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Dáil Éireann díospóireacht -
Wednesday, 19 May 1999

Vol. 505 No. 1

Industrial Schools: Statements (Resumed).

The courage of those who came forward to expose the appalling treatment inflicted on children in industrial schools in this State has done this State a great service. Those responsible for the "States of Fear" programmes have also done a great service.

The greatest monument to the courage of those who spoke out is that every possible step should be taken to prevent child abuse in the future. That is not to suggest the commission to inquire into child abuse is not welcome and essential. It is equally important that those who were abused and who carry psychological and emotional scars are given every possible support service. The State must follow up the good work of the inquiry as far as possible. Equally, those who perpetrated this terrible abuse must be identified and dealt with before the courts.

The package announced by the Government was a welcome introduction of the measures necessary to redress the appalling treatment inflicted on children in institutions over several decades. I particularly welcome the apology offered to the victims by the Taoiseach on behalf of the State and its citizens. The Labour Party, represented by Deputy Moynihan-Cronin, was the first to seek an apology in the Dáil two weeks ago in the immediate aftermath of the transmission of the first "States of Fear" programme. It is entirely appropriate that the Taoiseach spoke on behalf of all of us.

The establishment of a commission to inquire into child abuse is also a welcome initial step which will allow victims an opportunity to speak about the abuse they suffered. However, it may not be sufficient to meet the victims' demands for justice. When we have heard all the relevant testimony, further procedures may be necessary to establish who was responsible for the terrible brutality carried out against so many children. It also remains to be answered how the victims can best be compensated for the damage done while in State care.

We all owe a debt of gratitude to the victims who have exposed this terrible abuse and to the programme makers who brought the evidence of it into the public arena. They have compelled the State to begin to live up to its obligations to the victims of this cruelty. The State has clearly not considered the full implications of this. It should not leave these critical issues to the three person commission to decide.

I welcome the Government's acceptance of the Labour Party Private Members' Bill which will change the law regarding the statute of limitations for the victims of child sex abuse. The Bill will amend the statute of limitations so that the victims of child abuse can pursue justice through the courts. Given the revelations about the extent of child sex abuse which has occurred in Irish society there is an obligation on the State to facilitate victims who wish to pursue those responsible and attain justice through the courts. I am pleased the Government has accepted the logic of this argument.

However, when the Bill is debated in the House, the Labour Party will oppose any effort to restrict the remit of the Bill to those who have suffered sexual abuse. The original scope of the Labour Party Bill includes the victims of child abuse, physical and sexual, but the Government has signalled its intention to limit the Bill solely to the victims of sexual abuse. I am opposed to this as I see no reason that children who have suffered appalling physical abuse should be treated differently. This country must come to terms with the appalling abuse of children. There is no justification for making a distinction between types of abuse suffered by victims. All victims of this appalling abuse must be treated with an equal degree of respect and dignity.

A number of Government measures were announced previously. The fact that there are many areas relating to the child where reform is long overdue is an indication that we are still not prepared to give children adequate political priority. A few examples highlight this. Ireland ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1992. However, as of yet, there has been no progress on amending the Constitution to provide for those rights. As regards juvenile justice legislation, we are still operating from the 1908 Act. The 1996 Bill which was prepared by the last Government to replace this legislation has been left to gather dust.

In 1996 a review of child protection services in the Eastern Health Board found the service was in crisis and that children were being left in unsafe circumstances because of lack of resources. Many of the social work and family support services are grossly underfunded and there are lengthy waiting lists for services. The absence of mainstream State support for pre-school, coupled with the absence of a nationwide school attendance service, despite many years of promises, are other examples of how we approach child care policy.

The Celtic tiger economy and the employment of 1.5 million people will not solve social inequality. However, the Government has a great opportunity to address the area of child care. I hope the recent revelations and this debate will speed up that process.

It is time for us to acknowledge that Irish social policy relating to children has over the years been built on a bedrock of hypocrisy and deceit. The State, which constitutionally committed itself to cherishing the children of the nation equally has over the decades placed her most vulnerable and destitute children in institutions in which they are brutalised and sexually violated. Successive Governments, representative of the various political parties who are an integral part of our political system, have consistently failed to put in place essential structures to provide the maximum possible protection for children at risk and to ensure those taken into or placed in care are properly looked after.

