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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 30 Apr 1925

Vol. 11 No. 6

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR CONFERENCE RECOMMENDATIONS. (DEBATE RESUMED.)

Question (adjourned from previous day) put and agreed to.

I move:—

Go gceaduíonn Dáil Eireann naConvensiúin seo a leanas do dhaingniú ar son Shaorstáit Eireann agus a tíolaiceadh don Dáil an 29adh lá so d'Abráin, 1925:—

That Dáil Eireann approves ofthe ratification in respect of Saorstát Eireann of the following Conventions which were presented to the Dáil on this 29th day of April, 1925:—

(a) Convensiún i dtaobh Díomhaointis;

(a) Convention concerning Unemployment;

(b) Convensiún ag socrú an aois mhinimum chun leanbhaí do ghlaca i bhfostaíocht cheárdais:

(b) Convention for fixing the minimum age for admission of children to industrial employment;

(c) Convensiún i dtaobh Fostú Ban i rith na hoíche;

(c) Convention concerning Employment of Women during the night.

(d) Convensiún i dtaobh obair oíche dhaoine óga i bhfostaíocht cheárdais;:

(d) Convention concerning the night work of young persons employed in industry;

Convensiúin le n-ar ghlac Có-dháil Idirnáisiúnta an Oibreachais 28adh Mí na Samhna, 1919, i rith a gCéad Shíosóin a comóradh i Washington 29adh Deire Fomhair-29adh Mí na Samhna, 1919, agus

adopted on 28th November, 1919, by the International Labour Conference during its First Session held at Washington 29th October-29th November, 1919, and

(e) Convensiún ag socrú an aois mhinimum chun leanbhaí do ghlaca i bhfostaíocht ar muir ní le n-ar ghlac Códháil Idirnáisiúnta an Oibreachais an 9adh Iúl, 1920, i rith a nDara Siosóin a comóradh i nGenoa 15adh Meitheamh-10adh Iúl, 1920, agus

(e) Convention fixing the minimum age for admission of children to employment at sea adopted on the 9th July, 1920, by the International Labour Conference during its Second Session held at Genoa 15th June-10th July, 1920, and

(f) Convensiún i dtaobh an aois chun leanbhaí do ghlaca i bhfostaíocht thalmhaíochta, ní le n-ar ghlac Códháil Idirnáisiúnta an Oibreachais an 16adh Mí na Samhna, 1921, i rith a dTríú Siosóin a comóradh i nGeneva 25adh Deire Fomhair-19adh Mí na Samhna, 1921.

(f) Convention concerning the age for admission of children to employment in agriculture adopted on the 16th November, 1921, by the International Labour Conference during its Third Session held at Geneva 25th October-19th November, 1921.

I spoke last night on the first resolution, as to a distinction between conventions and recommendations. In this motion I am dealing with six conventions, and I do not want to make any pretence that anything very abnormal is being done with regard to the ratifying of these conventions. It really amounts to a clearing up of the position with regard to certain conventions which were passed at a time when we were not members of the League of Nations, and consequently were not members of the International Labour Organisation. If I might refer to the resolutions in bulk, the position that we wish to achieve is something like this: Since the beginning of the International Labour Organisation seventeen conventions have been passed at the conferences held in Geneva, of which the Saorstát has ratified two by resolution in this House and in the Seanad. There are, therefore, fifteen outstanding, and I am moving to-night to add six to the two, which would leave nine outstanding.

One of these, No. 7 in the list, as they are numbered in the official Labour publications, is a question of the prohibition of white phosphorus in matches: but the law prohibiting white phosphorus in matches, which was passed in 1909, is in force in this country, so that as far as the effective application of that is concerned, we are doing all that is necessary. I am not moving to ratify that convention to-night, because there was a convention which was afterwards adopted by the International Labour Organisation, and there is a distinction about which I am not too clear at the moment as to the formal method of ratification, or adherence. We can do what is requisite immediately we discover what is the proper method to adopt towards it, as we have legislation actually effecting what is necessary for the purpose of the convention. On the formal point of adherance we are actually in line with it, but we are not moving to adhere to or ratify it to-night.

