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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 14 May 1930

Vol. 34 No. 15

Vocational Education Bill, 1930—Second Stage.

I beg to move:—

"That the Vocational Education Bill, 1930, be read a Second Time."

Anybody who has followed the course of technical education in this country for the last decade or twenty years will readily appreciate that there are a variety of things which have made this Bill necessary. Even the lapse of time itself would have been a sufficient reason for the introduction of a Bill of this kind. The system under which we are working at present stretches back, as far as its legislative foundations are concerned, practically a generation. In the course of that generation new problems have arisen which those who were responsible for the original legislation had, naturally enough, not been able to take into account, and the existing provisions are no longer enough to enable us to keep sufficiently abreast of the times. I need not say, in connection with this Bill and the necessity for it, that I am not decrying in the slightest the amount of solid work that has been done under the old system; nor do I deny that even under the old system considerable advances are still possible, and in the case of the last few years advances have been made. But undoubtedly the present system, from the purely legislative point of view, is cumbersome, and there are many hindrances contained in the existing legislation, and still more perhaps in the lack of proper provisions, that make a new departure necessary. An overhaul, therefore, is due, and we feel that if this Bill in its main provisions receives the approval of the Oireachtas we will be in a much better position to deal with the problems that will face us at least in the course of the next five or ten years.

Technical education, as Deputies are aware, was brought under the control of the Department of Education by the Ministers and Secretaries Act, 1924. One of the first things we did was to have the existing system and its actual working out departmentally examined. The examination was a thorough one, carried out by the officials of the Department, and the conclusion I came to when I read the report on the existing system was that a considerable overhauling was necessary. We might have proceeded in the way that the Government is occasionally accused of proceeding, in a very bureaucratic fashion, relying on our own wisdom without consultation with anybody. Instead of that we preferred to get the opinion of everybody in the country who was interested in technical education and who was willing to give an opinion. We had evidence from various sources showing that the defects of the existing system were felt not merely by ourselves in the Department, but by those who were interested in technical education in one way or another and who were brought into contact with the working of the existing system.

We had a certain amount of dissatisfaction with the existing system in the various schools through the country and also amongst the public who interested themselves in this particular matter. Those people outside the Department were not merely conscious of the existing difficulties, but they also in many cases had a pretty shrewd idea of the actual needs of the schools in this respect. We, therefore, appealed to the experience of those in the country who had shown themselves interested. I might say so far as this Department is concerned that in general we are always anxious to appeal to that experience. I feel that no matter what Bill is passed it will be necessary continually to keep in close touch with those who have the actual working of the system in their hands. That is one reason—I shall deal with it more fully afterwards—why there is very definite provision in the Bill for gradual development. We felt that it is much sounder and healthier and more productive to bringing about better results that we should proceed gradually and slowly, not on any a priori conceived plan, tackling the different problems as they come up, and getting wisdom from our experience of the working of the Bill.

It is idle to pretend that there is any chance of putting a system that is ideally perfect into operation. From the paper point of view, a thing may be ideally perfect but when it comes to actual practice, as everybody knows, it might show itself to be entirely unsuited to the definite circumstances to deal with which it is called into existence. Even the experience that we now have at our command, gathered as a result of the labours of the Technical Commission, would not be sufficient to guide us. I feel that it is only in the course of the working out of the Bill that we shall be able to feel our way, so to speak, forwards and advance gradually to our goal.

After our departmental examination of the system one of the first conclusions I came to was the necessity of setting up a Commission to examine thoroughly into the whole question. I need not dwell on the character of that Commission. It was representative; it was composed of people who in one way or another had been closely in touch with this particular form of education. I have already expressed on more than one occasion my thanks to the members of the Commission for the very valuable work they did for the country, and I should now like to do so once more. We had many members from the country itself, and in addition, we had the advantage of two foreign experts, both from rather small countries, countries that we felt might have problems to face pretty much the same as we have to face. We felt, on the whole, that it was more advisable to get men from countries of that type rather than from the countries that are large, and that are fully industrialised. The foreign experience that we got from those members of the Commission we found to be extremely useful. Looking at the matter in a little more detached way than would always be possible for those living in the country, those members were able to present points of view that might otherwise have escaped our notice. In that and various other ways the Department has been able to get into touch with the various modern systems at present in vogue in Europe.