Political soap box oratory about children's rights and their welfare has never been matched by the provision of the essential resources and comprehensive legislation required to provide our children with the protection to which they are entitled. I do not believe those who are politically responsible for the betrayal of our children and the destruction of their lives have acted out of malice. The crime is one of ignorance and neglect – a denial of the reality staring them in the face. The State, with its bureaucracy, must share the responsibility and blame for the scandalous events which took place within our institutions and have blighted the lives of so many placed in them during their childhood.

If all the files are opened, we will discover that for many years those who were dealing on a regular basis with the religious orders who administered our institutions were aware of the abuse to which children were being subjected. Programmes such as "Dear Daughter" and "States of Fear" have revealed to those directly involved in working in this area something they already knew. These programmes have shone the spotlight of publicity on events which some in authority would prefer to be covered up. Essentially they have cut through the wall of silence and provided public credibility to the casualties of institutional abuse which has given them the confidence to assert the truth of what occurred and to seek recompense.

The State, church authorities and religious orders stand accused of hypocrisy and deceit. We now know that many of those who were in a position of authority in the Catholic church in the early years when I was a Member of this House and who railed at the evils of contraception, divorce and abortion lacked similar concern for the young children who were being buggered and abused by men and women in religious orders. We now know that those who stood on moral platforms and lectured society were moving abusive priests from one parish to another like pieces on a chess board, ignoring the fact that their sexual proclivities posed a risk to every child with whom they came into contact.

Priests were moved from parishes, not for the purpose of protecting children, but to cover up abusive conduct already known to have taken place, in order to protect the church. Reports of abusive conduct by those in religious orders and those employed by them were covered up by the State because of a false sense of its duty to the church, in gross violation of its obligation to protect the rights of children.

The cover-up was continued until recently by distorted legalism which justified non-disclosure on the grounds that if the State, a Department or health board admitted the scandalous events which occurred, it would result in an inevitable claim for damages and a consequent loss of money to the Exchequer. Exchequer finances were wrongly given priority over our obligations to children abused in our institutions and their rights as citizens to protection and recompense from the State which bore responsibility for the destruction of their childhood.

In the past three years we have witnessed a parade of those guilty of child abuse passing through our courts system and being sentenced to terms of imprisonment. Each time a member of a religious order is sentenced, a member of the relevant order or a bishop publicly apologises for events which have occurred and expresses remorse. Help and counselling is offered to the victims. Last week the Taoiseach finally extended an apology for the State's failures to victims of abuse and, unlike the church authorities, pledged additional resources for counselling.

The commission which is to be set up is welcome and has been welcomed by many of the victims of abuse. However, social policy relating to children and that of the church remains with its foundations deeply rooted in hypocrisy and deceit. Can the apology of church authorities be taken seriously if they and religious orders continue in a legalistic way to contest liability for damages claimed by those who are the casualties of abuse for which they are responsible? How can we take seriously apologies issued for past events, when outside courts on the day fixed for the hearing of cases of alleged abuse, negotiations are undertaken by lawyers representing archbishops, bishops, or religious orders to settle such cases on the basis that a sum of money is paid, liability is denied and confidentiality agreements are entered into with plaintiffs seeking damages to ensure that the public is not made aware of the sum paid to them by way of compensation?

Can the State's apology be taken seriously when those responsible at Government level for the protection of children condone similar practices by health boards when the victims of abuse seek compensation due to a health board's failure to extend to them during their childhood the statutory protection to which they were entitled? Can it be taken seriously when we are told it will amend the Statute of Limitations to extend the time within which victims of sexual abuse may claim compensation, but is currently unwilling to similarly change the law in regard to physical abuse and wishes it examined by the Law Reform Commission?

Can the Taoiseach's acknowledgement that there is a need for a comprehensive policy to address the issues of child abuse be taken seriously when it is clear that a law which extends the time for bringing claims for compensation for sexual abuse will not immediately apply to physical abuse and will, as a consequence, be unworkable in the large number of instances in which children were both sexually and physically abused in years gone by? If both the State and church authorities are truly apologetic, the Statute of Limitations should immediately be reformed in its applications to both sexual and physical abuse. An announcement should be made that the statute will not be invoked by the State, the church or religious orders in any of the hundreds of cases pending before our courts in which the victims of abuse are claiming compensation. Immediate discussions should also take place with a view to the establishment of a tribunal which will facilitate the processing of such claims in a humane and expeditious manner with legal costs and expenses kept to a minimum.

