a damage condition rating of 2 they cannot seek reimbursement of that cost. It should be borne in mind that these people are the squeezed middle rather than people on salaries of €70,000 plus. These homes have pyrite damage. The home owners could not have known that their houses were pyrite affected when they bought them. To get the remediation work done, the house must have a particular level of damage. These people will never be able to sell their homes or recoup the value of them because of pyrite damage. We can all agree on that. They are effectively stuck between a rock and a hard place. All they can do is wait until the pyritic damage worsens. Rather than being able to have the problem addressed when the property is assessed as having grade 1 damage, they have to wait until it worsens to qualify for the scheme. Responses to parliamentary questions to the Minister are to the effect that the Pyrite Resolution Board has advised that seven dwellings which had a damage condition rating of 1 when their building condition assessments were first completed and, as such, were refused under the pyrite remediation scheme, have now progressed to a damage condition rating of 2. Damage condition ratings are moving from 1 to 2 but meanwhile people have to live in these homes. Many of these houses have cracks running up the walls yet these people have to wait until such time as the damage condition reaches level 2 before they can have the problem addressed. That is no way for anybody to live. Damage could be progressing without the knowledge of the board. Many families have been left disenfranchised by this because the damage to their homes is not bad enough or they do not have the money to have their homes assessed.

This group of people were encouraged at the time to get themselves onto the property ladder and so they bought starter homes. They are now left with houses riddled with pyrite and no recourse to remediation. There is much talk about the help-to-buy scheme and helping people to stay in their homes and so on. However, where is the help for the people who have a damage condition rating of 1, negative equity and starter homes which have now become their "forever" homes and which, perhaps, not accommodate their families? These people are stuck in houses in which the damage might potentially worsen, and probably will, and have been effectively rendered useless. There could be pyrite in their gardens and so they cannot extend. They bought the houses that they believed were going to be their starter homes. They did so to get on the proper ladder and in the hope that they would later have an opportunity to move up the ladder. They now find themselves stuck. There is nothing in budget 2017 for these people.

I have placed a motion on the Order Paper which I hope all Deputies, and most especially those in my constituency who have heard the stories at first hand, will be able to support. The Minister of State will be aware that I could not table legislation owing to a potential cost on the Exchequer. Now that this issue has been brought to his attention, I hope that he will find a way to help these people. I believe they have done nothing wrong. They bought houses at a time when property prices were rising. They scrambled to get themselves onto the property ladder and bought small to medium-sized modest houses. They now have to wait and hope that the damage to their homes will graduate from grade 1 to grade 2 so that they can claim compensation, which seems very wrong. They are stuck in their homes. They cannot extend because they might be pyrite in their gardens. They are effectively in limbo. I do not think that is any way for people to have to live.

I have brought this issue to the Minister of State's attention. As already stated, I have tabled a motion on the Order Paper for which I will be seeking support. I hope that, in the meantime, the Minister of State will find a way to help these families in distress.

Cinnte go bhfuil an buiséad seo níos dearfa ná na buiséid a bhí againn ar na blianta deireanacha. It is obvious that we are emerging from very difficult budgets of recent years. I would first like to make some general points on the Bill. The attempt to spread the positivity widely was an opportunity lost to have a constructive impact on a particular section of society. A little given to a lot of people will not have a significant impact in the same way as a lot given to a particular sector would. I wish to speak about one particular sector whose needs have rarely, if ever, been met in budgets, namely, those with disabilities, either physical or mental or both. We all know that the cost of living for people with disabilities is much higher than the cost of living for those who are abled bodied. The Disability Federation of Ireland sought a €20 increase to meet that extra daily cost. This €20 increase would have gone some way to meet that need but that did not happen. People with disabilities continue to be disadvantaged.

While positive measures such as the preschool provision for children with disabilities, medical card cover for all children and domiciliary care allowance measures were welcomed by the disability sector, as Senator John Dolan pointed out, disabled people "need measures to ensure that they get out of the spiral of poverty and exclusion." There was an opportunity in the budget to kick-start recovery in the disability sector but it was not taken. This means that people with disabilities will continue to comprise one of the groups most risk of poverty. We know that 30% of people with disabilities work but more of them could work if the necessary supports were in place.

What I am talking about is the principle of living with dignity, to which the Disability Federation of Ireland and the Centre for Independent Living constantly refer. The late Martin Naughton who passed away recently was a tireless advocate, campaigner and voice for those with a disability. I met him in 1971. His passing brought a great deal of sadness to his family and friends as well as to the community he served.

Various organisations are telling us there is a crisis in relation to people with intellectual disabilities. The figures for those in need are startling, particularly those in need of residential support as a matter of priority. There are people who need additional resources because of their changing needs. There are 150 adults per month who require respite, but only 3.8 beds are available per night. That means only 27% of respite needs are currently being met. We hope that budgets will make a positive difference and have an impact. Looking at it from the perspective of the disability sector, including the intellectual disability sector, the opportunity to make a difference in this budget has been lost. I highlight this in the hope that next year these might be the groups whose needs are given priority in the budget. Unfortunately, very few of the measures in the Finance Bill will make an appreciable difference to the lives of people with disabilities.