However, I want the proposals in this Bill examined on their merits, and not merely because they were recommended, and recommended even by the Commission. The Commission undoubtedly is an important source of authority, if I might use that phrase, for us here. It would be a much safer guide, for instance, than to quote the example of other countries, or statements made by educationalists in other countries, because these are things the Commission had before them, and in addition, they had what people from other countries have not before them, namely, the peculiar nature of our particular problems. Therefore, from the point of view of technical education as a whole, those who are interested in it will find that for this country the most valuable source of information to which they could apply would be the report of the Technical Commission. A large amount of evidence was received; and a number of witnesses sent in statements and were examined. Like the Commission itself, that evidence was of a very representative character.

As a result, the Commission found itself in a position to put forward a number of very definite recommendations. Most of them were recommendations that were capable of being acted upon and all of them were worthy of the closest attention and examination. When on one or two important matters—one important matter especially—I felt compelled to depart from the recommendations of the Commission, it was with extreme regret that I adopted such a course. Some of the 90 recommendations in the report were capable of being put into operation immediately. Others could only be put into operation if new legislation was passed. Even as to some of those which in the strict technical sense did not require legislation in order to put them into operation, I considered we should postpone dealing with them in any way fully until we had the new system of legislation operative, because if such a course was not adopted we probably would have been up against the serious drawback of tentatively taking certain steps forward and, when the new legislation became operative, we should have to retrace those steps as not leading in the proper direction.

A certain amount of criticism has been indulged in in connection with the delay in the introduction of the Bill. I can assure the House that there was no avoidable delay. There were a number of important recommendations. Some of these in themselves appeared very clear and definite and quite easy to put into legislation. But, even before handing the matter over to the draftsman, when we began to consider some of the most important of these recommendations, not merely as something that was desirable, but as something involving practically twenty or thirty other provisions in order to make them effective, we saw that close examination was required of the different recommendations, and that in itself required time. So did the consultation that was necessary with the various other Departments involved. Even when the matter was ready from what I might call the departmental point of view it was found an extremely difficult Bill to draft. The implementing of the recommendations led, in many cases, to a great deal of difficulty, raised problems that were not always fully considered, and could not have been fully considered, when the Commission put them forward.

So far as this particular Bill is concerned there are two important particulars in which it departs, or seems to depart, from the recommendations of the Commission. Those who are familiar with the report of the Commission will remember that the report attached considerable importance to the legislation dealing with apprenticeship in connection with the subject of technical education. That is not legislated for in this Bill. The other matter in which there is a departure from the recommendation of the Commission, and an important one, is the limits of the compulsory powers given to the Minister. In that respect the recommendation of the Commission went further, not than we should like to go, but than we found was practicable to carry out. With the last matter I shall deal subsequently.

I should like now, however, to say something as to why the apprenticeship recommendations are not dealt with more fully in this Bill. When we were first dealing with the report of the Commission we took all the recommendations and worked out what was involved in putting them into effect. When several pages of the heads of sections dealing with apprenticeship were put before me, I found that five-sixths of them were matters regulating not the education of apprentices, but the whole question of apprenticeship. They belonged to the extent of five-sixths to another Department altogether—the Department of Industry and Commerce. Therefore, in fact, that is not a departure from the recommendations of the Commission. They only required legislation and they did not state by which Department it should be brought in. There is, as I have indicated, a Bill in the process of being drafted, promoted by the Department of Industry and Commerce, to lay down the general conditions of apprenticeship and to provide for the setting up of apprenticeship committees. Deputies will find that though we ourselves were not capable of dealing with the question of apprenticeship in this Bill, we did make provision to attune our Bill to the other Bill when the other Bill should be introduced. We provided, so far as apprenticeship is concerned, for the close co-operation of the two Departments. While waiting for the other Bill to become law we have made provision even for compulsory attendance for technical education from sixteen to eighteen in certain circumstances. The apprenticeship committees not being capable of being set up under this Bill, we have followed the spirit of the Technical Commission in that respect, and we have arranged for consultation with the trades when there is a question of introducing compulsory attendance at technical schools for the young employees in certain trades; that is, consultation with both the employers and the employees.