The Government must move away from the hypocrisy and deceit for which the State properly stands accused. It must stop playing with this House a game of political charades by which a perception is created that the issue of child sexual and physical abuse is being comprehensively addressed and actually put in place all the measures that are genuinely required if the State's apology is to be taken seriously.

It is a disgrace that the last comprehensive child abuse guidelines to assist social workers working within health boards were published in 1988 and we still await the publication of new guidelines to reflect the provisions contained in the Child Care Act, 1991. We have learnt over the past decade about child abuse. We ask for a guarantee from Government that the new guidelines will be published within a month.

It is a further disgrace that approximately 280 offenders are currently serving sentences in our prisons for rape and sexual abuse offences and there are only facilities to extend treatment and therapy to ten such offenders. There is a need for a more extensive treatment and therapy programme but to date the Government has been silent on this issue. The State's apology does not deserve to be taken seriously when in the coming years offenders will be released back into the community who can be best described as "sexual exocets" and who will inevitably re-offend and destroy the lives and futures of many more young people.

Health boards, in particular the Eastern Health Board, have received reports naming hundreds of children believed to be at risk that remain uninvestigated and without family assessment being undertaken through lack of personnel and resources. It is not known how many children are suffering physical and sexual abuse to whom protection could be extended if health boards were able to respond quicker to reports received.

For almost two years the courts have been denied the assistance of the welfare service carrying out family and child assessments in family law cases in which our judges believe such assistance is required to ensure that when deciding disputes over children the right decision is made in the interest of their welfare. It is a disgrace that the social service inspectorate recommended by the Madonna House report more than three years ago is not yet properly in place and that the Government's original commitment to establish it by statute and guarantee its independence has been reneged upon. It is also a disgrace that many of the recommendations contained in the Kilkenny incest report and the report into the death of Kelly Fitzgerald remain unimplemented with those reports sitting on the shelves of the Department of Health and Children continuing to gather dust.

It is right that we acknowledge those who have taken heroic action to effect change. The courageous Sophia McColgan and her family exposed the incompetence and gross neglect of the North Western Health Board. The courageous Andrew Madden publicised a civil action brought by him against Fr. Ivor Payne which ultimately resulted in many victims of abuse coming forward and Fr. Payne's imprisonment. There are many other vic tims of similar courage and they have been seen in some of the recent television programmes.

There are also those who have become victims as a consequence of attempting to blow the whistle on child abuse at a time when the State was more interested in cover up and Government was more interested in protecting itself against legal actions for damages. Loretta Byrne, as a civil servant in the late 1980s, brought to the attention of officials in the Department of Education and, ultimately, to Members of this House on the Committee of Public Accounts serious abuse which she believed was being perpetrated in St. Lawrence's in Finglas. Her persistence cost her her job but today we know that at least one victim of abuse there has committed suicide and the Garda, which in 1994 only carried out a limited investigation has recently, having carried out a further investigation, sent files to the Director of Public Prosecutions in regard to allegations of abuse at the Finglas centre. It is time it was publicly acknowledged that Loretta Byrne got it right and those with whom she dealt in various Departments got it seriously wrong. She must be compensated for the fact that her persistence and courage cost her her job and substantially impaired her quality of life.

The State has apologised but still stands accused of failing to cherish the children of the nation equally and to date has failed to provide to our children the protection to which they are entitled. The Government must commit itself to take a more comprehensive approach than that announced by the Taoiseach last week within a specified timescale. If it does not do so the events of last week will in the coming years be seen to be just another tired move in a game of political charades played out in this House and outside by Government and politicians, one which for too long has been played with the lives of children.

(Dublin West): Do chuir an clár teilifíse de chuid RTE “States of Fear” alltacht ar gach duine sa Stát seo a chonaic é. Thaispeáin sé go raibh an íde a tugadh do leanaí ins na scoileanna tionsclaíochta uafásach amach is amach. Bhí an droch-íde úd níos leithne agus ag tárlú níos minicí ná mar a cheap éinne nach bhfuil aithne acu ar an gcóras sin mar a bhí.

An rud nua faoin méid a tháinig amach ins an clár ná gur thug sé le fios nach duine anseo is ansiúd nó cúpla duine anseo is ansiúd a bhí ciontach ach gur córas eagraithe a bhí ann in a raibh an Stát i ngleic leis an Eaglais agus cumhacht ollmhór ag an dá eagraíocht sin.

