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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 24 Oct 2001

Vol. 542 No. 6

Ceisteanna–Questions. - Official Engagements.

Michael Noonan

Question:

1 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his visit to Brazil and Argentina in July 2001; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [20930/01]

Michael Noonan

Question:

2 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach the foreign visits he intends to undertake during the remainder of 2001; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [20932/01]

Jim Higgins

Question:

3 Mr. Higgins (Mayo) asked the Taoiseach the details of his visit to South America in July 2001; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21049/01]

Ruairí Quinn

Question:

4 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and conclusions reached at his meeting with the Chinese Prime Minister, Mr. Zhu Rongji; if he raised the question of human rights in China with the Premier; if so, the response he received; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21393/01]

Ruairí Quinn

Question:

5 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he will outline the specific proposals he has to broaden the base of our relationship with China; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21394/01]

Ruairí Quinn

Question:

6 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on the outcome of his official visit to Brazil; the results achieved regarding expanded trade; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21395/01]

Ruairí Quinn

Question:

7 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the political leaders with whom he had discussions during his official visit to Brazil; the outcome of these discussions; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21396/01]

Ruairí Quinn

Question:

8 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach if he will make a statement on the outcome of his official visit to Argentina; the results achieved regarding expanded trade; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21397/01]

Ruairí Quinn

Question:

9 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the political leaders with whom he had discussions during his official visit to Argentina; the outcome of these discussions; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21398/01]

Ruairí Quinn

Question:

10 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the official trips abroad he plans to make during the remainder of 2001; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21444/01]

Ruairí Quinn

Question:

11 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and any conclusions reached at his meeting on 24 September 2001 with the President of the Republic of Lithuania, Mr. Valdas Adamkus; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21962/01]

Michael Noonan

Question:

12 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the recent visit to Ireland by the Premier of the People's Republic of China; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21968/01]

Michael Noonan

Question:

13 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting with the President of Lithuania; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [21969/01]

Joe Higgins

Question:

14 Mr. Higgins (Dublin West) asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the Lithuanian President during the 2001 summer recess of Dáil Éireann. [22150/01]

Joe Higgins

Question:

15 Mr. Higgins (Dublin West) asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting with the Chinese Prime Minister, Mr. Zhu Rongji, during the 2001 summer recess of Dáil Éireann. [22151/01]

Joe Higgins

Question:

16 Mr. Higgins (Dublin West) asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his official visits abroad during the 2001 summer recess of Dáil Éireann. [22152/01]

Enda Kenny

Question:

17 Mr. Kenny asked the Taoiseach the official list of engagements abroad he has accepted until the end of 2001; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [22269/01]

Trevor Sargent

Question:

18 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting with the President of Lithuania, Mr. Valdas Adamkus. [24211/01]

Trevor Sargent

Question:

19 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his recent meeting with the Chinese Prime Minister; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [24216/01]

Michael Noonan

Question:

20 Mr. Noonan asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting in Dublin on 15 October 2001 with the Palestinian Leader, Yasser Arafat; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [24867/01]

Ruairí Quinn

Question:

21 Mr. Quinn asked the Taoiseach the matters discussed and any conclusions reached at his meeting in Dublin on 15 October 2001 with Yasser Arafat; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [24980/01]

Trevor Sargent

Question:

22 Mr. Sargent asked the Taoiseach if he will report on his meeting in Dublin with the Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat. [25287/01]

I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 22, inclusive, together.

During the summer recess of the Dáil, I undertook an official visit to Brazil from 18 to 22 July, and to Argentina from 22 to 24 July.

My visit to Brazil, the first official visit by a Taoiseach, afforded an opportunity to extend Ireland's bilateral political and economic relations with that country. In addition to visiting the capital, Brasilia, I also travelled to Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro for meetings with political leaders and members of the economic community.

I had a substantive meeting with President Cardoso in Brasilia on 18 July, where the President briefed me on the recent recovery of the Brazilian economy. The President also outlined a number of policy initiatives that have been taken to address the income and wealth disparities in Brazilian society. He indicated in this context that it would take a number of years of concerted and continued effort to significantly narrow this income gap. We discussed opportunities for increased trade between our countries, particularly in the telecommunications, high tech and agricultural sectors. I informed the President of the Government's decision to open a resident Embassy in Brasilia, and a Consulate in Sao Paulo.