It may be necessary to give the House some idea of the problem that we have to face and that this Bill gives is, to a large extent, the legislative machinery for dealing with. I have on more than one occasion pointed out the great importance to this country of a proper system of training in the struggle for existence, especially since the War, that most nations in Europe—possibly in the world, but certainly in Europe— have to indulge in. A very important factor that may decide the ultimate outcome will be the training that the youth of the different countries receive. This applies not merely to industrialised countries, but to agricultural communities. It applies in this country not merely to the towns, it applies as well to the country districts. There must be a better preparation for farming instruction, and then a certain amount of other useful instruction of a practical kind, useful to the small farmer especially, can be given to the young boy or girl whose life is destined to be spent on the farm. If the Deputies bear in mind the disappearance from the countryside of carpenters, masons and harness-makers, they can grasp the importance that a practical system of continuation education might be, even from that point of view, to the country districts. Still more important is the question of dealing with a boy of fourteen when he leaves— as most of them do leave—the National School and is going to spend his life in the country. Undoubtedly, so far as the boy from fourteen to sixteen is concerned, the needs of a certain percentage of them are already met, under the educational system of the country, in the existing technical classes that are to be found in operation in different portions of the country, and also in the primary and secondary schools. Continuation education itself is not something entirely new so far as the country is concerned. As I say, a considerable amount of it is done even under the existing schemes, done not in the whole-hearted, not in the clear-sighted way in which we would like it done. Owing to the organic way in which the thing has grown, it is mixed up very often in a very confused fashion with technical education, in the narrow sense of the word; it is mixed up in such a way as I am convinced is not to the ultimate advantage of either the continuation education, on the one hand, or technical education on the other.

As an example of existing facilities for continuation education I might instance the trades preparatory schools. There is also in connection with a number of technical schemes through the country a number of day commercial classes. But the most successful example of vocational continuation education at present in existence, so far as State assistance is concerned, for boys at all events, would be the trades preparatory schools. On more than one occasion I have expressed my dislike of the word continuation education. I have kept it because any other word that I can think of would be at least equally objectionable and equally misleading. My objection may be summed up in a sentence from a paragraph in the Report, paragraph 105, which deals with the outlook of what I may call the ordinary primary school, and the outlook in the kind of continuation education school that I should like to see in existence.

"The school atmosphere," they say, "should be quite different from that of the primary school. The teaching should be on lines suited to adults rather than school children, the pupils being made conscious that it is to their interests to avail themselves of the services of the teacher and that the responsibility for doing so rests on them rather than on him."

Wherever continuation schools, whole-time or part-time, are set up under this Bill when it becomes an Act, that ought to be the guiding principle as regards the atmosphere that should prevail in the school. I would call that especially to mind to anybody in or out of the House who has feared that this Bill proposes to do away with continuation education for people above the age of sixteen. It proposes nothing of the kind, as I will show in a moment, nor does it propose that the atmosphere in a continuation school should be the atmosphere unsuited to adults. I say I dislike the word continuation, because it gets the idea into people's heads—it is hard to avoid it—that this is simply a continuation of the primary schools. It is not a continuation of the primary school. It follows it, but as people can see by a reference to Section 3 of the Bill, where the words continuation education are defined, it is meant to supplement it, and, as I say, the real atmosphere is as indicated in the paragraph of the report that I have just read. Transitional might be a word that could be used, except that it may not be transitional in the sense that a compulsory system of continuation education may not lead to a compulsory system, for instance, in the country of technical education. Introductory would have the same objection, and those who are familiar with the working of our present technical system would, I am sure, be anxious to avoid the word introductory.

