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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 24 Feb 1926

Vol. 14 No. 11

SUPPLEMENTARY AND ADDITIONAL ESTIMATES. - VOTE 42—PRIMARY EDUCATION.

I move:—

Go ndeontar suim bhreise ná raghaidh thar naoi míle déag agus naoi gcéad punt, chun íoctha an mhuirir a thiocfidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá de Mhárta, 1926, chun costaisí Bun-Oideachais ar a n-áirítear Deontaisí i gCabhair do Chiste Phinsin na Múinteoirí.

That a supplementary sum, not exceeding nineteen thousand nine hundred pounds, be granted to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1926, for the expenses of Primary Education, including Grants-in-Aid of the Teachers Pension Fund.

There are one or two points to which I wish to draw attention in connection with this Vote. With one of them the Deputies are possibly familiar, that is, the sum of £1,000 which we are asking. That is in connection with the setting up of seven preparatory training colleges. That is fully explained in the White Paper which was put into the hands of Deputies yesterday. The other matter has already been before the House so it will not take the Deputies by surprise, namely, the increase of £26,000 under the heading "Principals, Assistants," and their salaries. That is, of course, due to the fact that for the present year for the first time, the Christian Brothers have elected to come under the Department of Primary Education. There was a general concensus of opinion in the Dáil that that was a step that should be taken without undue delay. £26,000 is the sum which the Brothers will be paid for portion of this year. It is not the normal annual sum. The normal annual sum will probably amount to about £75,000.

What is the capitation grant for each teacher—how much is paid per head?

I suppose we had better deal with this in two parts and discuss the preparatory colleges first?

You will remember that there was an understanding that the whole question of the training of teachers might be discussed on this Supplementary Estimate, and it is with regard to the general question of the training of teachers, of which this scheme is a part, that I propose to say a few words. I want first to draw the attention of the Dáil to the statement contained in this White Paper to the effect that there is, and has been for some time past, considerable difficulty in maintaining the supply of teachers. I do that because I think there is a feeling to the contrary, in some quarters in any case. An article appeared in a Dublin weekly paper a few weeks ago which dealt with the question of married women who were teaching, and gave the impression to readers who did not know the facts, that quite a considerable number of fully qualified and trained young women were out of employment because the married women continued to occupy these posts. Nothing could be further from the facts, as no doubt the Minister will tell us. There are no qualified women teachers, or men teachers for that matter, out of employment, and there is indeed at the moment a shortage, so much so that many teachers, who are compelled, according to the regulations, to secure and appoint substitutes in the case of illness—not like other public servants, who get their substitutes appointed for them—have very great difficulty in procuring qualified substitutes. At the moment one might expect conditions to be otherwise, in view of the fact that generally there are not vacant positions available elsewhere.

In spite of the fact that the Minister for Finance thought some years ago that teachers were overpaid, there has not been that rush to enter the profession that one might have expected. There has not been any great rush to join the new aristocracy, as Deputy Gorey thinks them, or to go along the road towards the possession of a motor car. I would point out to the Minister that there must be something that is accountable for this, outside the facts that have yet been considered.

I have recently been looking over the Report of a Special Committee in England dealing with the training of teachers. They have drawn attention to a somewhat similar shortage, and I think that we should give some consideration to one of their recommendations. They say: "In considering the question of the supply of teachers regard should be had not only to the adequacy and stability of salaries, proper conditions of tenure, and satisfactory pension arrangements, but also to the actual conditions of school life and work, and to the teacher's freedom from undue administrative control." I have been giving a good deal of thought this problem. I have asked myself how it was that there have not been more candidates for positions as teachers, and I do not think that it can altogether be ascribed to questions of salary or pensions or the conditions of tenure, but rather to the conditions of service, and especially to that want of freedom to the teacher in his profession, the cramping of initiative, a matter to which I referred at some length on the discussion of the Estimates and on which I do not want to enter now. But I do want to say this, that the conditions under which a teacher has to work, his feeling that he is always working, as it were, under the eye of an inspector and that he has not that control which a man in his position and with his qualifications and training ought to have is, I believe, more responsible than anything else for the difficulty of procuring a suitable type of candidate for the teaching profession. I think the Minister would be well advised if he would look into that and see if it would not be possible, with great advantage to education, to adopt a system whereby the teacher, after it is seen that he is fully qualified and fully competent to perform his duties, would be trusted more to use his own initiative in performing these duties, without feeling that the hand of the administration is always stretched out over him to chide or to lead, which seems to be the impression at present.

With regard to this new scheme of preparatory colleges which it is proposed to substitute for the present arrangements I would like to say a few words. It is proposed to take boys and girls of approximately fourteen or fifteen and put them into institutions or preparatory colleges with a view to training them to be teachers. Such a scheme has its advantages, of course, but I am not clear that there is not a disadvantage in segregating boys and girls at that age and having them specialise, giving them the impression that from that age onwards they are to be teachers. I do not know whether that is good or wise. I have my doubts as to its wisdom. I think that if they were left freer up to the age of seventeen or eighteen to decide whether or not they would go in for the profession of teaching it would be better, and I think it would be better also if they carried on the secondary education with other boys and girls who were going for different professions. I think that there would be an advantage in it. I know, of course, that under the present circumstances that is not easy. We may not have the right type of secondary schools to which these boys and girls could be sent. I do see that that is a practical difficulty, but I am not satisfied that the best thing to do is to segregate these boys and girls at such an age as is proposed.

It is complained at present that members of the teaching profession are inclined, from their very training, and especially from the nature of their occupation, to get into a groove and have matters. If there is any substance in that complaint I do not think that this scheme will improve matters. I almost feel that if there were some system of bursaries and maintenance allowances given for intermediate schools, where children intended for other professions, for business, or for agriculture were being educated it would be advantageous. I think that the lessons and lectures that these boys and girls will get right from the age of thirteen or fourteen will all be in one particular groove, and I do not think that that will tend to the broadening of their views on other matters. However, while saying that, I do recognise that there are certain practical difficulties in the way of what I suggest, and that it is perhaps an advantage to get boys and girls at a certain age and, as it were, give them the type of education that it is thought a person who will afterwards engage in the teaching profession should get.

It is not made clear in this document, although I think it is the intention from the wording, that children other than those in the Gaeltacht will be eligible for entrance, although the colleges will be situated mainly in the Gaeltacht. I gather in a general way that that is the intention of the Minister, but a superficial reading of this would rather give the impression that entrance to the colleges in the Gaeltacht will be confined to children in the Gaeltacht. I hope that the Minister will make it plain that it is the intention that they will be open to children from all parts of Ireland, provided, of course, that they are able to pass the examinations.

With reference to the further training of the student teachers after they leave these training colleges, I am not satisfied that the present system is giving us the right type, and I would like the Minister to tell us what, if anything, his Department proposes to do in the way of linking up the present training colleges with the university, or using the university for the training of teachers. We pay a considerable sum of money one way or another for the upkeep of our universities, and of course only a very small percentage of the people can ever hope actually to attend a university. But in my opinion the next best thing would be that those who are engaged in teaching in all classes of schools should have the advantage of university education and thus be in a position to impart it, indirectly, to those who are under their care, so that the advantages—if there are advantages, and there ought to be—of a university education should percolate in that way to the whole people. I often think that it is rather a strange thing that we use the universities to train our doctors, our engineers, and others, and that we do not use them to any extent to train our teachers. One would think that that would be the first duty of a university.

This question of the connection of the training colleges with the university is a matter the Ministry ought to look into. It has been raised more than once in this House. On one occasion the late Minister for Education took the view that it was a matter between the teaching bodies and the universities to arrange a scheme. That hint was taken, and so far back as 1923 the teaching bodies and the universities came to an agreement about a scheme. The matter was brought before the Minister for Education, and in view of the hint that had been given, these bodies thought that there would be no trouble in getting him to put their scheme into operation. They found, however, that was not quite so easy, and, as a matter of fact, nothing has been done in this connection since 1923. There is some temporary arrangement, I understand, whereby a student who has left the training college and passed a certain examination acquires a certain status as a university student. This does not appear to be very well known, and I would like to hear what the Minister has to say on it. Some people seem to think that a student who passes his final examination is to be taken as having passed, as a matter of course, his first examination in the university, but it appears that is not the case. I think some statement ought to be made on this matter so that students would know exactly what position they occupy.