In Sao Paulo on 19 July, I met the State Governor, Mr. Geraldo Alkmin and the Mayor, Ms Marta Suplicy, and gave an address to the Federation of Industries of the State of Sao Paulo. I paid a courtesy call to the University of Sao Paulo and met staff from the Irish Studies Department. I also attended a reception for the Irish community and met representatives of the Irish Missionaries working in Brazil on the evening of 18 July.

On Friday, 20 July I addressed the Federation of Industries of the State of Rio de Janeiro on Ireland's recent economic growth and I met the State Governor, Mr. Antonio Garotinho. I gave an address at a luncheon co-hosted by Enterprise Ireland and the Brazilian Centre for Industrial Relations, and attended a reception for the Irish community. I also visited an Irish run social project just outside Rio de Janeiro on Saturday, 21 July.

In the course of my visit to Argentina from 22-24 July, I met President de la Rúa. During this meeting I had the opportunity to discuss the business opportunities that exist between our two economies and ways in which trade could be expanded. I also met the Foreign Minister, Rodriguez Giavarini, members of the Argentine Senate and Chamber of Deputies, and the Governor of the State of Buenos Aires, Dr. Aníbal Ibarra. I addressed the Argentine National Council for International Relations and a gathering of senior Argentine business executives at a luncheon hosted by the Chairman of the National Bank, Dr. Enrique Oliviera. I also attended a reception for the Irish community in Argentina.

On 3 September I met Premier Zhu Rongji during his official visit to Ireland. We had a very useful and constructive meeting with a wide ranging agenda covering bilateral, regional and global issues. The meeting continued the exchanges between us during my visit to China in 1998 and at ASEM III last year in Seoul.

We noted the rapid growth of our economic and trade relations and the very high level of bilateral co-operation both in the economic and education areas. We identified areas for further co-operation and development including IT and software, cultural and educational exchanges, building infrastructure and the transfer of managerial expertise. We noted that the ASEM process had proved to be productive and successful and looked forward to a successful ASEM IV summit in Copenhagen next year. The Premier's programme also included the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding on Cultural Relations between our two countries.

The Premier and I discussed human rights both in our private meeting and in the plenary meeting of the delegations. We discussed Ireland's concerns in this area including, in particular, our concerns regarding Tibet and Falun Gong.

I took the opportunity to raise the case of the Trinity College student, Zhao Ming, who is currently detained in China. The Premier agreed to convey the interest of the Irish Government and people on the case of Zhao Ming to the Chinese judicial authorities.

While a full meeting of minds could not be expected in our discussions, I very much welcome the Premier's openness to change and dialogue on human rights with friendly countries. He said he was in favour of further dialogue on this issue. The Premier was keenly aware of the degree of public interest in Ireland in human rights in China, and the importance we attach to the ongoing dialogue between China and the EU on human rights.

This important high-level visit afforded a valuable opportunity to review the rapidly expanding relationship between Ireland and China and plan for its future development. We are currently reviewing the "Asia Strategy" adopted by the Government in an effort to increase and focus the attention of the Irish business community on the Asia-Pacific region in general, and on the huge potential of the Chinese market in particular. We are also seeking to broaden the base of our relationship by enhancing the level of cultural exchanges and by increasing educational co-operation.

On 24 September, I welcomed President Valdas Adamkus of Lithuania on his first official visit to Ireland. The President was accompanied by a trade delegation. In the course of our discussions, we noted that while our bilateral trade is modest it is expanding rapidly and we welcomed this positive trend. I expressed the belief that this visit would raise public awareness in Ireland of Lithuania, and in this context we welcomed the Memorandum of Understanding on Cultural Exchanges between our two countries which was signed the following day. The President informed me of his particular desire to promote student exchanges with Ireland. I congratulated Lithuania on the progress of their European Accession negotiations.