Looking at the extent of the problem we have to deal with in the Bill, you have, roughly speaking, a distinction made between vocational education and technical education, and the compulsory clauses of the Bill have reference to two sets of ages, fourteen to sixteen for continuation education, and sixteen to eighteen for technical education. That does not mean, as I have already indicated, that continuation education is to be confined to those who are between fourteen and sixteen years and that technical education is to be confined to those who have reached the age of sixteen and have not yet reached the age of eighteen. That only deals with the compulsory powers in the Bill. Continuation education will, in fact, extend beyond the age of sixteen, as will technical education beyond the age of eighteen.

There is a conception abroad due to the concentration on the compulsory clauses in the Bill that continuation education stops automatically at the age of sixteen and then technical education begins. That is not the case, and there is nothing in the Bill to justify that particular interpretation. However, for the purpose merely of indicating to some extent the problem that we have to deal with, take these ages fourteen to sixteen and sixteen to eighteen, from many points of view, I admit, the more important ages when we are considering vocational education, more important than any other year or set of years that we might mention. The number of young people in the country between fourteen and sixteen years of age I should roughly estimate as being 120,000. Of these, anything up to 45,000 would receive education in primary schools or in secondary schools. That leaves altogether about 75,000 boys and girls in the country, roughly speaking, whose education comes to an end, so far as systematic control of it is concerned, at the age of fourteen unless they go into one of the existing technical schools. If you get an attendance ultimately of 75 per cent. of that number you will have altogether, therefore, about 55,000 young people for whom provision will have to be made for continuation education, part-time or whole-time. I have on more than one occasion referred to that problem of the boy who has left school at the age of fourteen and who stays about the farm, who is too young to get technical agricultural training and is in danger in the course of a couple of years of forgetting a great deal of what he learned in the national school. I do not intend to dilate on it now. Everybody is familiar with it. To such it is proposed to give the opportunity, by gradually bringing into operation the weapon of compulsion, of at least continuation of formal instruction. It is quite true that the number of hours per week, in the country districts especially, will make no undue demand on their time. That was clearly envisaged by the Commission. Everybody who knows the condition of the country will probably be in agreement on that point of view. It will mean that they will be getting education of a different type, partly cultural, and there will be a more practical agricultural bias to the instruction they will be receiving. They will be taught in the spirit of the paragraph that I have quoted and that ought to prevail in the school. If that spirit prevails to a large extent in the school they will be taught to look upon the school as something practical connected with their daily life. The hours of instruction that they will have in the country will at least be helpful to them in enabling themselves, during their leisure time, to improve on the instruction and on the education that they receive in the schools.

Undoubtedly there is something in the complaint that there is a danger at present that the boy or girl who, in the country especially, leaves school at the age of fourteen may forget a great deal of what they learn in the primary schools. If I may again quote from the report of the Technical Commission, it says:

Outside the urban centres, in which there are established technical schools, there are in general no facilities for filling the gap that exists between the primary school-leaving age and the time when the student, as an adult, joins an itinerant technical or winter agricultural course. It can readily be appreciated that there are grave objections, from an educational standpoint, to a period of idleness or of indefinite educational purpose in the life of young people from 14 years upwards and there is a consensus of opinion that the existing serious gap should not be allowed to continue.

In that continuation education a thing that ought to be continually in the minds of the people responsible for the running of the schools is that the occupation, the business, of the persons attending the classes should be always before their minds. On the other hand, no continuation system of education should neglect the cultural side. I quite admit there are definite advantages to be had by those pupils who stay on at the national schools. We have 32,000 in the country who stay on after 14 years many of whom attain the 7th and 8th standards. Especially if they are under a highly efficient teacher, they can get one of the best forms of education, and that is wise supervision, while they are to a large extent instructing themselves.

I do not wish to decry in any way the advantages that other sections of the population get from the secondary schools in the country; but for the great bulk of the people, not merely are there no facilities at present in existence but these two types of education that I have referred to are not suitable. I will again quote from the report of the Technical Commission:

We believe that there are many secondary schools, the large majority of whose pupils do not remain in attendance beyond the Intermediate Certificate age.