It was intended, and at one time argued, that the best thing to do would be to keep the students in a training college for two years to do their ordinary professional course, and then let them go to the university afterwards. I think, in practice, that is what is being done in a great many cases: that the teachers leave the training college at the end of two years, and then teach in their schools for two, three or four years. After they have passed their period of probation and got their full training diplomas they go to the university and do their course there. That, I think, is the best course to adopt: that the young student who proves himself a good teacher should get the preference in being called up to the university. I think it is only when he has given two, three or four years in actual teaching that he will benefit to the full from a course such as the university can give.

I hope that the facilities for taking advantage of these University courses will be extended. It will be to the benefit of education as a whole if that is done. The more highly qualified and the more skilled your teacher is, the wider the course he has read, the better will he be as a teacher. You may take it as a general rule—there will be exceptions, of course—that teaching is an art which is not easily acquired. On the whole it can be said that the man who is well qualified and who has read a wide course will be all the better teacher for it. It is in the interests of the State that everything possible should be done to encourage teachers to get a University training. It is sometimes thought that anybody can teach the simpler things that are taught in the National Schools. That is quite a common belief, but it is well-known that the simpler the things to be taught are, and the younger the people that have to be dealt with are, the harder and the more difficult it is to teach, and therefore, the more skill is required to teach. It seems to me that the universities in this country will not be fulfilling their duty to the State until they make more provision for the training of teachers—teachers for every class of school. It is only by the making of such provision that the people can hope to reap the advantages of University education which costs them so much.

In dealing with this Estimate. I must take some cognisance of the White Paper that has been issued and of some other matters that have appeared in the public Press. The White Paper refers to the setting up of seven preparatory colleges. It is stated that the intention is to have five of these colleges in the Gaeltacht and the remaining two, one for Catholic and one for Protestant students, probably in Dublin. With the issue of this White Paper we have this announcement made at a meeting in Kilkenny recently and published in the Press: "To drive the English language out of Ireland." I understand that announcement was made by an officer of the Educational Authority here. So far as the members on these benches are concerned, and the people we represent, we have always been sympathetic and helpful towards the Gaelic language. We have never stood in the way of it. But while that is so, we want to have the air cleared by a statement from the Minister for Education in view of the announcement made by this gentleman, Mr. Seoirse MacNiocaill. Why should English, he said, be on an equal footing with Irish? We are going to see, he is also reported as having said, that every child born in Ireland will speak its mother tongue. Further, there was the statement that they were going to undertake the task of driving the English language out of Ireland. That, I think, will be a rather big task.

Considering our location geographically, and considering the position we occupy in other ways, it is, and always will be, essential that our people know and speak and write the English language. I make that announcement here, and I take full responsibility for it. Our business, economic, social and other relations with America, Australia, South Africa, and all the rest, demand that we must have in the future as good a knowledge as we have to-day of the English language. That may not be the view of the fanatic or of the extreme Irish-Irelander. I do not think that the fanatic is a sound man in anything. I do not think that his reasoning is sound, but if I were given a choice of individuals, I should prefer the fanatic to the man who is secretly inspired by the commercial value of his own accomplishments— what he can make out of them. There has been a leading article in one of our papers on this matter, and I think that we ought to have an authoritative statement from the Minister for Education as to what is his policy with regard to this question. If the policy announced in Kilkenny is the policy of the Minister for Education, I, for one, am prepared to come to grips with it, and I think the members of the party I belong to are also prepared to come to grips with it. As I said earlier, we have always been sympathetic and helpful towards the Gaelic language, and wish to see this country bi-lingual. We wish to see the Gaelic language occupy the position that it ought to occupy in this country. We think that every child in the country should be taught it, but if the question is to be to make a choice between the two languages, then let us have that issue out here, and we are prepared to meet it.

The English language means bread and butter to the people of this country, and will mean that for future generations in this country. I hope we are not going to be driven into the position of making a choice as between the two languages. I do not believe in splendid isolation or in the doctrines of fanatics, and I cannot imagine anything more harmful than propaganda of this description, whether done by men in authority or by men with no authority, whether done by wise men or by fools. Even an announcement by a fool couched in language like that would be harmful. How much more harmful is it when it comes from a man placed in a position of authority? I cannot conceive anything more likely to raise a storm against the language that we all want to help than nonsense of this description, or anything more calculated to defer the date of national unity in this island. I think it is meant not to help national unity. I think it is charitable to assume that it is only a fanatic or some silly, irresponsible individual who would utter such nonsense.

There is one other matter I wish to refer to in connection with this estimate. I refer to the question of scholarships. I want to make a protest in connection with this matter. It is well-known that in some counties scholarships have been given on the basis of valuation, regardless altogether of the income received by the parents of the children concerned. We have retired civil servants of one description or another; army officers, school teachers and others in receipt of pensions, some of them with pensions of £1,500, £2,000 and £3,000 a year, living in nice little villas which, of course, have a very small valuation. The result is that their children are eligible for these County Council scholarships, whereas the child of the small farmer—the valuation of this man is, say, £35 or £36 a year, and he is living in poverty—is not eligible for them. We want that system of valuations removed altogether. The child, say, of a retired school teacher is in a better position to qualify for these scholarships than, say, the child of a poor farmer, for the reason that the former can get a home grinding. If such a child has any intelligence at all he is bound, of course, to do well at these scholarship examinations. The point I am making is that the children of these retired civil servants are eligible for scholarships, while the child of the farmer is not.

Why is that?

Because you have the valuation limit in some counties. I think the limit in many of them is thirty or forty pounds.

But is there not a salary limit?

Not that I am aware of.

Who makes the regulations?

The county council.

If it is not the Minister for Education, he is not responsible.

But the regulations are subject to his veto.

That is not so.

If it is the county council, then the matter ought to be taken out of their hands.

There would be a protest then.

I do not know that there would. Perhaps I should be committing a grave sin and be leaving myself open to grave censure if I gave expression to a view—not necessarily my view—held by a considerable number of my constituents and people in the country. That view is that the education the children are now receiving in the primary schools is not anything like what it was when the teachers were paid by results. Since this system of payment by results was abolished, there is almost unanimous opinion that there has been a marked decrease in the progress of the children at the primary schools. I touch on this subject in the hope that the Minister may see his way to restore the system of results and enable us to get back to the position we lost by its abolition.

Many matters have been raised in this debate. Some of those are of general importance and others possess only a passing importance. Deputy Gorey was very much exercised by the appearance, by a strange coincidence, of leading articles of the same purport in both our Dublin papers to-day.

It was yesterday I read it, not to-day.

The leading articles he refers to, I suggest, appear to-day. I hope he was not affected yesterday by leading articles that have appeared, for the first time, to-day.

I was affected by it yesterday.

I will deal with the matter if the Deputy allows me. May I point out, on the general position, that I think it is highly improper if this report represents the statement of the official in question——

I understand he is an official.

Perhaps the Deputy will allow me to proceed. I think it is highly improper for any civil servant, no matter how highly placed—and particularly for a highly-placed civil servant—to make statements on policy, not merely in regard to this matter, but in respect of any other matter. I should object very strongly if the Minister of another Department, for instance, made a statement that a certain class of the community should be got rid of because he did not like them. I think it is highly improper—if the practice became general it would be intolerable, from the general point of view of the Civil Service—that statements of this kind on policy should be made. As regards the actual question itself, it was never put forward as the policy of the Government that the English language should be driven from this country. Everybody knows that. I was never present when any such statement as to policy was made here. The policy of the Ministry was defined last November and was approved by the great bulk of the Dáil. I venture to say that of the people who voted on that occasion against the policy of the Ministry very few voted against it on the question of Irish. I might almost say that on that particular question there would have been a very strong vote of the House—not on the question of driving English out of the country but on the question that English and Irish are our official languages as defined by the Constitution. I think I will have, in taking up that position, the support of the great bulk of the Dáil.

Hear, hear.

I do not wish to deal any further with that matter. I generally try to be brief, but also clear. I hope I have made my position perfectly clear in that matter.