That leaves eight outstanding. Of these eight, four—two passed at the second Conference of 1920 on Unemployment Indemnity, which refer to seamen and employment for seamen, and Nos. 16 and 17 passed at the third Conference in 1921, setting out the minimum age for the employment of trimmers and stokers, and the question of compulsory medical examination to be repeated annually for young persons employed at sea—are being left over because they fall to be discussed and will come more properly within our province when we deal with the merchant shipping legislation which will be brought before this House either in the autumn of this year or early next year. That leaves four, about which I am making no motion this evening, one of these being the question of hours which was agitating Deputy Good last night. Another is what is known as the Maternity Convention, No. 3 of the Conference of 1923, and No. 14, dealing with the use of white lead in paint, and No. 15, which entails a weekly rest of twenty-four hours in industry. The situation, therefore, will be this, if these conventions are put through to-night, that of seventeen conventions we have already ratified two, and we are moving to ratify six to-night.

There is one to which we in fact adhered, having legislation in force, that is No. 7, and there are two sets of four which we are leaving over. One set deals with questions connected with seamen, and that four will more properly come up to be dealt with at the time when merchant shipping is discussed. Then there are the other four about which we are taking no action at the moment. As to these four, the question of hours is one which we are leaving over because we do not think it proper that a country like this should ratify a Convention which has more application to a highly industrialised country. It seems absurd that we should ratify it while the highly industrialised countries have not yet proceeded to do so, particularly those which are nearest us and with which we are in competition.

The Maternity Convention we do not propose to ratify at the moment, because certain regulations in force here under the National Health Insurance Act, and other Acts, set out a series of provisions on the same point which, to a certain degree, are better than what the Maternity Convention has proposed, but in certain points are not so good. But to pass this at the moment would entail a rehandling of the National Health Insurance Act, with other Acts, and we are not prepared to enter upon that at the moment. That Convention is, therefore, being left over for future consideration.

The question of the white lead prohibition with regard to paint is not being dealt with at the moment. There is such a harrowing series of statistics with regard to fatalities from the use of white lead that undoubtedly there is a prima facie case made for its prohibition. Suggestions have been made as to whether or not the danger could be eliminated by certain preventive measures, and there is an objection as to whether paint without white lead could really be as effective and as good as paint of which white lead is a constituent.

Inquiries have been and are being made, but they have not yet been sufficient for the purpose of making a decision. We will soon be in a position to deal with that matter so far as Saorstát affairs are concerned. The question of a weekly rest in industry is one which we must leave over, not because we object to the principle of the Convention, as the principle is actually in accordance with the way life runs in the Saorstát. There is practically everywhere this 24-hour rest from work on Sundays. In that respect we are completely in line with what the Convention seeks to establish. There are certain clauses with regard to compensation periods for people who work during the week and who are forced to work on Sundays. This would cause serious disturbance here to make it effective, and until we see how these clauses work in with our system of industry, we are leaving them over. I want to emphasise the position with regard to these eight. There are three about which we say nothing. As regards white lead, about which we say there is a prima facie case, we want to make inquiries to see how far the prohibition can be made effective. There are four others with which legislation in some way dealing with them will be introduced, either in the autumn this year, or early next year. With regard to the six which I am now moving to adopt, I would like to point out that no new legislation is entailed by the first five. One is a convention concerning unemployment and the legislation to give effect to what is aimed at by the Convention is in force here by the Labour Exchange Act of 1909, and by various Acts passed since 1920. Legislation concerning the employment of women and young persons on night work, and children in industries, and the fixing of a minimum age for the employment of children at sea is effected by the Act dealing with women, young persons and children which was passed in 1920. So far as these are concerned, no new legislation is required. The sixth requires new legislation. It concerns the age regarding the employment of children in agriculture. I am willing to adopt that. In this case the Convention is completely in line with the Compulsory School Attendance Bill which is in draft, and which will see the light shortly. The age established there is that referred to under this Convention. I do not say that this particular School Attendance Bill will pass without certain objections from some Deputies on the Farmers Benches. With those objections I may afterwards have some concern as an individual, but as moving this International Convention I have no interest in them. As between the Minister for Education, the Minister for Agriculture, and the farmers' representatives, there may be a conflict, but whatever may be the result of that conflict this international Labour Convention is in line with the proposals of the Bill, and as far as age is concerned, I cannot see how the proposals of the Bill are to be defeated.

