Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. Cé gur Bille teicniúil atá os ár gcomhair, labhraíonn sé dúinn faoin dul chun cinn atá déanta maidir le deacrachtaí an Tuaiscirt. Labhraíonn sé freisin faoin dóchas a bhí againn sa phróiseas síochána. Im'thuairimse, cé go bhfuil deacrachtaí ann, a luatedh ar maidin, ní féidir a sheachaint go bhfuil cinnireacht i gceist chomh maith. Caithfidh gach éinne cinnireacht mhisniúil a léiriú ag an am seo. Bhí sé soiléir ó thaobh an phobail náisiunta sa Tuaisceart go raibh ar a gcumas teacht le chéile, is cuma cen dearcadh speisialta a bhí ag an dream acu. Caithfidh, im' thuairimse, na hAondachtóiri an rud céanna a dhéanamh.
I welcome the Minister of State and thank him for the background information he has provided. It was evident from his remarks that the amount of work that has gone into the peace process has been huge. It has not always been headline material and people have not always been beating drums about it, so to speak, but people have laboured away in the background in difficult circumstances to find solutions against the backdrop of history. All of those who have been involved deserve our gratitude and in years to come they will be identified as the real patriots in this process.
It is true to say we have reason to be worried but we have had reasons to worry at all stages of the process. Even though this Bill refers mainly to technical matters it should also remind us of great achievements and from where we have come. There is no doubt that the nightmare of Northern Ireland has been replaced by a vision of hope and I am certain that the vast majority of people in the North, as in the South, have not changed their minds since voting on the Good Friday Agreement.
We are told that the long march starting now is about cultural and religious liberties and one must accept that at face value. Perhaps it is not surprising that the Unionist community would have to focus on the same issues that the Nationalist community has had to focus on for so long. However, I do not think parallels can be drawn between the long walk to Drumcree and the Nationalist civil rights movement, as they have come from different bases. One hopes that when we talk about cultural and religious status that we are not talking about supremacy, because the day of supremacy is long gone. Even if there had been no peace process, world events and the cohesion growing among countries, traditions and religions around the world would have impacted on Ireland. It has interacted in many ways with the peace process.
We cannot avoid the conclusion that some of the difficulties that have arisen relate to leadership. At all stages it was evident that the people were prepared to accept leadership on any new development which would arrive at an ultimate solution. The overwhelming vote for the Good Friday Agreement is indicative that the leadership which had been provided was well received. People were prepared to follow a reasoned, well thought out approach which allowed for reconciliation and which moved towards equality. The long walk and many of the difficulties we now encounter are more about leadership in the Unionist community than about decommissioning or other matters which have been referred to. I am disappointed by this because my admiration for David Trimble was growing by the day. I praised Tony Blair for the statesmanship which he displayed and which was somewhat lacking in John Major and I was also taken by Mo Mowlam's execution of her duties. I was taken aback by the attack on her. It had nothing to do with partiality, ability or inclusiveness. Someone was looking for a scapegoat and the unfortunate person selected, Mo Mowlam, was the last person in the world anyone else would have picked. She has displayed integrity and energy, even while ill, which few other politicians could have displayed. She displayed a sense of humour to defuse tension when that was needed. She displayed intelligence in her educated, all-inclusive approach. To target her for any difficulties which may have arisen is sending another message. It behoves David Trimble, if not all leaders, to continue with the type of leadership he has been providing.
When I recently discovered that Jeffrey Donaldson was being brought back onto the Unionist negotiating team, I was unsure whether that was good or bad. It could be good in so far as it shows an attempt to be more inclusive of those with more extreme views. On the other hand, it could signal a backward step and a refusal to develop. Mr. Trimble should have been more forceful in his leadership, as he had been in the early stages, and he could have brought the vast majority of Unionists with him. Unfortunately, the Unionist community has never been used to fragmentation. The Nationalist community has always been fragmented and different groups have had different agendas. The fragmentation of the Unionist leadership and community is a serious development unless one leader – I hope it is Mr. Trimble – decides that he may lose 5 or 10 per cent of the vote but he will have the support of the majority of Unionists as well as the Nationalist community. It suggest there is a need for realignment in Northern Ireland politics.
Where do we go if the peace process unravels? Is anyone honestly suggesting that even 1 per cent of the people of Northern Ireland wants to unravel all the achievements to date and go back to the past? One need only look at tourism. At the height of the ceasefire, tourism increased in Northern Ireland by 60 per cent in 18 months. It almost reached a stage where the South was becoming worried by the North being more competitive than we had expected. It is evident that tourism is an all-Ireland asset and that we must co-operate with each other. The tourism infrastructure in Northern Ireland, which had been lacking, has been built up. It is vital that tourism have a cross-Border element.
In the European Parliament we saw how Unionist politicians sought the support of Southern politicians on agricultural matters, and rightly so. I have had practical cross-Border involvement in the area of art and culture, as Senator O'Toole has had in education. Six weeks ago I addressed the Newry and Mourne District Council when they asked that the all-Ireland fleadh ceoil, which would attract as many as 200,000 people, be held in Warrenpoint. The debate was attended by 27 members of the council and representatives of every political affiliation present supported the proposal. I assured the Unionist representative after the meeting that the Lambeg drum would have as much prominence as the bodhrán at the fleadh ceoil. I have had the same experience with regard to the Irish language, which is not the domain of any particular grouping.
If we are to develop what we have achieved, Unionists must look for leadership to the Nationalist community. John Hume and Gerry Adams, even though each had a different agenda, came together for the common good and took a united approach. That coming together led to David Trimble and Gerry Adams standing alongside each other and referring to each other by their first names. That development was one which we would not have expected ten or 12 years ago.
My hope is that the long walk which began this morning and the Drumcree rally will be peaceful. All people must be allowed to protest peacefully but Unionists must be careful that the leadership of their community is not snatched from those who have courageously taken risks and have proved that the people are prepared to follow when leadership is provided. If the leadership of the Unionist community is seized by the wildcat 10 per cent, the Northern Ireland community will suffer.
There can be no turning back. The mechanisms which have been oiled, put in place and activated must continue to turn. Otherwise, the international community will question our civilised approach to politics. No one wishes us to be pilloried internationally in that way.