In this regard, the President and I discussed the outcome of the Nice Referendum last June. I emphasised that Ireland remained strongly committed to the European Union and to the enlargement process. The President said that Lithuania was working very hard to fulfil its accession requirements and hoped to be among the first wave of applicant countries to join the EU in 2004.

On Monday, 15 October, accompanied by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, I met Yasser Arafat, President of the Palestinian Authority. We discussed the world situation and, in particular, the situation in the Middle East.

I affirmed our belief that the achievement of a negotiated just settlement of the Palestinian question was a vital step in the struggle for international peace and security. I acknowledged the efforts of President Arafat in seeking to create a climate of stability which would permit the re-engagement of discussions with Israel. I confirmed that Ireland would give any help within our capacity towards supporting the peace process and the attainment of a just settlement of the Palestinian issue. Ireland's special responsibility at this time as Chair of the UN Security Council was of particular importance to President Arafat.

President Arafat and I had detailed discussions on security in the Middle East. The President stressed he is making every effort to advance the peace process in order to consolidate the previous agreements made. President Arafat expressed his appreciation for the work of the European Union and Javier Solana. He was grateful for the achievements of EU observers to date and requested the presence of further observers.

I emphasised the urgent need for resumed negotiations between the parties and that these talks should not be limited to security issues. In particular I stressed that such talks must include a substantial political dimension which should move forward to full implementation of the Mitchell proposals as an integral whole and without preconditions. A settlement must be reached which recognises the rights of the Palestinian people to a viable state of their own, living in peace and security with Israel.

President Arafat assured me that he will continue to the extent of his ability to try to achieve stability in the region. Failure to make progress undermines that stability. Ireland and our EU partners have made it clear to Israel that we expect a positive response to these efforts.

I expect to visit the United States in early November. My programme for this visit has not yet been finalised. However, I expect to visit Boston, New York and Washington.

I have laid copies of my speeches in Argentina and Brazil before the Houses.

In respect of the Taoiseach's trip to Brazil and Argentina how many people accompanied him on the trip, who were they and what was the total cost of the trip?

There are 22 questions, none of which refers to or inquires about the cost. It is a separate question.

I am normally supplied with a list but I do not believe that is the case on this occasion. I will pass on the requested information to the Deputy.

None of the questions with which we are dealing relates to the cost.

With respect, a Cheann Comhairle, I asked a normal supplementary.

Yes, but it would also be a normal question to table.

It is a normal supplementary.

With which the Chair will be familiar from experience.

I am just making a point.

I will supply the information as soon as possible.

That is fine, Taoiseach. I have no disagreement with the Taoiseach; it is the Ceann Comhairle with whom I am having a slight disagreement at present.

The stated aim of the Taoiseach's trip to Brazil and Argentina was to improve trade between those two countries and Ireland. What improve ments have taken place in trade between Ireland and Argentina or Brazil since the Taoiseach's visit or what prospective improvements are envisaged?

There are enormous opportunities for trade, particularly with Brazil. Argentina is undergoing a difficult period and while there are some clear opportunities there, the process will be slower. The situation in Brazil is progressing well. We made arrangements during my visit for a senior delegation of Brazilian business people to visit Ireland. I understand that visit is to take place in mid-November. The Brazilians are anxious to do business. A number of Irish companies have already started operations in Brazil and, on foot of my visit, further discussions on this matter took place. The Kerry Group commenced operations there approximately two years ago and this had led to a number of further opportunities. Even though there have been difficulties in the software and hardware sectors of the high-tech industry, a number of opportunities have also arisen.

The advantage of visits such as that in which I engaged is that links of communication are opened between Irish State agencies, Ministers and key officials here and those of the countries visited. Brazil is an enormous country and our figures for trade with it have improved dramatically in recent years. However, there is huge potential for growth. I addressed several business groups from the banking, financial and computing sectors and I believe we have a good opportunity of extending our operations into that market, admittedly from a very low base. There are real opportunities for Enterprise Ireland and the food sector.

The Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development, Deputy Walsh, also visited Brazil two years ago to promote the food sector. I felt pleased that, after my visit, we had forged direct links which will allow our State agencies, business groups and some chambers of commerce to build on the progress that has been made. I accept that this will not happen overnight, but there is no doubt that a number of potential opportunities exist across a range of areas.

I wish to ask three questions, the first of which relates to embassies. The Taoiseach stated that it is the intention to open a residential embassy in Brasilia and a commercial attaché-consulate in São Paulo. In a separate reply to questions on an announcement made immediately after the defeat of the Nice referendum, the Minister for Foreign Affairs said that embassies would be opened in the capitals of all the applicant member states including Vilnius in Lithuania. What is the exact position in relation to the opening of the embassies to which I refer and the consulate in São Paulo?

My second question relates to the Taoiseach's meeting with the Chinese Prime Minister. Did the Taoiseach express concern about the fact that more than half the people who are executed throughout the world by capital punishment regimes are executed in China? In the period 1990 to 1999, more than 27,000 people were sentenced to death in the People's Republic of China and of these 18,000 were executed. For a country whose population is only one twentieth of the world's population, China is responsible for more than 50% of the global total of executions. On a pro rata basis, Texas is probably next in line behind China in this regard. Did the Taoiseach raise his concerns about those infringements of what is regarded as a fundamental human right in Europe?

My final question relates to the current position of a Chinese student, Zhao Ming, who was a student at Trinity College and who has been imprisoned by the authorities in China because of his membership of Falun Gong?

The Minister for Foreign Affairs stated, during last year's Estimates process, that embassies would be opened in the capitals of the accession countries over a two year period. I had previously stated that we would open an embassy and a consulate in Brazil and the final arrangements are being made in this regard. If they are not up and running already, they will be by the end of the year.

I may not have raised the exact figures to which the Deputy refers with the Chinese Premier, but I did receive a very strong briefing on a range of human rights issues from the Department of Foreign Affairs and, both privately and publicly, we made our views clear on these. Premier Zhu Rongji, whom I have met on three occasions, does not deny that things are happening in his country of which its people are not proud. His position is that the Chinese are endeavouring to reform their society as quickly as possible and introduce modern human rights regulations. He has engaged in numerous meetings with the UN's representative, Mrs. Mary Robinson, on these issues and there is a view abroad that the Chinese are definitely trying to change. Mr. Zhu Rongji finds it peculiar that we have so much interest in issues of this nature and is surprised by the views we have in respect of them.

I raised with Premier Zhu Rongji the issue of Zhao Ming, having met the Trinity students in advance and obtained their side of the story. He did not, either privately or publicly, give much sympathy to the case I put forward about Falun Gong. The Deputy will have seen the press briefing where the Premier took the opportunity to give his views which, needless to say, were entirely opposite to those expressed to me by the students and contained in the brief I received from the Department of Foreign Affairs. He referred to Falun Gong as an evil cult at that press conference. However, he did give a commitment to pass on our views to the judicial authorities in China and he has done so. I have remained in contact with the group of Trinity students to which I refer in respect of this matter. These people are not acting on behalf of Falun Gong, they are merely concerned because of the treatment being received by a friend of theirs. It was made clear to me that while some of them may be involved with Falun Gong, others were acting only out of friendship. I have continued to follow the case and it has been confirmed to me that the Premier honoured his promise. However, we still await the response of the judicial authorities. My argument to the Premier was that participation in Falun Gong appears to be enough to lead to people being given fairly hefty remand sentences.

The Taoiseach stated that he has continued to follow the case since Zhu Rongji's visit. What is the current position? Has he replied to the Taoiseach, either through his ambassador or through the authorities in Beijing, indicating the follow-up in relation to the Zhao Ming case? Can the Taoiseach tell us the position?

I have followed this through the ambassador. They informed us without any prompting that they had passed the case to the judicial authorities. I have been back on two occasions since and we have not received any information from the Chinese authorities on the views of the judicial authorities. I met the students recently again and I asked for an update. As I understand it, the students still held that there had been no change in the situation. It is a very long story.

Has the Taoiseach received formal communication since then?

In writing?

Through the embassy.

What did that say?