That is, roughly, the age 14 to 16.

It is our view that the curricula of such schools should be designed to meet the needs of the majority, and should be influenced to a slight extent only by the needs of a small minority proceeding to university and professional life. In such curricula there should be a distinctly practical tendency.

We have given the opportunities in our secondary programme to any secondary school in the country that wishes to adopt that particular line. I am not quite sure whether the recommendation of the Commission was for the schools or to us to try to compel the schools. So far as existing schools are concerned everybody will recognise the difficulty, even the impossibility, of forcing them to give up a certain type of education and take on another. I think this, however, might be considered. Where there is in existence a secondary school carrying on a certain type of ordinary secondary education and where in the same district an application comes in for another school to be set up, it might be reasonable to consider whether, in the recognition being given to this new application, conditions might not be laid down along the lines suggested in recommendation 14.

Continuation education must have a distinctly practical bias. That is obviously so in the case of the towns and it must also be so in the case of the country. Rural science, rural arithmetic, domestic economy, hand work and metal work will have to play a very definite part in the curriculum for these continuation schools. It is hoped that the practical bias that will be given to education at these schools, with the pupils between the ages of 14 and 16 years, will have some good effect in overcoming the dislike, to which many people have called attention, on the part of young people to agricultural work in the country and industrial work in the towns. It is not desirable that classes set up in different portions of the country should be all cast in the same mould. It is desirable that in all the schools there should be this overriding consideration as to the atmosphere that should prevail—the absence of the atmosphere which the pupil gets in the primary school and the definitely vocational character of the education that is to be given. That applies especially to those between the age of fourteen and sixteen, and even on to seventeen or eighteen, who attend those schools.

There is nothing in the Bill to prevent people attending certain subjects or certain classes only in these particular schools. A certain amount of criticism has appeared in the Press and has come to us in the post suggesting that the Bill makes it impossible for adults to attend Irish classes. There is nothing in the Bill suggesting anything of the kind. There is an important problem for the farming community as well as for the towns. I am dwelling on the farming community side of this problem because there is a greater willingness to accept the advisability, the inevitability, of continuation education as applied to towns than there is to the country districts. I am making the case, therefore, on what to the ordinary man very often seems the weaker side. In what I say any reference to the farming community applies with a great deal more force, if possible, to the towns. There are a couple of pages in the Commission's report that are rather enlightening from that point of view. Paragraph 97 says:

Witnesses before the Commission were almost unanimous in the view that formal technical or agricultural education should not begin before the age of 16 and should not be based on primary education solely, no matter how efficient the system of primary education might be.

If advantage is to be taken of the various instructions that give formal education in farming in the technical sense, you must have as a preliminary to that, bridging over the years between 14 and the time when pupils are ripe enough to receive their education, this intermediate stage of the continuation schools:

Primary school pupils at 14 are not mature enough to appreciate the realities of employment and the special forms of instruction that relate thereto; they require to be brought through an intermediate stage where they can obtain an education with sufficient practical bias to help to correct the dislike for industrial work which is a characteristic common to the youth of to-day leaving the primary and indeed the secondary schools.

The following paragraph is of interest:

It is necessary, therefore, in our opinion, to provide facilities for both whole-time and part-time education. These facilities should be effective through a new programme of continuation schools and classes.

So far as the technical side of the matter in subsequent years is concerned, the report says:

A really constructive policy of education is required to make work on the land efficient, and this cannot be effected in the absence of a continuation system of education.