If they are defeated, I believe it will be contrary to Government policy, and in so far as this represents Government policy we are moving it because the Bill which is to follow fixes the age which is in accordance with the Convention. There is another point, and that arises in connection with Schedule F, Article 2, which says: "For purposes of practical vocational instruction, the periods and the hours of school attendance may be so arranged as to permit the employment of children on light agricultural work, and in particular on light work connected with the harvest, provided that such employment shall not reduce the total annual period of school attendance to less than eight months." In moving that clause, I may say that it is in line with the Government policy as reflected in certain provisions of the Compulsory School Attendance Bill. Article 1 speaks of children who may be employed outside the hours of school attendance. It admits that that is possible, but it holds that such employment shall not be such as to prejudice their attendance at school. I expect on that a question will be raised as to whether the school hours will be arranged so as to allow children to be employed in agriculture during seed time and harvest time. That is a matter to be fought out on the School Attendance Bill between the farmers' representatives and the Minister for Education. Whatever be the result, I do not think that the Convention will be changed, because such a dispute would circle round the question of what are school hours, and whatever school hours are fixed the result will be in line with this Convention. There may be quarrels about the hours at which children may be employed at a certain period. It will not affect the Convention. We are not prejudiced as regards that question, and we will not take away from the farmers' representatives the chance of conflict which they will have afterwards. We are not tying our hands in any way. The one thing in which we are tied is with regard to the question of the fixing of the age at fourteen. That is the age to be fixed by the Compulsory School Attendance Bill. If it is something higher, it will be all the better.

I hope it will.

The Convention established the age of 14 years, and there is to be introduced a Bill which does not fix the age at less than 14 years. I do not want to make any explanation about the Conventions. I think the titles and schedules to which the motion refer have been pretty definitely explained. So far as five of them are concerned, they are covered by legislation in force, and in regard to the sixth legislation will be introduced, that is when we come to the Compulsory School Attendance Bill.

I am a little puzzled at the explanation the Minister has given with regard to the effect of future legislation. If I understand him properly, he means that if we accept the Conventions here to-day we are practically accepting 14 years as the minimum leaving age under the School Attendance Bill.

I do not say we will not accept it. The Minister may misunderstand the farmers' attitude if he thinks we will not accept that. I am not speaking for the Farmers' Party. We have had no opportunity of considering the matter, and we may be more broadminded than the Minister anticipates. I object to his anticipation of legislation, and to the statement that apparently this is Government policy, and that if we do not accept this to-day we are, in effect, passing a vote of want of confidence in the Government.

Then what does it mean if we accept it? Are we bound to the fourteen years of age in the School Attendance Bill?

Not necessarily.

Then I must confess I am almost as wise as I was when I began. If that is so, the Minister's elaborate explanation was hardly necessary. With regard to the general aspect of the matter, I dealt somewhat with it last night, and referred to the effect of these conventions and recommendations, and the advisability of adopting them. The Minister says that four of these Conventions have been embodied in this Bill, and only one involves fresh legislation. There is a possibility that there may be conventions which would involve very radical legislation. We are told that these Conventions were passed by the International Labour Organisation. That organisation will place those Conventions before the Governments of the different countries, and these Governments have power to ratify or reject them. Has the International Labour Organisation power to insist that legislation is carried out, and to punish if it is not? I noticed, in looking up one of the blue books of the International Labour Organisation that the more obscure a country is, and the more unsettled, the more likely it is that legislation will be passed in that country in regard to school attendance, hours of work for children, and regulations of that kind. They simply pass that legislation, place it on their statute books, and do not enforce it. I hope it is the intention of this country to see that all the legislation that is passed is enforced. I think there is a danger that we, being a new Government, and quite filled up with ideas of carrying things out in first-class order, may not take full account of the State affairs in other countries, and we may bind ourselves to conditions which we intend to carry out in an honourable and straightforward fashion, and which other countries may not carry out in a similar fashion. That is the main objection I have to accepting these Conventions.