It said that they have passed this to the judicial authorities, as I said, and that they would stay in communication with us. I do not assume I will hear back from the judicial authorities but I expect to hear from the embassy and from Zhu Rongji's office.

(Dublin West): Does the Taoiseach agree that it is completely disingenuous of Prime Minister Zhu Rongji to pretend to him that he is not responsible for the civil rights abuses that exist and that some other agency, with which he is interceding, is responsible? Is it not clearly the case that the Government of China is responsible for what happens in China?

Is the Taoiseach aware that since his intercession with the Chinese Prime Minister in the case of Zhao Ming, which I fully support, a week ago we had an example that not a modicum of humanity is being shown by the Chinese auth orities towards those in distress? Is the Taoiseach aware that the mother of a Chinese national here, Ms Dai Dongxue, whom the Taoiseach has possibly met with the Trinity students and who is one of the main advocates for Zhao Ming's release, died last Monday week and the Chinese Embassy here refused point blank to give her permission to travel home for the funeral? The Chinese authorities also refused to release her two sisters who are in a prison camp as a result of their Falun Gong sympathies. Will the Taoiseach redouble his representations? Does he agree that if our country and Government are to have ongoing trade and political relations with the Chinese Government, then the Chinese Government must move immediately on these issues, release Zhao Ming and stop the persecution of innocent people because of their beliefs?

Mr. Zhu Rongji came here for specific reasons, not the good of his health. Whatever benefits trade with this country confer on China, it must be made clear to him that will not happen unless they change this horrific situation.

The development of our trade and economic relationship with the Asian region is central to the Government's Asian strategy programme, which was launched some years ago. Regarding China specifically, our exports have more than doubled in the past three years. It is a very good business area.

Having said that, there are ongoing difficulties with human rights. I raised the issue of the Falun Gong but they see it in an entirely different way. I will continue with this case involving Zhao Ming; I have given a commitment on this and I will continue to press it. However, as I said, they say that once someone is on remand it is with the judicial authorities and it is not a matter for the Government to influence. They pass on the case, so it is perhaps not so different from the situation in other countries.

They take an extraordinarily hard line on the Falun Gong. What we are told about the Falun Gong and how they interpret it is entirely different. Mr. Rongji did not agree with anything I or anyone else said about the Falun Gong when he was here. He sees them as an evil cult and not religious. He was very strong on the issue. I did not get anywhere near persuading him otherwise; he was not even prepared to listen to the facts I had been given by Members, students and others. He sees the Falun Gong in an entirely different way and there is no use saying any different here.

In 1998 I met the UN representative, Mary Robinson, in China on her first meeting with them and she has continued since then to make progress on this and other matters. China now accepts that its image abroad is tarnished by the kinds of figures mentioned by Deputy Quinn, by the way they treat human rights issues and that the way it deals with this leaves a lot to be desired. The Chinese Prime Minister argued publicly and privately that the situation is not as bad as the facts suggest, that they are bringing in enormous reforms, that they are working with the UN and that they are changing things. China claims there are old practices that are not easily changed but that it is moving forward. We must continue to make the point, as a friendly country, that we see enormous room for improvements. Nobody could stand over the statistics and particularly in the regions there seems to be no understanding of human rights. There appears to be an understanding of human rights in the more moderate cities, where they have one set of laws, but that does not extend out into the regions.

It is a party State. Everything is controlled by the party.

It is effectively controlled by five people. His case is that they are trying to develop what they see as UN-mandated human rights as best they can through the cities and out into the regions. It will take some time to do that but they are committed to this and to dialogue with the UN and other countries about changing the reality and the perception of what they do.

Deputy Higgins asked about Zhao Ming and I will continue to deal with that. I am aware of what he said and I will continue to press that case.

(Dublin West): Will the Taoiseach raise the issues mentioned today within the EU? China perhaps believes this is a small country, which it is, but the EU has a lot more trade with China en bloc. Will the Taoiseach bring pressure to bear on the EU to raise these issues directly with the Chinese Government?