The realisation of the need of this particular type of education is general in many of the rural areas. The present system, especially in the rural districts, owing to the short periods in which instructors are often present, has very definite drawbacks although a considerable amount of eagerness was shown to attend the classes of the instructors. I remember a man closely connected with technical education in one of the towns complaining very strongly that their technical system in his town was overrun completely by students from the country. He wanted to know why they should strike a rate and why people from the country should come in. I pointed out to him that undoubtedly they did strike a rate but they were getting a pretty considerable Government grant to run their school and that the schools would be quite as costly and even more costly, if you took fees into account, if there were less pupils from the country. I quote his complaint as an evidence of the way in which, where you have technical schools in towns, people come to them from the neighbouring country. Where you have day schools in the towns—technical schools—fully fifty per cent. of those who attend come from the country districts. Naturally, of course, in the night time you have a larger attendance from towns. The day school caters for about two or three times the size of the population for which the night school caters. Connected with that, is the question of young people getting into the town and getting home again. The same eagerness on the part of the people to avail of this type of education shows in the increase, even in the last four or five years, in the number that attended the rural schools under the present system. In manual instruction the number increased from 2,500 to 4,500; in domestic economy from 4,600 to 8,000; in home industries from 900 to 1,200; in commerce from 900 to 1,400; and in other subjects from 1,300 to 1,500. There is eagerness on the part of the rural population to take advantage of this particular type of instruction. The difficulty, especially in dealing with the technical side of instruction, is that very often instructors and instructresses have a limited amount of time to spend in any district and they cannot go there often. That is one of the drawbacks.

Increased facilities are necessary, especially in subjects like domestic economy. Facilities of that kind are of great importance to the community if they are efficient and if they are availed of. The Technical Commission points out that existing facilities are altogether too meagre. They say in Paragraph 54, that they are on too small a scale in rural areas to produce anything like really effective results, naturally enough, because the extension of this system to the country was to a certain extent an afterthought following the original legislation. One of the witnesses emphasised very strongly the desire that people from country districts have to avail of the opportunities already at their disposal. Some people might say that as things exist at present, in view of the difficulties with which the system has to contend, it might be well either greatly to expand the system or to do away with it. That, however, is putting things in an extreme fashion. I should rather put it in a different fashion, namely, that if we are to get anything like an effective return for the money spent on these schemes, considerably more money will have to be spent on them. If you double the expenditure on the schemes you get greatly more than double the results. The provision of facilities which this Bill offers to a greater extent than other Bills, will always remain the principal thing. There are, of course, compulsory powers, but more important is the provision of facilities of which the people can avail.

I need not dwell on the importance of technical education so far as industries are concerned. I do not share the view, which some people seem to have, that technical education can create industries. It cannot do so. In fact, to do anything effective, technical education must be in close touch with existing industries. Where they are side by side the problem is to get them to help each other, one being now in advance, and the other advancing in turn. In all countries, schools are now asked to undertake tasks which up to the present were undertaken privately, either in the family or by private employers and companies. That is true of practically every country. I remember having an experience of that kind in Saxony, where there was a large factory making electrical instruments. Quite close to it—run as an ordinary technical school and used practically altogether by employees of the factory—was a technical school in which the apprentices in the factory served the first two years of their apprenticeship. Similarly, it has been pointed out in Prussia that things that used to be done in the homes, even in domestic matters, are no longer done there, and instruction in such matters is looked for in the schools. That is true, not only of Germany, but of countries nearer home. As the Commission put it in Paragraph 30, the current tendency in all modern industrial countries is to make the technical school fulfil a more definite function in the training for industry. In Paragraph 125 they state—I do not know whether the House is in sympathy with it, but we had better accept it as a fact —that the employer cannot afford to use the services of a highly-skilled and highly-paid workman for the purpose of training apprentices, and that this duty is devolving more and more on the technical school.

One of the drawbacks of the system in this country up to the present, one of the matters in which we have a considerable amount of lee-way to make up, is the question of closer connection between the actual industries of the country and the type of instruction given in technical schools. So far as technical education is concerned, what I said about continuation education holds good. Any compulsory powers given in regard to this Bill apply between the ages of sixteen and eighteen, but it is not suggested that technical education stops at the age of eighteen. In this connection the number is considerably less than in the case of continuation education. You might have in the case of trade classes in urban centres 20,000, and in rural classes on manual instruction 30,000. Those who are anxious to get an idea of the numbers in connection with the different trades will find the reference to that matter in the second volume of the Census useful. There you have the groupings of people according to trades. I do not intend now to give the actual numbers. The number of textile workers, for instance, is given at 7,000. The different trades vary to a considerable extent, just as they vary in the case of technical education in the narrow sense. I am not speaking of general education in continuation schools, but of preparation for the different trades and of the more intimate instruction that might be given to apprentices in different trades. It varies considerably as between business and business.