I would like to know with regard to these conventions, how many agricultural countries took part in them, or were represented at them, and by whom they were represented. Who represented agriculture in this country at this particular convention, and how many small peasant organisations in any country were represented? It would come very badly, I think, from us to object to education in agriculture, because it is one of the things we need, but there has also to be taken into consideration the peculiar circumstances of the peasants of the country who have to rely on their own labour. Further, you must take into consideration the mind of the young person who has been more or less away from agriculture until he is fourteen years of age. The difficulty of reconciling him to spend his life on the land, at very disagreeable labour, and with little attraction—if he has not acquired a taste before fourteen years of age for that work— penal servitude, as Deputy Wilson calls it—is very great. To get a boy back to the land who has been at school for any time, particularly a high school, is a very difficult matter. We ought to be careful about this, and should think of the best way of getting our young men at the best age interested in agriculture, and prevent them from thinking too much about other matters, and too little about agriculture. The tendency of every young man is to leave the land if he can. Some of them will enlist even. In the British army times some of them would not stay on the land. If we have to do as Deputy O'Connell suggests we will never get them on it. We should educate them on the land. I would like to know how many representatives of agriculture have agreed to this convention and who is the representative of agriculture here.

May I help the Deputy by pointing out that the particular convention regarding agriculture was agreed to in Geneva in 1921. The Free State as such was not then in being?

That answers that as far as this country is concerned.

The facts are that this particular convention has been approved by the following countries up to February of this year. There is a later return, but I have not got a copy. The countries are Austria, Bulgaria, Chili, Czecho-Slovakia, Denmark, Esthonia, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Poland, Spain and Sweden.

You have not Russia there.

Russia is not represented at the International Labour Conference.

What about Britain and America?

Britain has not formally ratified this. America is not represented at the International Labour Conference. Let us not be misled by the rather formidable phraseology used. All this convention means is that those countries which approve are prepared to legislate so that children in agricultural areas shall not be exempt from going to school. It does not mean that they cannot work on the land, but that they shall not be exempt from going to school before they are 14 years of age. I do not think Deputies need have any fear whatever about almost any of those conventions when one remembers that they are conventions drawn up and accepted by the least forward of the nations. It is an attempt, in all those cases, to raise the most backward somewhat towards the level attained by the most forward. I suggested that particularly agriculturists in this country should welcome every movement of this kind if it is going to help the more backward countries to move a little way towards the level of the most forward ones. It certainly reduces the handicap, if there is a handicap, arising out of what is called social legislation. I think there is very considerable importance to be attached from the international point of view, to our ratifying these conventions. I have in my hand a chart which is circulated to all the countries periodically showing how the various conventions are being received, and what point they have reached in the procedure of ratification and embodiment of legislation. Up to now the Free State looks very sick on this chart. There will be a Conference in Geneva within the next month. I, for one, would like to see the Free State's record very much better by the time the Conference meets, than to have only two conventions ratified, even if it is only to encourage the others. As a matter of fact, that is the most important practical value of this, and if all those various conventions accept the point, there is more or less a formal indication that the Dáil approves of fixing 14 years as a school leaving age. Apart from that there is nothing in those conventions that is not already embodied in the law, and if we approve of them to-night, it will at least be made clear for the other nations represented in the Conference, that the Free State is moving forward and taking its part actually and with decision in the work of international social legislation.

I would have liked to have seen some of the other conventions on this list. I would like to have seen the Hours Convention on the list. That is another case where the Danish Parliament has approved of the Washington Convention. However, the Minister is not prepared to bring that forward now so I will not go into the matter. With regard to these placed before us, I hope the Dáil and the Seanad will agree to notify to the League of Nations International Labour Office that we have ratified them and, in so far as they are not already embodied in legislation, that they will, at an early date, be so embodied. As an illustration of the importance of dealing with those conventions, or similar ones, there is a paragraph in to-day's paper dealing with a judgment in the appeal courts with respect to a workman's compensation case. That is not the subject of one of these particular conventions, but this question of workmen's compensation and international arrangements will arise at the forthcoming Conference in Geneva. If there can be agreement at that Conference regarding reciprocal arrangements, then it will be incumbent upon Great Britain and ourselves, if we approve to legislate, to prevent the possibility of such a case as this arising. That is to say, there will be an obligation more or less imposed that there shall be reciprocal arrangements made whereby a seaman sailing on an English ship, who happens to be an Irishman living in Ireland, will not be debarred, except at very great expense, from compensation, and that there will be some means whereby he can sue in his own country. That is a little illustration of the kind of thing that can be got over by international agreements of this kind.

Anybody who has followed the course of legislation will realise that where countries move together with regard to legislation, any opposition to such legislation in one particular country is minimised, because the argument that that country is handicapped by adopting the more forward policy cannot be put forward. I support the motion of the Minister, and I hope the Dáil will agree unanimously to it.