I can take the opportunity to do that but all the larger EU countries have sent extensive trade delegations. Gerhard Schroder, Jacques Chirac, Tony Blair and others have raised these issues both in their own countries and with the Chinese authorities. There is no lack of people to raise these matters and it is for that reason that the Chinese are now entering into dialogue on these issues, which they would not have done five years ago.

Lithuania is one of the 12 countries applying for entry to the European Union. When the Taoiseach met the President of Lithuania, Mr. Adamkus, did he raise his concerns about Ireland's failure to ratify the Nice treaty, which would inhibit Lithuania's application for membership? Did the Taoiseach seek to allay those concerns? What commitments did the Taoiseach give to have the Nice treaty ratified in Ireland?

As I said, we discussed the defeat of the Nice treaty. Mr. Adamkus is, of course, concerned, as are all the applicant countries, that we ratify the Nice treaty before 31 December 2002. He was primarily concerned about the attitude in this country towards enlargement. I was able to reassure him, as research shows, that it was not the reason the treaty was defeated. I assures him that in the Forum for Europe and in the period ahead the Government will do all it can to see how we can address this issue so that by the end of next year we will be in a position to allow the enlargement process to go ahead and not be responsible for blocking it. All the applicant countries currently see us as blocking the situation.

I listened with interest to the Taoiseach's comments on his visit to Brazil. He mentioned his involvement with food companies and that the Minister, Deputy Walsh, had been there two years earlier. Can the Taoiseach advise us on the type of production which is taking place in the food sector in Brazil? Must Brazilian producers comply with the same sort of controls as Irish producers? Certainly the Minister, Deputy Walsh, seems to have been very successful, judging by the fact that two years ago there were only 30 tonnes of chicken meat coming into this country while in the intervening two year period the imports increased from 30 tonnes to 300 tonnes at a time when the industry in Ireland was on its knees. It is extremely important that we know whether hormones, steroids or all these other things which we ban are being allowed to be used there. Only recently I found that steroids are being used in milk production in the US in a big way. We must compete with the US on world markets. It is important that the Taoiseach can assure us that our producers are working on equally competitive terms with those who are supplying meat to Ireland. I hope the Minister and the Taoiseach will rectify the balance of trade to make sure we can export as much as they can import to Ireland – 10% increase in two years is dramatic.

Mr. Coveney:

I am aware, because a number of farmers have approached me on it, that there is great concern that farmers in Ireland are being asked, rightly, to comply with very strict criteria on the traceability of food for safety reasons, but at the same time we have dramatically increased the imports of meat, particularly chicken, from Argentina and Brazil. Can we be sure that the same traceability criteria is being applied to the food we are importing? If that is not the case, there is clearly unfair competition affecting Irish and European chicken producers.

I would not put myself forward as an expert on the rules and regulations, but I understand, certainly from the Irish companies involved, that they have put enormous capital investment into meeting the standards. It is my understanding that these are WTO standards and they must abide by those standards. Their production cost base is perhaps not as expensive or extensive as it would be if they were located in the European Union, but the Kerry Group, which I mentioned, is not only involved in that but in a range of different food facilities. If I am correct about the chickens, Brazil is not the only country involved. There are a number of other countries in the region which are our biggest competitors and Thailand is one of the enormous exporters. While I do not claim to be an expert, I know the plants they have are extremely sophisticated and costly. They are involved in what is obviously mass production, but it is a very expensive operation. I would imagine that their staff costs base is not anything like that which would prevail in the European Union. I will raise the issue with the Minister, but I understand the regulations concerned are those of the WTO and therefore they would have to comply with the highest standards.

On the WTO regulations, I visited a farm in the US last week. The way they are dealing with their products is totally different to our way, yet they are supposed to be dealing with them in the same way. They are using steroids to increase milk yields and their yields are 10%, 15% or 20% higher than ours. When we, through the EU, agree trade agreements with countries like the US, it is important that our producers are not being forced to meet a handicap. We want top quality production but we do not want to have to compete with people who are prepared to use anything.

I fully agree with what Deputy Crawford said. Otherwise we would lose market share here and take in inferior products—

We are losing it.

—but I assume the products meet the standards. I will raise the issue with the Minister for Agriculture, Food and Rural Development.