Reading through the various tax measures, I was thinking in particular of communities in my constituency. I was at an event in a community earlier this evening which was a very sad one. This is a community like many in my constituency where there is a high incidence of lone parents, addiction, early school-leaving, overcrowding and unemployment. If I had brought a copy of the Finance Bill with me and asked the people there to have a look and see what was in it for them, I am sure that first of all they would have found the language totally alien. They would also have found that there is very little in it for them. Who is benefiting from the measures, then? Once again, it is landlords, developers and property speculators as well as farmers and fishermen. I certainly do not begrudge fishermen the advances they got in the budget because we have seen the failures of successive Governments in the past as well as at EU level which brought about increasing difficulties for those of our fishermen who were trying to stay in the industry as Irish waters were opened up to super-trawlers. What we will see as a result of the various tax measures in the Bill will be an increase in the number of wealthy people in the country.

We all know the extent of the lobbying and submissions before the budget. As such, I ask myself whose hand or influence we see having the greatest impact in it. Do we see organisations like St. Vincent de Paul, Social Justice Ireland, TASC or the European Anti Poverty Network? Unfortunately, we cannot see their imprint on the budget. What we see is the hand of business and the wealthy, albeit there are measures for small and medium enterprises as well as for those starting their own businesses. It brings me and many others to the acknowledged need for an independent budget office that can do the equality proofing and social impact analysis in order that there will be a real change to budgets which make a real difference to the lives of those who most need it.

On 17 October, we held the annual event at the Famine statue on the quays to commemorate the UN's end poverty day. There was testimony from people who expressed real poverty and social exclusion. The slogan of the group is "Leave no one behind". Listening to those testimonies and the reality of the lives of those on the margins, we saw the need for a budget committee to focus on how change can come about in their lives so that no one is left behind. We need an economic policy that ensures equality and does not exacerbate inequality.

The universal social charge, USC, was introduced as a temporary austerity emergency tax. Certainly, it caused hardship to those on lower incomes. At least, however, the principle was there that those with more paid more. The changes in the USC, however, appear to mean that the more one earns, the more one will benefit. We never seem to consider a financial transaction tax and what that could bring in for much-needed services and resources. Looking at the housing aspects of the Bill, we see benefits for landlords. The rent-a-room allowance is increased and the renovation and living city schemes have been extended.

While the long-range housing plans to build 47,000 houses by 2021 are very welcome, they will make only a small dent in the current waiting lists. What is needed are the financial resources to get local authorities to start building social housing because we cannot continue to rely exclusively on the private rented sector. I note the impetus on student accommodation. I see it in Dublin Central where considerable building is going on. There is more that will start. There was an announcement just this week of plans for the docklands. Part of the rationale is that there is a shortage of student accommodation which means that students are taking up much-needed private rented accommodation. Therefore, if students can be moved out of the private rented sector, it would free up accommodation for families, couples and single individuals. While that is fair enough, I wish the urgency I see in Dublin Central to build student accommodation could be applied to the building of social housing. We need building companies, developers and the private sector and they are entitled to make a profit. However, lessons must be learned from the excesses of recent years.

Unfortunately, the budgetary measures are not addressing the needs of those requiring loans. We look at the deposit situation. Who can rent and at the same time save the level of deposit that is needed on what Social Justice Ireland reckons is the median salary of €36,000 a year, but which the Minister reckons is €70,000 a year? The crippling rents being paid in the private sector are preventing people saving. Many people are paying a rent equivalent to, if not more, than they would pay for a mortgage. We are paying lip service to the principle of rent certainty because rents are increasing. Some suggest they are increasing at a rate of up to 40%. Telling people who face this rent increase even though rents are not supposed to be increasing to take their issues to the PRTB is not the answer at all. Serious issues are being raised by economists and stockbrokers in relation to the section 8 first-time buyers scheme. They expect house prices to rise by 7% rather than by 5%. It is unfortunate where the Minister has tried to do something, but we all know about the law of unintended consequences.

Sadly and disturbingly, wealthy people can use a loophole in the Capital Acquisitions Tax Consolidation Act to gift houses to their children. I do not know whether the Minister of State agrees, but the estimated loss to the Exchequer is of the order of €100 million because inheritance tax does not apply. It is the lack of accountable and transparent tax systems internationally that is creating inequality and exacerbating existing poverty. Tax justice involves addressing tax avoidance and tax evasion, the cost of which is in the billions. The OECD figures on lost revenue are startling. The Revenue Commissioners report that €3 billion has been recovered in additional tax, interest and penalties that would have been lost through tax evasion. As such, the question is how much more could be recovered if we worked more stringently on the illicit tax flows. Ireland has gone some way recently by adopting country-by-country reporting which is vital for tax transparency. However, we could have gone further to support the calls by various NGOs and civil society groups for an intergovernmental body on tax under the UN. Instead, we went with the OECD model. While that is positive, it means the reporting will not be public.

We still do not know what the effective corporate tax rate is. It seems to vary from company to company. Everybody knows the level of income tax paid by most people in this country but we have a different rule for the corporate sector. The Minister for Finance said the progress made over the past 12 months highlights how our corporate tax regime meets the highest standards in tax transparency. If the commitment is to transparency, why can we not know what is being paid by corporations? That is not an attack on foreign direct investment.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.50 p.m. until 10 a.m. on Thursday, 27 October 2016.
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