It seems to me that any proposition that has to do with social legislation demands, at all times, very careful consideration from any legislature. This motion, we are agreed, is in the nature of social legislation. While the social conditions of this country are not all that we might desire, we might, perhaps, say that our social conditions are regulated by other countries, and, perhaps, by countries where the conditions are worse than they are here. If it is possible to have an International Convention, whereby regulations will be formulated to raise to equal status the conditions in the different countries, I do agree that it is incumbent on every State to consider such a convention, and if at all compatible with national safety, to accept its provisions. Whatever other countries may think of doing respecting this convention, it is right, if we believe that social conditions ought to be improved, that we should set the example and accept what the International Labour Convention has set out. It would be an example to other countries, and I do not think that we could suffer by acceptance. My conviction is that we are suffering to-day because, bad though conditions be in this country, other countries will not try to raise their social conditions to our standard. That disadvantage is not confined to any particular industry in the Saorstát.

As regards the point referred to by Deputy Heffernan and by the Minister, respecting the age for compulsory school attendance, while we may accept this at the moment, when the Bill comes before us we will have an open mind and we reserve the right to say whether we will accept what is contained in the Bill or not. While agreeing that it is right that children should be compelled to attend school up to the age of fourteen, and perhaps, as Deputy O'Connell says, beyond it, conditions have to be taken into account and we are not going to prejudge what the Bill proposes to do. On that matter, I say we must have an open mind, and though this limit be accepted at the moment, it will not be binding on us or determine our attitude when we come to take a decision on the provisions of the Bill.

I agree with Deputy Baxter that acceptance of this provision should not prejudice our action on the School Attendance Bill. I was sorry to hear the Minister indicate that the age for compulsory school attendance would be fourteen years. I would like Deputies to understand that, while accepting fourteen years as a minimum, I am not at all accepting that age as a maximum. I was sorry to hear Deputy Gorey speak as if he indicated—I am not quite sure whether he meant it or not——

Do not make any reference to it, then.

Mr. O'CONNELL

The Deputy can correct me if I am wrong. He spoke of the necessity of the children acquiring a taste for the land. I agree with him, that that is highly advisable, but I am not quite sure that Deputy Gorey did not intend to convey by that, that going to school until they were fourteen years of age prevented them acquiring a taste for the land. I would be sorry to think that he intended to convey that they were to acquire that taste at the expense of their attendance at school. He said he thought we should not get them away from the land. If the matter is closely examined, I am afraid it will be found that the person who grows up with the greatest distaste for the land, is the child who is made a drudge on the land at eleven or twelve years, when he should not be employed on the land or working to the extent he is asked to work at that early age. I think it will be found that those children who go to school until fourteen or fifteen years of age, and do whatever light work they are required to do on the farm outside school hours, grow up with a stronger inclination to stay on the land than those who are kept at home from school to work on the land. There can be no objection, I am sure, on the merits of this convention, and I hope it will be accepted unanimously.

With regard to Article 3 in Schedule A, which deals with reciprocity between countries which have accepted this convention, in regard to unemployment insurance, I would like to ask the Minister if Great Britain has accepted this convention, and if reciprocity exists at the present time?

They have accepted the convention but reciprocity does not exist, because "terms have not been agreed" between the members concerned. If I may reply to a few of the points made in the course of the debate, I hope I have not misled the Dáil, as I appear to have misled Deputy Heffernan, with regard to my remarks on the Compulsory School Attendance Bill which, as I said, is in draft. The regulation with regard to draft conventions is that the member—that is the State member—of the international organisation presents the recommendation or draft convention before the authority or authorities within whose competence the matter lies, for the enactment of legislation or other action. If, in the case of a draft convention, the member obtains the consent of the authorities, he will communicate the formal ratification of the convention to the Secretary General and take such action as may be necessary to make effective the provisions of such convention. If I had known that there was a School Attendance Bill which set a minimum age of, say, 12, obviously then there would be no good in my proposal to ratify this convention, because I could not get legislation which would make effective the provisions of the conventions. But when I had discovered that a School Attendance Bill proposed to establish compulsory school attendance, at least as far as 14, then I felt I could move in the matter. With regard to anything else, whether or not children may be employed at harvest time, that will be a matter for decision on the School Attendance Bill. If school hours are so arranged that children under 14 will be free for work at harvest time, then the convention will be in line, because the school hour is what rules. If, on the other hand, school hours are so arranged that children will not be free for agricultural work, the convention will also be in line. As long as we do agree in this way to the age of 14—it may be higher, as Deputy O'Connell seems to wish—but so long as we agree to that age or as long as I knew that there was legislation coming which set out to establish the age of 14, then I felt I was free to move with regard to this convention.