Would the Minister deal with the point of the five colleges in the Gaeltacht?

I have the bad habit of trying to deal with one point at a time. If the Deputy will bear with my weakness in that respect, I will try to meet him. I am not nimble enough to deal with four or five things at the same moment. Two other questions have been raised on this Estimate. One is the question of the preparatory colleges; the other is the question of the general training of the teachers. We will take these two points in turn, in order to meet Deputy Wilson. Apart altogether from the question of Irish, secondary colleges are probably badly wanted in that part of the country. I should say that it would be highly desirable that secondary colleges should be established there. Deputy Gorey and the other Deputies who take up a similar line are, I am convinced, absolutely sincere when they say that they are anxious to do as much as they can for Irish. We have been criticised because we have tried—if I may use slang—"to stuff Irish down the throats" of people who are too old, easily to tolerate that particular kind of forcible feeding. It has been urged in debates here that that is not the proper way to set about the task confronting us. I suggest that this is a much better way to do it. Apart from the question of Irish, there is the general question of meeting our educational needs, so far as teachers are concerned. We hope in the future, as Deputies may have observed from a perusal of the White Paper issued yesterday, to recruit our teachers from two classes. The first class is that of the pupil teachers—teachers in secondary schools, who will get a certain amount of technical training there, and then come on to our training colleges in Dublin. That will enable us to get in touch with a large proportion of our population. So much for the pupil-teacher class. The other class is the class we hope to tap by means of these colleges. Deputy O'Connell was quite correct in assuming that these colleges would be open to people from the whole of the country. As he wanted a definite statement on that point, and as there is apparently some ambiguity in the White Paper, I want to make that perfectly clear.

The colleges will be situated in the Irish-speaking districts, but anybody in the Free State will be eligible to enter them?

That is precisely the position. Apart altogether from the question of Irish, it would be necessary to set up colleges of this type. The particular training college in which Professor Thrift is specially interested—if I can say he is interested in one more than another— or the particular college he is most closely in contact with——

Has most knowledge of.

Yes. That college, I hope, will benefit considerably. There is, I think, a certain amount of difficulty in getting teachers for that college at the moment. I hope that college will benefit, and I hope the particular portion of the community which that college caters for will, so far as the Irish side is concerned, not be at any disadvantage in the future. The cost, I am glad to say, was not referred to. Beyond the initial cost of the buildings, I do not think the cost will be very much. That may seem a strange statement. What I mean is that we will save a certain amount, otherwise, as a result of this scheme. At present the monitorial system costs us—if I may trust my memory—about £22,000. We expect to save about £15,000 of that, and to devote £7,000 of it to the pupil teachers. Perhaps I may hark back to the matter I referred to incidentally already —the question as to how we have dealt with the problem, up to the present, of finding Irish teachers. Our method was the method that has been criticised —getting people advanced in years to do this work. Gradually the money spent on that—the amount in the Estimate for the present year is £47,000—will be saved, so that in reality I calculate that the yearly running of these colleges will cost us nothing—that the balance will be in our favour rather than otherwise.

As regards the general question of the training of teachers, I am not, I confess, quite clear as to what is wanted. As Deputy O'Connell knows, there is a departmental inquiry dealing with that matter, and I hope the members of the Inquiring Committee will be able to give me information without undue delay. Recently, I asked the Committee to get the different bodies interested in this matter to place their views before them. Reference was also made to the question of University training. The Deputy, I think, referred to the proposition put forward at a conference between the different teaching bodies, in which they proposed a four-year course for national teachers. I think I am correct in saying that that is practically what it amounts to. In this connection, it is well to bear in mind what such a proposal might involve in expense, however desirable it might be in the abstract. The expense might be considerable. At the present time, there are turned out yearly from 300 to 350 national teachers. The two-year course costs about £200 for each teacher. If you increase that to four years, you will have double the expense. That is a consideration that must be attended to before jumping into any enterprise of that type. As to the facilities that exist at present for national teachers to take part in university studies and to get university degrees, I understand that Kildare Street Training College is rather intimately connected with Trinity College. That is apart from the technical training. There is close association between the professorial bodies of the one and the other institution. So far as University College is concerned, the position is that students, say, of St. Patrick's Training College, Drumcondra, who have done a two year's course, are eligible to present themselves for examination, and in the passing of that examination they will be accounted by the University as having passed the First University Examination in Arts. Then, what normally happens is: the teacher goes down the country; after some time, if he is efficient, he puts in an application to attend for another year at the University. In that case, he gets his salary and pays his substitute. He lives in one of the hostels here in Dublin—in St. Patrick's College, Drumcondra, or in De La Salle Hall, in Ely Place. He attends the University for one year, and that is accounted another year in his University course. He will then go back again, and, if he is highly effcient, he can send in an application to attend again the University for another year, in this instance paying a substitute. His salary possibly would be from £200 to £250. He will have to pay his substitute for that year, which will cost him anything up to £150. He is eligible to go on for what would be his fourth year of training. That is the actual system.

But in the fourth year is it not a fact that the State contributes nothing whatever towards the cost of his training or fees?

The Deputy is quite correct. In the fourth year the man comes up, so to speak, at his own expense. He gets his salary and he pays a substitute at a lesser figure. But the State contributes nothing.

I suppose it may be said that the real way in which the State contributes, in encouraging national teachers to take a University education, is by the extra salary allowance they get for a University degree.

If they get a University degree or diploma they get an addition to their yearly salary.

And that is a very definite encouragement.

As the Minister says, the whole question is one of money, and at present it must depend on the teacher's own ability and on his financial resources as to whether he is able to get this very desirable thing, that is to take advantage of University education and to get a University degree. As the Minister says, there is a scheme which has been at work for not far short of five years, but which has been limited very much in operation by this financial difficulty. It will come up shortly for ratification, and from the knowledge we have of it, after five years, it may be possible to modify it or to make it more available. But, with Deputy O'Connell, I would like to emphasise the very desirable thing that it is for our national teachers to have their outlook widened by getting the advantage of a University education. Of course the difficulty is finance. It is very largely the case that a teacher, after taking two years' training, must begin immediately to earn his living. He must begin that before he is in a position to pay his fees and it is in that respect the difficulty lies rather than in the University.

I do not agree that it is the function of a University to train teachers, just as it is not the function to train engineers. Its primary function is the seeking after knowledge for its own sake, but it is undoubtedly the case that one of the valuable works of a university is the training of men for different departments in life. I quite agree with Deputy O'Connell that it is just as necessary that we should train teachers of primary schools and secondary schools as that we should train doctors or engineers. I do hope that one of the objects we shall have in view in our deliberations is to make university education more and more available for our national teachers. We shall have to secure a system which will be satisfactory and under which our national teachers will get the benefit of a university education.

The question of Irish has been raised. I have always spoken about this in a very limited and moderate way. I think still that all that is necessary to say now is that there are mistaken ideas underlying this pushing of Irish. There will come a sane policy with regard to Irish. I do not think we have arrived at it yet, but I think we are on our way, perhaps, to it. I agree with Deputy Gorey quite strongly that if we are to keep in contact with the rest of the world, we must maintain our study of English. That I do not think interferes at all with it being possible that there should be a sane policy with regard to Irish. I am quite prepared to admit that a bilingual study may lead to better education of the child than a single-language study only. But if the study of Irish was to be pushed so as to lead to what Deputy Gorey is thinking of, a policy of isolation, I think it would be an insane policy. There is little that is political in this. Still that sort of feeling is often introduced. If the question is discussed in a cool atmosphere I believe that we shall discover quite a sane policy with regard to the whole thing.

I just want to point out some of the limits of discussion, without saying that anyone has gone outside the limits. The discussion of Supplementary Estimates is, normally, confined to the object for which the money is asked. But in this case an agreement was come to by Deputies with the Minister's predecessor and myself that when this particular Estimate was under discussion the whole question of the training of teachers might be raised. Therefore, any question concerning the training of teachers can be raised, including of course the one of preparatory colleges. Other questions, particularly questions of detail, cannot be raised. There was only one such question already touched on, the question of county scholarships, which I do not think is under the jurisdiction of the Department of Education at all. In any case it is not in order under this Estimate.