Molaim crógacht na ndaoine a tháinig chun tosaigh chun a gcuid scéalta a insint mar gheall ar an méid a tha\rla agus chun an fhírinne anois a chur amach os comhair na ndaoine le go bhféadfaí iniúchadh a dhéanamh air agus foghlaim uaidh.

Tá sé soiléir go bhfuil na daoine a tháinig chun tosaigh brúite agus bascaithe ach go bhfuil léas nua beatha acu agus go bhfuil an dóchas acu maireachtaint an cuid eile dá saol agus an t-olc a tharla dóibh a fhágaint taobh thiar daoibh. Caithfear gach tacaíocht a thabhairt dóibh.

The "States of Fear" programme has launched a new debate on the issue of child abuse. Mary Raftery and the team that produced this documentary deserve the highest praise. There are a number of reasons this programme made a mark at this time. For one thing, the extent of the research was very convincing. Unfortunately, we have become used to revelations of institutions or individuals' stories which are quite horrifying and which are not mitigated in any way by the new revelations. However, what "States of Fear" brought out was that we were not dealing just with a few individuals or locations, but with an entire system. The programme showed an extent of research which was convincing in that regard.

The programme clearly showed that there was a systematic perversion of arms of the State, such as the courts, the Department of Education and the Garda Síochána, who were responsible for having this system in place, in conjunction with the religious orders, mainly of the Catholic Church. The programme revealed that over several decades this system of refined brutality matched, in some respects, the way people were treated in authoritarian regimes such as Stalinist Russia or even fascist Germany and, while not to the same extent of horror, many of the same attitudes were shown to have prevailed.

We must salute the courage of those who have come forward to tell their stories and who, despite the horror they have to live with, are obviously determined to go forward with their lives. With these new revelations now out in the open they may be able to live new lives.

We should examine how this situation was allowed to happen for decades. We can find an explanation in the nature of the State – both the Free State and, later, the Republic – as it was during those years. We can find an explanation in Mr. de Valera's 1937 Constitution which recognised the special position of the Catholic Church. The State was clearly relying on the Catholic Church for legitimacy and support. The Church relied upon the State to give it a privileged position within society, putting it in charge of virtually the entire education system and giving it many other privileges and rights which in a democratic society no institution, other than an institution democratically accountable to the people, should be allowed to enjoy.

It is in this mutual interdependence of Church and State that we can discover why this situation went unchallenged for decades. The authoritarianism of the Catholic Church was the perfect instrument by which these horrors could occur behind closed doors, without people being in a position – or feeling they were in a position – to expose them. The Church has a serious responsibility to bear, along with the State which has to fully acknowledge the wrong that was done and the methodical nature of that wrong. From now on its actions must be informed by that admission.

In 1913, when the working class people of Dublin were fighting desperately for the right to organise themselves in trade unions to have a dignified life with a reasonable income for their families, and when their children were being brought to homes in Britain, the Catholic Church led an assault on the strike leaders denouncing the alleged dangers to which "Irish children going to English homes", as they put it, were to be exposed. What an irony, that at that very time we had in place this appalling system where thousands of children were incarcerated and systematically used and abused at the hands of that self same Church. Later, the Free State and the Republic shamefully connived in that situation, and was responsible for it continuing.

I welcome the setting up of the commission to allow victims to come forward. It must have a role of rigorous inquiry into the causes of how this happened. All the files must be brought out. It is sinister that files relating to this episode in our history are missing at present. The apology which the State has given is welcome in so far as it goes, but we must deal with the question of compensation for the victims, whichever form it takes. Lives have been broken as a result of this matter.

It was interesting to hear the programme's producer, Mary Raftery, say that what put her on the trail of this particular story was hearing from ex-prisoners and hardened criminals, whom she had dealt with in previous programmes, that many of them had been through the industrial schools. That prompted her to look more deeply into what lay behind them. It is highly significant that the damage that was done in these schools is still being inflicted on society by the unfortunate victims who turned to crime and other anti-social activity as a result. There is an enormous amount to answer for, socially and personally. The State and its institutions are fully obligated to make up for their past failure. We also have to mention the shameful failure of the major political parties which ran the State since the early 1920s.