Deputy Heffernan has spoken to-night, as he spoke last night, of certain backward nations which put their hand to certain conventions, apparently not meaning to carry them out or which are not, in fact, carrying them out. He asked about certain countries. I do not know if Denmark, which is often thrown up as a model of what is desirable from an agricultural point of view, is one of the backward countries which had more or less accepted this type of convention. I do not know if Italy can be called a backward country. There are certain other countries, the names of which have been given by Deputy Johnson, which I do not think can be said to be backward countries, and which have ratified conventions such as this.

I was not referring to the ratification of conventions as much as to social and industrial legislation. I was not referring to the particular convention passed by the International Labour Organisation. They mean the same thing practically, but still not quite.

I think the Deputy based his remarks on what he had gathered from the International Labour Publication. He referred to social legislation. I cannot conceive of any social legislation about which the Deputy might gather facts from the International Labour Publication that was not either the subject of a convention or recommendation, and I do not know of backward nations which have ratified most of these conventions or adopted recommendations not meaning to carry them into effect. Great Britain has been spoken of. Deputy Johnson did not reply to that. The Minister for Labour in the English House of Commons stated that they were in favour of ratifying this Convention No. 11, but that there were certain exemptions required on account of the Scottish Education Laws and they want to get such an amendment of the convention as would allow them to permit a local type of exemption as would be necessitated by some peculiar results of certain Scottish Education Laws. Their legislation, in fact, carries out everything required by this convention. That explanation was made, I think, that that was the only thing that prevented them from formally ratifying the convention— that there was this question of the Scottish Education Authorities.

What about France?

France has not ratified this according to the chart which I have in my hand.

We have been asked about Russia, the United States, and now Turkey. None of these three is a member of the International Labour Organisation. I do not know whether the other places that Deputy Wilson quoted are. Are these meant to be examples of the backward nations which have ratified and do not intend to carry out, or are they examples of the agricultural nations prepared to carry them out? If you want an example of an agricultural nation, Denmark has ratified it. While I was very glad to hear the remarks that fell from Deputy Baxter on this question, he introduced his remarks with the preamble that before we embark on social legislation we should definitely consider the subject matter of it. In this series of conventions we are not considering social legislation, in so far as approaching the introduction of such legislation. Legislation is here. We are moving after the event to ratify some convention which, in fact, we have carried out by our legislation, with the single exception of this matter of the age at which children should be employed in agriculture, or the question of school hours and agricultural employment. I cannot see how anybody could vote for this convention and proceed simply on the basis of the age to object later to the School Attendance Bill. There may be other incidentals to the age, but I cannot see how anybody can vote for this convention to-night, with the idea of objecting to fourteen years being set as a limit for compulsory school attendance when the Bill comes forward. There is a definite acceptance in voting for this convention. There is a pretty clear acceptance of the idea that fourteen years is the acceptable age, on the downward grade, at which to fix the age for compulsory school attendance.

I would like to emphasise, if I may, that in approving of this convention which mentions the age of fourteen years as an international age, it does not in any way bind any member of the Dáil to say that fourteen years is acceptable to us as the age which should be fixed as the minimum age in the Free State.

Since Deputy Johnson introduced the matter of this chart, I do think—and this is why I move the approval of these ratifications —that we should cut a better figure as far as this chart is concerned immediately, and I do hope to see, before our delegates go to Geneva on the 19th May, that instead of being represented by two dark-marks, representing two ratifications, we shall have eight of these and, in addition, we shall have certain mysterious circles to indicate that legislation is in progress or in preparation. If that be our position we will certainly make a much better showing as far as the International Labour Organisation is concerned than our present position indicates.

Would it be possible for the Minister to circulate copies of that chart?

It is a very difficult thing to prepare. It is circulated by the International Labour Organisation. I do not think it would be worth either the time or the expense that would be involved in making copies.

Send £10 10s. to Geneva and you will get it.

I would not give £10 10s. for all they have got in Geneva.

Question put and agreed to.
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