I was very pleased to learn from the Minister, who was the only one to touch on the financial aspect of this proposal, that it would not involve additional expenditure. I gather that the abolition of the monitorial system will save £22,000, and by the abolition of special teachers for Irish £47,000 will be saved. But the White Paper says that the preparatory colleges later on will cost about £51,000 a year. It seems to me that the Minister was somewhat sanguine in thinking that he would save the whole cost of the monitorial system, because when these teachers are trained in the colleges and there are to be 650 of them trained every year, of whom the White Paper says 150 are to find positions, they will really be paid more during their time at the schools afterwards than the monitors are paid now. This proposal is really a radical change in the whole system of education, abolishing the monitorial system and creating really a new class of teacher in addition to the present teachers, whom Deputy O'Connell thinks are underpaid. I am glad that the teachers will be specially trained for their positions and I hope, with this special training, we will have a great deal more efficiency in the education of the country than we have had up to the present, and we ought to have it because education in this country is costing an enormous sum of money. This Vote alone is for £3,400,050. In addition, we are to pay £50,000 a year, which, capitalised, would mean one million pounds. We are creating a whole townland of preparatory colleges. Just imagine seven colleges and 650 pupils for a scheme the details of which the Department of Education and the representatives of the teaching profession in this House are not agreed upon.

As regards the future career of this second class of teachers, they will go to the colleges for four years and then they will come back to the schools, but the Department and the teaching profession do not agree as to what their future course will be. After all that preparation they will be fit for nothing but school teachers, and they will have to be provided for. The Dáil, now in Committee, is undertaking this serious matter of providing for the future of these young men. I think the expenditure that is involved in this Vote will not stop at £50,000 a year. In view of the fact that the Minister already has a college in Dublin and some other Departments have two colleges in the Gaeltacht which, I understand, are to be placed free of charge, at the disposal of the Department of Education, perhaps it would be useless for me to beseech the Minister before he reaches the wider scheme, not to buy further colleges until this scheme is tested. He has Marlborough Hall at Glasnevin, which will require no alterations or improvements, and there are two other buildings in Irish-speaking districts which are in the hands of Departments of State, and which can be made available at a comparatively small cost. Try the scheme there. I am quite sure the monitorial system is not the best in the world, but I am not quite sure that the scheme proposed by the Minister is going to be the best. Before all this money is spent I would ask him not to go further—because it lies with him, even though the Vote is passed—but to test the three colleges that are available and at his disposal. I am very much afraid of these new schemes—(Deputies: "The Shannon scheme")—and the Vote that we are now discussing does not lessen my fear. We have three Preparatory Colleges and before students enter them £1,000 has to be spent, not to provide maps or books or ordinary educational appliances, but for the cropping of lands attached to certain of the proposed Preparatory College buildings. The Minister has not even told us what lands are to be cropped or who is to do the cropping.

I do not know whether it is possible for Deputy O'Mara to mislead any other Deputy in the House. Some things that he said, of course, are quite easily explained. I am quite sure that if Deputy O'Mara were here during the debate on compulsory education he would not make some of the mistakes he did. I am not referring to the Preparatory Colleges, but to the necessity of an increased number of teachers. When the compulsory Bill was debated here, on one amendment especially, that fact was pointed out specially from this side of the House and minimised perhaps by Deputy O'Connell. I confess that I did not follow some of the things Deputy O'Mara said. It may be my newness to the Department. But I really could not make out what he meant. He spoke of putting teachers in place of monitors.

So did the "Independent"—equally ignorant.

Was that in the "Independent"?

And the "Times."

There is no suggestion of the kind. Monitors may be a help to teaching. There might be a difference of opinion even amongst educational experts as to that. I do not know whether they are or not. Deputy O'Connell obviously thinks they are not a help. A number of teachers think they are a nuisance in a school. Am I far wrong in stating that?

Mr. O'CONNELL

Quite right.

As to the suggestion that we should not go forward with any scheme of education, or any educational work, until Deputy O'Connell and myself would agree, I should like to live a long time, but I cannot foresee such a long life before me that we would be agreeing in all details of education. Deputy O'Mara speaks of the heavy expenditure involved in education. That also was referred to in the debates on the Compulsory Attendance Bill. Did I hear Deputy Wilson say "Hear, hear" to Deputy O'Mara in that?

Yes, but it was an ironical "Hear, hear."

We would support any expenditure in that direction, limited as the resources of the farmers are at present.

My "Hear, hear" was ironical.

Early in this debate Deputy Gorey asked that he should not be driven to make a choice as between Irish and English. Certainly no Deputy wants to be driven to make any such choice. We all appreciate very much his attitude on the matter, but unfortunately the Minister finds himself in the position from time to time in which he must make a choice, just as anybody placed in an executive position finds himself. In fairness to the Minister and his responsibility, and in order that there may be a proper understanding of the situation, there are some matters I should like to mention with regard to the Irish-speaking districts. Any Deputy here speaking for his own constituency would feel that his constituents had a very great grievance if he could say that ten per cent. of the teachers in his area were entirely inefficient on general educational grounds, and that, say, 70 per cent. of them were unable to teach through the language spoken by his constituents. There are districts in the country where the people find themselves in that position, and the Minister, as soon as he has time to look around and see what the conditions are, will find himself in the position of having to provide for districts like that.

There is one part of the country in which there are 164,000 people living— in round numbers, one-twentieth of the entire population. The language of 89 per cent. of those people is Irish, and in that district there are 32,000 children of school-going age whose language is Irish and 4,000 children whose language is English. The Minister will find that in that district there are 867 teachers, and that 8.9 of these are departmentally reported as inefficient— that is on general educational grounds. He will find that 13.7 of them know nothing of the Irish language. He will find that 35.8 of them cannot teach through Irish, and, while the positive statement is not made that the remaining 64.2 of them cannot teach through Irish, he will probably find that thirty per cent. of them have not anything like the command of the native vernacular of this district that the average national school teacher in the English-speaking part of the Saorstát has of English. He will find that there is another district in which there are 306,000 people living—an additional one-tenth of our population—in which 37.5 of the whole population are Irish-speaking. He will find that there are about 25,000 children of school-going age who are Irish speakers, and 42,000 children who are English speakers. He will find that 10.2 of the teachers there are inefficient from the point of view of general educational qualifications; that 42.2 of them know nothing of the second language of the district—that is, know nothing of the language spoken by 25,000 children. He will find that 70.5 of the teachers cannot teach through the language that is the language of 25,000 children, and that of the 29.5 per cent. who are certified to be able to teach something through Irish, perhaps even 10 per cent. have nothing like the command of Irish as a vernacular that the average teacher has of the English language in the English-speaking districts in Ireland.

If the Minister is to do justice to the remnant of our Irish-speaking population—a population provided with primary education only with these very serious drawbacks in teaching power and having no higher education in their own language—he will probably find himself driven into the position of saying that out of the 2,492 teachers in these areas something like 800 may have to be regarded as people who, in an Irish-speaking district, cannot be regarded as qualified to impart primary education. The Irish-speaking population is deprived of all education, except primary education under the disabilities I have mentioned. Those people living on the western seaboard are more dependent on education as a means of livelihood than the people in the greater portion, at any rate, of the English-speaking parts of the country. In order to do justice to those people, the Minister must take steps to look after their very long-neglected education, and within a few years he may have to find 800 teachers capable of imparting primary education through Irish to our Irish-speaking population.

I mention these facts in order that Deputies who realise that additional educational facilities are required in their own constituency will also realise that there are other parts of the country that can be regarded as having practically no educational facilities at all, and that, as a consequence, the Minister, in selecting candidates for the new preparatory college for teachers, will have to take a very large number of people whose vernacular is Irish—if, as a result of the very poor facilities for education available in the Irish-speaking districts, he can find children there whose education is such that he can take them right away into those preparatory colleges. There is a very peculiar problem before the Minister in providing teachers who have a vernacular knowledge of the language, and it is very urgent that the setting up of these colleges should be gone on with at once. It is also very urgent that in taking in the first batch of pupils to train as teachers he should realise the conditions that he is faced with in the Irish-speaking districts.