In relation to my responsibilities in the Department of Education and Science, I want to assure the House that every effort will be made to facilitate those educated in Ireland's industrial and special schools to return to the education system, should that be their wish. I am appealing to all adults previously educated in the industrial schools, who feel they were denied the opportunity to secure a decent education, to consider returning to the education system by taking the opportunity to participate in one of the various wide-ranging adult education programmes.

I am prepared to establish a free-phone number or a separate office to deal with inquiries for those individuals, should such a facility be needed. In the meantime, I am calling on all those interested to contact my office in Dublin where details of the various courses on offer will be provided to any individual interested.

The RTE documentary "States of Fear" revealed that many people who attended the industrial schools and schools for children with disabilities in the 1950s and 1960s only barely learned to read and write, and sometimes not even that. In some of those schools education was practically non existent. It is obvious from the evidence furnished in the RTE documentary that many people who attended the various industrial schools for children with disabilities, run by religious orders, were denied a proper education and left school with little formal education. The fact that many people were denied a proper education in these schools has continued to impact on the quality of life of these people long after the physical and mental abuse has ended. It is imperative in the interests of social justice that we help those who have missed out on a good education. We will do everything possible to facilitate the needs of these individuals if they wish to return to education in any capacity.

Now that we have commenced the process of allowing VTOS, Youthreach and PLC courses to be studied on a part-time basis and have almost quadrupled funding for adult literacy, there has never been a better opportunity to return to education, whether part time or full time.

This has been an important debate. The subject it addresses goes to the very heart of whether we, as a society, can go forward by confronting the past. As public policy makers, we need to recognise that the failures of this State, be they in 1959 or 1979, have as many implications for us as failures in 1999. Let us not forget the scale of revelations in 1996 and other times. There was no throwing up of the shutters or lessons learnt and inexplicably there was no professional counselling service. As contemporary politicians it fell to us to respond to the consequences of what happened before most of us were in public life and, quite simply, the response was entirely inadequate.

Speeches were made, questions were asked, interviews were given but nothing was done. Deputies from all sides supported the Taoiseach's historic statement, which apologised on behalf of the State and its citizens to the victims of child abuse. What is far more important however is that many victims have come forward to say how much they valued the Taoiseach's initiative.

This response from the victims, was based on the fact that a Government, for the first time, was saying, without equivocation, legalese or grandstanding, that they had been done a very serious wrong. As was outlined last week, the Taoiseach informed his colleagues that he wanted the Government to address this matter properly.

The response outlined last week is the product of a considered process. It would be both foolish and damaging to imagine that we could immediately devise a comprehensive and final response which would be fully effective in meeting the needs of victims. The two stage approach to the workings of the commission is clearly the best means of proceeding and I am pleased to inform the House that strong support for this proposal has already been signalled to us. The membership of the commission will be announced early next week and work is well under way on staffing and accommodation for its secretariat.

In relation to the other areas included in the Government's announcement, progress has already begun. Work is under way and will be reported within a fortnight on the establishment of a comprehensive professional counselling service and the shorter term responses required to fill this long neglected gap in publicly provided services. On the issue of the reform of the statute of limitations, the House will be debating it next week. Certain Deputies would seem to have changed their previously publicly stated positions on the extent of the reform. As was stated at the beginning of the debate, the Government would welcome any additional expertise which the Opposition could offer to guide a response on the issue of physical abuse. As it stands, the evidentiary and procedural problems for which there is no obvious guidance remain unaddressed. In the circumstances it is reasonable to ask for answers before making a move which could actually be damaging to victims by putting them through the type of invasive and inquisitorial trials which can generally be avoided in cases of sexual abuse.

In the Government's handling of this general area we have sought to be both proactive and open. We have very specifically abandoned the conservative approach which used legal excuses to do nothing. It is a sorry sight – we saw it again tonight – to see some politicians attempting to use this issue for business as usual. I hope we can all take a step back and agree to approach it in a constructive and appropriate manner. This is not a matter suitable for the hype which we invest in our everyday business; it is much more important than that and we should all act accordingly.

As more and more people find the strength to open up and confront the past, the revelations will continue. The commission will serve as a catalyst. It will be a forum in which much pain will be expressed and hopefully it will lead to an opportunity for healing too long denied. I believe that its establishment and effective operation is a sign of a society that is capable of progressing. It will strengthen us all through the force of pure, unvarnished, uncomfortable but unavoidable truth.

I believe we have taken a giant step forward in the last week and I hope we can all commit ourselves to keeping up the momentum. That is this Government's commitment.

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