Mr. Coveney:

It is all about traceability back to the source.

During his visit, did President Arafat raise with the Taoiseach the necessity for a viable Palestinian state to be established and that the viability of such a state would require a change in the proposed settlement in terms of the boundaries which are part and parcel of the peace accords? If he did so, did the Taoiseach give any undertaking to him in the light of an increased awareness that, whether we like it or not, the Israeli-Palestinian issue is being used by some people in Osama bin Laden's camp as a cause for fundamentalist terrorism coming from the Arab world?

President Arafat emphasised far more strongly than he did on previous occasions, not so much the change of lines or geographical locations but what Deputy Quinn said. What Deputy Quinn said is correct, that President Arafat's cause and the cause of his people is being used by groups with whom he does not want to be associated. He does not want them putting forward the Palestinian case. He obviously feels that was happening – he indicated to me he even suspected it before 11 September although obviously he did not have the precise details.

He is also strongly of the view that the regions which his people controlled when I met him – even though that was only two weeks ago, five of those regions have now been taken over by Israeli troops following the death of the Israeli Minister for Tourism – should have autonomy, and that he would do his utmost to police those regions to control Hamas and all of the other groups to the very best of his ability. If allowed to do so – which was a quid pro quo on the stability of the security and peace for the Israeli people – that is all he is seeking to do. If the Palestinians can retain their regions, if they are not infiltrated on a continual basis and if his people are allowed to travel, he is prepared to go a long, long way in a very simplified agreement.

As the Deputy will be aware, President Arafat's major difficulty, apart from the huge invasion of his territory, is that the Palestinian people are not allowed travel to work in Israel. Their income base, which is being collected by the Israeli customs authorities, has not been passed on to him for more than a year. Most of the Palestinian officials, including the people who were travelling with him, had not been paid for several months. His whole economy cannot operate and essential services cannot operate. Therefore, the only way he can manage this situation is to try to hold on to what he has and try to get a sense of the position, particularly on Hebron, and to get some agreement.

Unfortunately, if I may explain this briefly to the House, he made it equally clear that, whereas he believed that Shimon Peres and he could speak even though they had all the difficulties in getting the meeting in Gaza some weeks ago, he is having no success, and there has been no real movement whatever, in getting any meaningful dialogue with Mr. Sharon, and that really has just stopped any meaningful progress. The EU and – according to what I know from the UN – the US were trying to broker initiatives but they have all now been set back following not only the assassination last week of the Israeli tourism Minister but the reaction of the Israelis to that atrocity.

Mr. Coveney:

The Taoiseach mentioned that he planned to visit the United States in the near future. Will he raise the humanitarian aid issues resulting from the war on terror which is concentrated on Afghanistan at present and will he use his influence to create conditions whereby much needed and available aid would be allowed to the people who need it, either through safe corridors, through a temporary cessation of bombing to allow access or through an improvement in the situation which exists on the Pakistani border at present, where tens of thousands of refugees cannot gain access to Pakistan to receive aid?

Yes, I will take whatever opportunity I can in that regard. Over the years, in the EU and the UN, together with our partners, we have repeatedly called on the Taliban and other Afghan factions to respect basic human rights, to end gender discrimination and to introduce a broadly representative government. We must try to deal with the difficulties which exist and to establish a stable, legitimate and broadly representative administration and government which expresses the will of the people. There is a major humanitarian issue, not just for Afghan refugees who have crossed the border, but for Afghans still in the country.

We have emphasised in the UN, and the EU last weekend, that we want a plan for the reconstruction of the country. That plan will take some time, but Ambassador Brahimi has been appointed. As an absolute priority, we have to maintain emergency humanitarian aid. Last week the EU cleared the necessary resources and programme – Javier Solana has been engaged in this – and this week on the Security Council we have been working towards delivery in that regard, with some success. I will emphasise that the UN focus on three areas, namely, delivery of humanitarian assistance, helping the Afghan people solve the political problems and assemble a new government, and move from relief work to reconstruction, rehabilitation and long-term development. I agree with Deputy Coveney that the most pressing issue now is humanitarian assistance.

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