I am sorry the Minister has not given us a little more information as to the position of the boys and girls who are to go into these colleges. I regret that he has not dealt with the fundamental question from an educational standpoint that Deputy O'Connell raised, as to assuming that boys and girls of from 13 to 15 years of age can be chosen for the teaching profession, trained more or less in a groove and unable to get the contacts which would be desirable for one who is to become a teacher, that is, contacts with other elements of the public life and the consequent broadening views. The question is the age at which specialisation should begin in education. I think the Minister should tell us whether he is satisfied that the age of from 13 to 14 is the appropriate age at which boys or girls must choose their future career. I am inclined to think it is too young.

Apart from that I should like to know what is the scheme regarding the entrance to those Colleges. We learn that the entrance is to be by open competitive examination. I take it there is implied in that some kind of scholarship and that those who succeed would have two, three or four years' training and, although it is not definitely implied, maintenance during that period. Possibly that is advantageous; but are we to expect that every boy or girls who succeeds in this examination and enters a college is, by that fact, to become a teacher, or is it to be that those who succeed in the examination and go through two or three years' training in the college may then decide that teaching is not their vocation and they will choose another profession, having had the advantage of the college training? If that is the position, then I am prepared to swallow a good deal, and I would like the system to be extended very considerably.

I think we are entitled to a little information on the general proposal beyond what is given here. I rose mainly to invite the Minister to give the views of his Department regarding the desirability of taking boys and girls from the age of thirteen years into those colleges on the assumption that, having entered the college, they are to become teachers, and that, at that age, they are in a position to choose their future careers. I am inclined to think that the age is too early, and it would be better to have a general training for an additional year or two before entering on specialised instruction.

I am inclined to think that the picture Deputy Mulcahy painted of conditions in certain districts in Ireland was somewhat on the gloomy side. It would not tend to support the policy of the present Ministry if it is a correct picture. Deputy Mulcahy speaks with great definiteness in regard to certain figures and percentages. I take it his information has been gleaned in another capacity.

The figures that I quoted are figures that were very carefully compiled and I hope, in the report of the Gaeltacht Commission, they will be available for the people generally in a very brief space of time. Whatever the implications of the figures may be, I have no concern in changing them one way or another. I think in discussing this question the House was entitled to hear them. That is why I gave them.

We have heard them for the first time. We have no means of checking them or examining them. We have the Deputy's statement that they were carefully compiled and I have no doubt whatsoever on that point. If so few of the teachers, even in the Irish-speaking districts, are able to deal fully and completely with Irish, then there is no case for making Irish compulsory in the schools until we have our new teachers. I do not accept that position. The proportion of teachers shown by the Department's own figures, as presented to another Commission of which the Deputy is also a member, indicates that a much larger percentage of the teachers than is shown by the Deputy's figures is in a position to deal with the present Irish programme. It appeared as if there was some implication in the Deputy's statement; I do not say that it was intentional, but undoubtedly it will be gathered from what he said that in some way or other it was the fault of the teachers. Those teachers were trained; they qualified and were certified as having all the necessary qualifications for their positions.

There may be some misunderstanding between us. The Deputy may have in mind the question of teachers capable of teaching Irish. I have in mind the question of teachers capable of imparting primary education through the medium of Irish.

The inspectors and the Department hold the opinion that the teacher who has what is known as a bilingual programme is prima facie qualified to impart the education in Irish.

That is not the evidence we have Departmentally and the Departmental statements on the matter are available in the published reports before the Gaeltacht Commission of a session that took place on the 17th April, 1925.

I am afraid the Departmental witnesses have given different evidence before another Commission.

I do not think so.

Perhaps we had better leave it at that for the moment. If that is the position, then one of the conclusions that is being come to by another Commission will have to be radically altered.

I was referring to the condition of affairs we had up to 1922-23, whereby it was possible for a teacher to leave a training college and be fully qualified, according to the regulations then existing, without knowing any Irish. The teachers were not responsible for that. The programme was set out for them. It was the policy of the Government and the Department at the time. If it were necessary for teachers to get certificates, they did so at their own expense; a very large number of them did get certificates. Although the Department did not make Irish compulsory in the training college at the time, they did insist, for a number of years before this Government came into existence, that teachers could not get employment in what were scheduled as Irish-speaking districts unless they had a certificate in Irish. In view of that, I cannot understand Deputy Mulcahy's representation of the state of affairs that exists. I accept his figures, because I know they have been compiled with great care.

I would like to explain one point, lest there might be a wrong impression created. The Deputy spoke of eight per cent. or ten per cent. of teachers being reported as inefficient. There is no Departmental report in which a teacher is described as inefficient.

Non-efficient.

No report refers to a non-efficient teacher; it should be "not efficient." It is a technicality, and I want to point out the foolishness of it. It has led to misapprehensions before this. Three reports are given by inspectors—highly efficient, efficient, and not efficient. "Not efficient" has been declared to be a different thing to "inefficient." It is a technical term which means that a teacher does not qualify in a particular year for his increment. We had a case in which nine subjects were examined. A great proportion of the subjects were marked "highly efficient." One subject did not get the attention the Inspector thought it should get and the teacher was marked "not efficient."

It might be supposed from Deputy Mulcahy's statement that ten per cent. of the teachers were inefficient. There should be no inefficient teacher in the service; I do not think there is. A small percentage of teachers may be reported as having neglected one or two subjects; their pupils, perhaps, did not come up to the standard in one or two subjects and those teachers are not recommended for increment. It is recognised by the officers of the Department that "not efficient" is a different thing from "inefficient." I raised this point more than once before with the Department and I pointed to the misapprehension that arose. Not unnaturally managers might take it to mean that a teacher is inefficient and the time had come to get rid of the man. In reality it could be shown that "not efficient" referred to a small technical matter the inspector had reported. I want to make that clear lest the statement that eight or ten per cent. are inefficient would lead to a misapprehension. It would be quite a natural misapprehension, I admit.

Going back to the question of the scheme of preparatory colleges, the Minister referred to a Departmental Committee and said he hoped to give an opportunity to other bodies to place their views before this Committee. The Committee appointed is not a Departmental Committee in the accepted sense of the word. It is composed entirely from within the Department. Possibly that is strictly Departmental, but we sometimes think of Departmental Committees as bodies including people outside the Department whose duty it would be to examine particular questions. I believe the people composing this Committee are entirely under the Minister for Education. They have been examining this matter for over twelve months and up to the present they have not given anybody else an opportunity of putting forward views. They have not invited the views of the teaching body. Before bringing this scheme of preparatory colleges before the Dáil they should have got the views of outside bodies. As far as I know this scheme has been put up by the Departmental Committee I have referred to. That is my impression, and if I am wrong, the Minister will correct me. Those who naturally claim a privilege to express their views on this matter have not had any opportunity of doing so, up to the present in any case.

I understand that the whole question of the training of teachers is under consideration by this Committee. I think it would have been better if the Committee were enlarged and if representatives of other bodies interested would, at least, get an early opportunity of putting their views before that Committee. I see Deputy O'Mara still in his place, and I think we are all glad of his new-found zeal for economy of the right kind. I would like to enlarge upon what the Minister said about monitors, because that mistake crept into the leading articles of the "Independent," and, I think, the "Irish Times" of to-day. I do not know whether Deputy O'Mara took his information from these sources or not, but I would advise him in future to make more sure of his facts before he ventures on suggestions of this kind. A monitor is not a teacher, although both morning papers and Deputy O'Mara assume that he is, and that if you do away with monitors you must pay qualified teachers to do their work. The fact is that where a monitor is engaged the teacher has to spend a good portion of his time in looking after his training. If the monitor engages in teaching, he does so only under the supervision of the teacher.

If monitors are done away with, who will discharge the duties?

The monitor spoken of in this case has practically no duty. For half an hour he may be given charge of a class, but he is not allowed to do anything in the nature of regular teaching. He may supervise for a short period during which the teacher is engaged in other work.

What is he doing there at all?

He is really being educated and trained for the position of teacher. He is, if you like, an apprentice. He is in the same position in which the others will be in these preparatory training colleges.

Then he is a chronic apprentice?

No, because he cannot be more than three years there.

In case any remarks of Deputy O'Connell would suggest that I indulged in criticism either of individual teachers or of teachers as a body, I would like to say that I simply stated what were gathered facts. I do not see how I could have made an impression on any Deputy's mind that I was criticising individual teachers or a body of teachers. I made it my business recently to know a good deal of their work and of the conditions of their work. I know very well that they are the products of the training colleges, and it is because I feel that the present products of the training colleges are being subject to the same disabilities and being turned out in, perhaps, the same wrong way as the former generation of teachers that I urge a change in the method of training at the earliest possible moment.

In a few of the speeches which have so far been made there has been reference to the phrase "a particular groove." I would invite the Minister to say whether in the proposed scheme he anticipates that the course and the kind of education which he has in view to be given in these training colleges will be narrower in scope, or more narrowing in character, than the alternative education which these young people might expect to receive if they did not go to these institutions.

It was pure inadvertence that I forgot to deal with the point raised, first by Deputy O'Connell, afterwards by Deputy Johnson, and now by Deputy Dr. MacNeill. I admit that there will be certain disadvantages. I do not think that in any scheme which could be put forward there will not be disadvantages to a certain extent, but I think, on the whole, that in this case the advantages greatly outweigh the disadvantages. If you take the class of students upon whom we will have to draw they would, from our point of view, be much worse if they did not get this education. From their own point of view, they would be in a much worse position if they did not attend these institutions. There will be nothing narrow in the education there. It will be along certain lines of secondary education—not perhaps in subjects like Latin and Greek, but otherwise it will not be a narrow education. It will be much wider, in fact, than the education they are receiving at present, and they will have opportunities which otherwise they would not have, to counteract any narrowing there might otherwise be.

You will have a number of them living together in college, and that in itself will do more to counteract any narrowing effect than any other scheme of specialisation which might be devised. Admission will be, as I have said, by competitive examination. The bulk of the students will not have to pay. A number of them will have to pay if they can afford it. That is the idea at present. We must have an undertaking from them that they are going to take up teaching as a profession. We could not give them education and then let them have a free hand. In this particular matter we are not introducing a revolutionary proposal. We require a somewhat similar undertaking from monitors at present. In reality they will serve an apprenticeship to the State in this particular profession. I think it is an advantage to get people, who otherwise would be neglected to a large extent and who would not have an opportunity of going to secondary colleges, to live in a preparatory training college.

Will the course of instruction have regard to the proposition that is being put forward, that before becoming certificated teachers they will have a university degree if possible?

There is that particular proposition.

The Minister has rather emphasised the point that there will be no Latin or Greek.

Greek is not essential for a university degree. Latin is, to some extent, but even at present it is not required. Teachers can get a degree without knowledge of Latin. I do not suggest for a moment that these colleges will in any way be an obstacle to the students ultimately acquiring a knowledge of Greek. I doubt whether the material which we are getting at present is, on an average, up to the standard you would expect from a person who has done the first year's course in a university. I expect, however, under this system that the standard will, at least, be up to that average, if not beyond it.

In view of the importance of this matter—and I think the House is agreed that it is a matter of great importance—it is unfortunate that the White Paper setting out the details should only have reached Deputies yesterday. We are called upon the day following the receipt of the White Paper to pass an estimate for £1,000. It appears on this list as an estimate of £1,000 for preparatory training colleges. I take it that if we approve of that estimate of £1,000 we practically bind the House and the country to this scheme which, the White Paper informs us in the second last paragraph, costs the country £150,000, for the erection of these colleges, and the cost under this head for the financial years 1926 and 1927 is estimated at £59,000. We are asked to approve of a scheme of that magnitude on an estimate of £1,000 contained in the White Paper received only yesterday. With all respect to the Ministry, I do not think that that is quite fair. It is a proceeding to which we have objected time after time—rushing schemes of this magnitude on such short notice. I hope at the beginning of the work of the new Minister for Education that we will not have a similar complaint of that character to make in connection with his Department in the future. I protest on behalf of the House that it is unfair to bind us to a scheme of that magnitude. That is my first protest. My second protest is one which I have made here on previous occasions. Up to a comparatively short time ago education in this country was dealt with departmentally. We had technical education under one Department, and primary education under another Department.

A scheme was introduced whereby these different Departments were unified and brought under the one head. That scheme met with approval from all parts of the House. I am sorry to see, in the proposals under consideration, that while we have the principle of unification of the different departments of education embodied under one Minister, we still have the different proposals considered departmentally. I want that scheme of education to deal with primary education, to deal with secondary education, to deal with technical education, and to deal with university education, and I want the different parts to be considered as parts of a whole scheme. That, I think, is a proposal that has met with a certain amount of approval from the different parties here.

What is the effect of what we are proposing to do? We are considering one department of education. We have been doing that for the last week in connection with the School Attendance Bill. We have been considering one department of education quite irrespective of its connection with the other departments. In other words, we are still adhering to the system of considering education in what one might call water-tight compartments instead of as part of a general scheme. That, I think, is very unfortunate. It has been brought out to-day by different Deputies. One Deputy after another wanted to know why no opportunity was given to those becoming teachers in national schools to acquire a university education. And let me say that I know of nothing more desirable for national school teachers than that they should have a university education whenever possible. It would be a most desirable thing. I would like to see university training and university education brought more closely into touch not alone with national teachers but with many of our industries. Our industries to-day are languishing. If we had in them men more highly trained—I speak of masters just as much as of workmen; the fault is to be found just as much amongst one as amongst the other—and more highly educated, these industries would not be in their present condition. Therefore I would urge on the House and on the Ministry of Education that this subject of education ought to be considered as a whole and not as a part.

Doubt has been expressed as to whether it is advisable to ask a boy or a girl between the ages of thirteen and fifteen to make up their minds as to their future career. That is a proposal set out in the first paragraph of the scheme that we are asked to approve of. I think a proposal that would ask a boy or a girl to make up his or her mind as to what career he or she would follow at that stage is a very unfortunate one. I am strongly opposed to ask a boy or a girl in any department of life, or to ask the parents, to make up their minds as to a career before the child is sixteen. In very few cases do we know sufficiently the aptitudes of a boy or a girl before the age of sixteen to say what is the wisest course for them to follow. Therefore, from that point of view, I am entirely opposed to the proposals contained in the first paragraph.

There are many other points that I would like to discuss, but I do not want to take up the time of the House in dealing with them, and they have already been dealt with to some extent by other Deputies. But I had occasion in November last to draw attention to what I thought was an unfortunate feature in connection with teaching in our national schools. I pointed out that it was laid down in the curriculum for these schools, as outlined in the programme of the National Conference, which supplies the curriculum that is to be followed, that in the infant's division instruction was only to be carried out through the medium of Irish. That was news to many Deputies, and it was news to many citizens. It was agreed that it was not altogether a desirable method and that it should and would be altered. I have made inquiries in the last few days as to whether any new instruction on the question of curriculum had been issued to managers and teachers, and I was informed that none has been issued—the Minister will correct me if I am wrong —so that the curriculum to-day in the infants' division of our national schools requires that these infants should be taught through the medium of Irish only. What is the effect of that? I do not want to stress the point unduly, but it has been pointed out by Deputies on different benches that one of the reasons why we are unable to meet that world-wide and keen competition that we have to face in Great Britain, the market to which practically all our exports go, was owing to the low standard of education of our workers in comparison with the standard of the workers in the countries which are competing with us in this market. I hope that the Minister will bear this in mind. It is an important matter from the point of view of commerce. It has been pointed out that a higher technical skill, which can only be based on a higher standard of primary education, was also an essential quality if we were to hold these markets.

These are very important matters. We commercial men look on them as factors of the greatest importance to the life of the nation. Looking at these factors and viewing in conjunction with them the instruction that these children are to be taught only through the medium of Irish, are we not putting too big a burden on our boys and girls? I cannot see that this burden will be lightened in any way by this White Paper. I find in it that five of the training colleges are to be in Irish-speaking districts. We know the influences that such districts will have on the teachers and we can gather from the placing of five colleges in these districts what the views of the students in these colleges will be likely to be in regard to Irish. If you take in conjunction with that the first paragraph on page 2 you will see that it points out that one of the possible successes of placing these colleges there will be that "The teaching staffs of these colleges will be persons with high qualifications who are competent to teach the secondary school programme up to the standard of the leaving certificate, and who are"—and this is the important point —"in addition, fluent speakers of Irish and able to give instruction entirely through the medium of Irish in the subjects of the curriculum to be taught by them." That means that the teaching of Irish is still to occupy a very important position and that the language is to occupy a large amount of the time of these students. I urge, in view of the importance of a higher standard of primary education amongst the workers and of a higher standard of technical education amongst them, whether we are not expecting too much of these children in asking that they should also be experts in a knowledge of Irish. I am afraid that in asking so much from our boys and girls of the future that we are looking for too much. The result will be a failure in a knowledge of one language or the other. If there is a failure in the standard of the English language that will be followed, I take it, by a lower standard of technical training, because, as I pointed out on a previous occasion, no provision whatever is made in the technical schools, so far as I know, for the teaching of technical subjects through the medium of Irish. Provision is made in the technical schools for the teaching of the Irish language, but there is no provision for the teaching of technical subjects through the medium of Irish, so that it is obvious, if we are expecting our boys and girls of the future to possess these particular qualifications, then we are asking too much, and the result will be disappointment. Before that happens I would like to see this whole question considered carefully and thoroughly. I am afraid that consideration cannot be given to this proposal in view of the shortness of the time that it has been in our hands. If possible I should like that this Estimate, which binds us to this proposal, should be deferred in order that a scheme of this importance should have greater consideration than it has had up to the present.

I sympathise with Deputy Good to some extent in his appreciation of the difficulties placed in the way of infants learning Irish. He told us that this will impose a serious hardship on them—to ask them to bear the burden of learning Irish. The Deputy seems to forget that this is an endeavour to lighten the burden of teaching them Irish when they are young—of teaching them two languages when they are young. He tells us at the same time that it is because of our inefficiency that we are losing trade and not keeping a grip on the markets. Yet when it is proposed to improve our education by having two languages taught to the children of the country at a time when it is easy for them to study them, the Minister is to be thwarted in his proposal. The Deputy also told us that there is no provision made at the present time for the teaching of technical subjects through Irish. How, I ask, are you going to proceed to teach technical subjects through the medium of Irish until you first prepare teachers who will be able to teach technical subjects through the medium of Irish? That is what the training colleges proposed to be set up will aim at—to turn out teachers with such a knowledge of the Irish language that they will be able to teach technical subjects through the medium of Irish. When the Minister proposes to put into Irish-speaking districts where Irish is a living language, where it expresses every function of the life of the people and where it can be easily applied to every activity in the life of the people, boys and girls to be trained as teachers amid natural surroundings so that they may be able afterwards to bring back the qualifications required in order to teach people in other parts of the country, it is suggested that we must reconsider that, that we must postpone it, and must not go ahead with it.

The teachers for technical schools will not be trained in these colleges.

Mr. HOGAN

The boys and girls educated in these colleges will teach those who will afterwards become technical teachers. You must make a start somewhere. When the Minister proposes to start in an Irish-speaking district, I suggest that he is starting in the right quarter. If we are to postpone this because, as Deputy Good suggests, our trade or our education will be seriously affected, I ask him to explain how it is that our trade is at present so much depreciated, even though we understand English so thoroughly. The arguments of Deputy Good are retrogressive and reactionary and the Minister's endeavour in this matter ought to be expedited and helped by the House.

I feel as innocent as if I had come out of the baptismal font, as if I had got my baptism from Deputy Good. I got the inevitable lecture from him pointing out to me the evil path. Does the Deputy suggest that we should do nothing until we can have a unified scheme of education embracing primary, secondary, technical and university? Does he think for a moment that it is practical politics at any time to equate a primary system, which essentially is almost a State-aided system, and a secondary system which for many reasons is mostly a private system? Does he think that he can so lightly equate the two and bring them into the one system? There are many difficulties in the way of doing that that, possibly, he is not aware of. In the case of primary education, as we understand it, it involves a system of secondary education for the teachers until we are ready with a universal system that will link both up and bring them into one system. The universities, remember, are rather jealous of their independence. They will not be very keen to be brought under State control. Does the Deputy want to abolish the present University of Dublin and bring it under State control? The Deputy entered into a rather elaborate argument which, I think, was rather beyond the bounds of the discussion prescribed earlier in the evening by the Ceann Comhairle. I gathered from his speech that we were entering into a discussion on education in general. That was the impression left on me, and I do not propose to follow him out of bounds in that particular way. But even if what the Deputy said was relevant, what was it to prove? The very alarming conclusion that Irish was to have an important place in the education of this country in the future. He was afraid that would be the result. The Deputy need not have gone into an elaborate argument if that was what he wanted to prove. He could have got it by asking a plain question. The inevitable answer would be "Yes," and that, in his own words, it will have a very important part in the education of this country in the future. Deputy Hogan understood Deputy Good's objection to the scheme. His objection to it is, and there was no disguise about it, that Irish was occupying too important a place in the educational system of this country. Deputy Good made one other remark with which I would like to deal. He is afraid that a knowledge of Irish will mean a weakness in English. I do not think anything of the kind. My experience has been in the opposite direction. It is well known that even in some of the bigger schools in Dublin children who up to 9 or 10 years of age knew no English whatever left them with a thoroughly good knowledge of English, so from that point of view the Deputy need not be uneasy about the fate of the commercial language with which we are bound up.

I was expecting that the Minister would have made a statement on sub-head C (1), which deals with a very important matter and with a very interesting development.

It is well known to Deputies and I think the wish was general that those Christian Brothers who have been doing primary education work up to the present should be recognised by the State. On that particular matter there is no disagreement, I understand, from any part of the House. On a previous occasion fault was found for a certain amount of delay that had taken place and expressions of opinion on the matter came from Deputy O'Connell and other members of the House. In June, 1924, after certain preliminary inquiries had been made, applications were put up by us to the Department of Finance. That was because financial considerations were involved. As I said at the beginning, the yearly cost will probably be about £75,000 per annum. The Ministry of Finance agreed with our proposal on the understanding that the schools were ready to conform to such requirements as were laid down and as are necessary for getting State aid under the primary education system. There should be, first of all, a suitable agreement on the question of the managership. Then the school buildings should be sufficient and provision should also be made that no ill effect was to follow, from the recognition of the Christian Brothers, as regards a neighbouring national school that was already in existence. Then we were to be satisfied as to the transition arrangements by inspectors from our Department: that the teaching in the school and the staff of the school was of sufficient standard to justify the recognition of the school as a primary school. These were the main transitional arrangements come to. For the present the payment of the Christian Brothers will be on the basis of capitation, just as is done at present, for instance, in the case of monastery schools. I think there are about 67 schools altogether for which recognition is sought.

I suppose that in a matter of history, above all things, I should not venture to correct the Minister. But I think he will find that the statement made in the early portion of his speech—that the Christian Brothers are now, for the first time, coming under the National system—is not correct. I think he will find that the Christian Brothers were under the National system for a few years after it was established—from 1831 until about 1836. The Minister will find, too—as Deputy Johnson reminds me—that there was only a passing reference made to this matter in the House in one debate on education. There was not the stress laid upon it that the Minister seems to think. It was only referred to in one debate incidentally. But I think it was generally recognised that under an Irish Government the Christian Brothers would come under the Irish system of education. They are a body that has done great work during the past 80 or 90 years for education in Ireland, at no expense to the State. That is pretty generally recognised, and I desire to pay them that tribute.

The Minister did not dwell to any great extent on the conditions on which the Christian Brothers were coming in. He has made clear, however, that they are coming in on what is known as the "capitation system." I want to enter my objection to the capitation system. Deputies know that the vast majority of the teachers are paid what is known as a personal salary. Each teacher has a certain qualification, and he is graded and paid a personal salary by the State. That is so in the case of about 12,000 of the teachers engaged in the national schools. There are some schools, conducted by communities of nuns, which are under the Department at present and which are paid on the capitation system. That implies that instead of the person who is teaching being required to have a standard qualification, and being paid a personal salary, the community is paid, as a whole, per head of the pupils on the actual average attendance. That has many disadvantages, and I do not know what its advantages are.

Piece work.

I do not know whether it could be called that. The position was up to some years ago—to a large extent it is so up to the present —that so long as a person was a member of a religious community she might engage in the work of teaching. That is the only qualification required. Within the last twelve months or so there is, I understand, a qualification in Irish required. Before that, no qualification was required. So far as the other subjects are concerned, no qualification—I stand again to be corrected if I am wrong—is yet required, except that the person teaching be a member of the religious community. I think that whether a person is a member of a religious community or not, he or she ought to have the specified standard qualification before being allowed to engage in the work of teaching. I do not know any other profession in which a person would be allowed to engage merely because of membership of a religious community. I do not think that would be allowed, for instance, by the Local Government Department in the case of nurses. I am not sure of that, but I do not think religious would be permitted to act as nurses except they were qualified as nurses. However, there were a certain number of those schools in operation when this Government took over. I should have hoped that the tendency would be against these capitation schools when new schools were being taken on.

There are quite a number of nuns who are fully qualified and fully trained teachers. They have their personal certificates and are paid personal salaries. Some of the religious teaching Orders make it a condition that all the sisters in their schools be trained teachers and have their certificates, same as lay teachers. I should have hoped that that would be encouraged. Again, there are quite a number of monastery schools under the Department. There are other teaching Orders of Brothers working under the Department. There are De la Salle Brothers and Patrician Brothers and one or two other Orders, and in all these schools the Brothers are qualified teachers and are paid personal salaries. There are only two monastery schools in Ireland —one in Cork—paid on the capitation system. That is why I enter my objection to the taking over and paying of new schools on this capitation system, which does not ensure that the teachers engaged in the schools are qualified and certified teachers. If I am assured that every person engaged in the schools will be a fully qualified and certified teacher, whether he be a member of a religious body or not— and it is quite possible for that to be done—my objection will disappear.

There is a practice in some of the capitation schools at present that I would not like to see carried into those new schools. The community must have a certain number of teachers on the staff, but, outside those, they can take in anybody they like to work in the schools, whether qualified or not, and pay them out of their own resources. In an ordinary national school, if the principal teacher feels that he would require more help and that it would be worth his while to take in some young man and pay him out of his own pocket, he is not allowed to do so. And quite rightly! There is a certain number of teachers apportioned to a certain number of children, and it is insisted upon that every person engaged in the school shall have certain definite qualifications. But in a capitation school conducted by a religious community, two or three or four persons, who are called "supernumeraries," may be engaged as teachers and paid out of the resources of the community. The State has no knowledge of those people. I do not think that it is right that that system should be allowed. It is very often a means of leading people into blind-alley occupations. It ought to be looked upon as a general principle that teaching is a skilled profession and that anybody who engages in the work of teaching should have certain definite, specified qualifications.

There is another difficulty which arises from the fact that these schools are to be capitation schools. In a school paid by capitation the lay teachers are not supposed to be teachers in the strict sense, and they are not pensionable. A lay teacher who works in a convent school is not eligible for a pension, although she is doing exactly the same work as she would do in the ordinary national school. That is the position at the present time. I never could understand the reason. We have not been able to induce the Minister for Finance to right that difficulty. I am anxious to know what will be the position of the considerable number of lay teachers at present engaged in the Christian Brothers' schools when these schools are taken over. Will they be in the position in which lay teachers are in the convent schools? The Minister has not told us what the position will be, but I fear, since these are to be capitation schools, that the same difficulty will arise as has arisen in the case of the convent schools. I would like the Minister to tell us what arrangement, if any, has been made with regard to the lay teachers engaged in those schools. There are two classes of lay teachers engaged in them. I would like to know whether the two classes are to get the same treatment or what treatment they are to get. There is the qualified teacher—the man fully trained. There is, then, the man who has not the specified qualifications which would make him eligible for appointment in the ordinary school. Many of these men have long service in the Christian Brothers' schools— from six to ten years, and perhaps more. They may have given good service, although they have not the qualifications required by the Department. If these men were giving reasonably efficient service, it would be a great hardship that they should lose their positions when the schools are taken over. I hope the Minister will consider that matter.

There is another matter which the Minister did not make quite clear. When these schools are taken into connection, will the children be entitled to attend free, as they attend the national schools I gather that from a remark the Minister made, but it was more or less incidental. At present, the children attending these schools usually pay a small fee. Will they have the right without payment of any fee to attend in the future? Perhaps the Minister would make that clear when replying.

I would like to hear the Minister's argument—if there is any argument— in support of the paying of these schools on the capitation system rather than on the personal basis, as teachers in the ordinary national schools are paid and as I hold that every teacher should be paid.

Perhaps I did not emphasise strongly enough that, so far as the incidence of the capitation system is concerned, it is a transitional arrangement. After a few years perhaps the assistants in the schools would have to be qualified, just as the laymen are qualified at present. The Deputy will. I am sure, recognise the necessity of having some transitional arrangement. It would be impossible to make requirements of that kind at present.

May I ask the Minister is it understood that the system of payment will be transitional and that when the transition is passed you will have a personal salary arrangement?

That is the reason I said that the question in one of its aspects—the capitation system— was transitional. The desire of those who are now coming under this scheme is that there should not be a personal payment. We have met the desire of this particular Order that the particular lay members of their Order should not be paid. At least the payment will be on the capitation system, but the appointment will be on the classification system in future. That is the arrangement as it is at present. So far as pensions are concerned, I am afraid they are precisely as Deputy O'Connell has diagnosed. They will be in the same position—I am speaking now of trained and qualified teachers—as the trained and qualified teachers in the convent schools, for instance, at present. Their position will be considered when the position of the junior assistant mistresses and the lay teachers in convent schools is being considered. I indicated to the Deputy that I hoped after a short time a decision might be reached on that point. I confess I have not had an opportunity of going into the matter yet with the Minister for Finance.

As regards the unqualified teachers with long service, each of these, if it is desired to keep them on the staff of the school, will have to be individually considered and their case put forward.

As regards another point raised by the Deputy, I do not think in the future, legally, when the Christian Brothers come into this system, that they will have any power to charge any fee to any student attending their schools, that is, the primary schools in question.

With regard to a point made by Deputy O'Connell in regard to men displaced, I have had representations made to me in respect of young men—I do not know whether it is right to call them monitors or not— of an average service of five years. They have been displaced, to enable qualified teachers to be employed in their stead. I am the last who will argue in favour of retaining monitors or unqualified teachers for teaching purposes, but where there has been an action by the State which inevitably involves the dismissal of young men who have started their career as monitors in Christian Brothers' schools, and they are dismissed, at least their case should be taken into account. I gather that these young men have been now walking the streets for about four months, because the Government had intervened and were responsible for their discharge. So they were informed by the Superior, who added that in the circumstances the Government would probably compensate them. They got one week's notice.

A point I want to make further is that, probably quite legally, there was no such thing as unemployment cards for these young men, and consequently they were dismissed with a week's notice and have very little prospects unless they can enter colleges and be trained for some time. At any rate they have been displaced and they have no unemployment benefit. I wonder if the Minister has taken that fact into account and if he has made himself aware of the position of probably a considerable number of such men in the country? If he has not done so, I would beg of him to inquire into the matter and to find out what are the facts in regard to this class of man.

I am afraid I have not any information on that particular point. I can inquire as to what the facts are, but as to what action I can take is another matter.

Again with regard to the lay teachers who are employed in these schools, did I take it from the Minister definitely that they would be treated exactly as the lay teachers in the convents are treated, in regard to salaries; that is, that they will be paid direct from the Department?

That is the position.

There is just one other matter I would like to know. Can the Minister mention the date from which this operates? Is there a specified date from which schools will be taken over for financial purposes?

No payments have actually been made up to the present, but we propose that the payments shall operate from, I think, last August.

As regards sub-head C.7, where is it proposed to set up these evening elementary schools?

These are schools that are already in existence in urban districts mainly. The Deputy will notice that there is an increase of £2,000; that is, the number is in excess of what we expected. That is the explanation for the revision of the estimate.

Does that mean an increase in the number of schools, or an increase in the number of pupils attending?

Vote put and agreed to.
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