There are a number of businesses in which the amount of technical skill required is very small, but in which a large number are engaged and, on the other hand, there are others in which a small number are engaged but in which the amount of technical skill required is considerable. As I say, I do not intend to deal with the actual numbers in these particular industries, but they are considerable. One of the things which the Bill proposes to do is to bring about a better articulation between continuation education and technical education. As I have already hinted, I look on that in itself as a considerable gain. It is only those in touch with the difficulties which technical schools have to encounter who can appreciate the importance of separating more clearly the problem of continuation education, on the one hand, and that of technical education on the other. This Bill proposes to do that. Where there has existed up to the present, owing to organic growth, a system which has grown beyond the actual Acts of Parliament enabling the system to operate, you had really a lack of system. If this Bill becomes law, we hope to introduce order where before there was a certain amount of inevitable confusion. We want to put each group where it belongs. I am quoting the Technical Commission report, not as an authority, but because very often it puts definitely and succinctly the views which I am anxious to put before the House.

Paragraph 44 states that many of the statements furnished to the Commission indicate that the attendance at evening commercial classes of immature students, not yet in employment, militates seriously against the general success of technical schools, and that the needs of such students should be supplied by the provision of suitable continuation education of a whole-time character. From the definite segregation of continuation education from technical education we hope to gain a considerable amount. As to how the schools should be run various views were put forward before the Commission. The majority of such views are, I think, in favour of retaining with qualifications the existing system of local committees. Some witnesses very decidedly and definitely were of the view that local committees were a nuisance, entirely wrong, incapable of doing right, and should be swept away. The abolition of such committees was, as I say, strongly urged by certain witnesses, but in this type of education I feel that close contact between those responsible for the running of the schools and local conditions is more necessary than any other conditions. In the matter of continuation education, but more so in the matter of technical education, industrialists are much more inclined to be influenced by local committees than by, for instance, officials of a department. That view was put clearly before me by a French expert on these matters, and what holds true in a strongly centralised country like France holds even more true in this country. One of the matters in which technical education in this country at present falls short of requirements is that there is not sufficient relation between the system and the neighbourhood which it purports to serve.

The local connection is more necessary in this type of education than elsewhere. Hence I agree with the views put forward by the Commission that these local committees should be retained. They are very strong in several portions of the report in pointing out that at present there is not that close relationship between the type of work done in the school and the particular needs of the neighbourhood. I hope that in future the committees will be more alive to that particular aspect of the situation.

The Committee, and here I agree with them, pointed out that the existing committees are altogether too large. Sometimes you have as many as 70 members in some of them. They do not all turn up when the business of the committee is to be done. There may be an occasional day or two on which you may have a very large attendance, but as a rule the attendance is nothing like as large as it might be. Now I believe in much smaller committees if effective work is to be done. The Commission suggests something like twelve. Ten or twelve might be enough to have present at a meeting, but I thought it would be well to increase it somewhat, because if you are to limit the number to twelve you will not get them all present. If you had a meeting of ten or twelve it can only be if you have a somewhat larger committee, and therefore we have somewhat enlarged the number which the Committee suggested. You want a small committee to do effective work and at the same time you want a committee which with normal attendance will give a sufficiently large number to be representative of the different interests.

Now as to the actual composition of the committees, that is a matter to which I have given some thought, and I am not, I confess, altogether satisfied with the provision in the Bill as it stands. However, we can debate that more fully afterwards. Originally I had the idea that full power might be left to the county council to select whom it liked on the committee, but then the House will recollect that we are giving the committee considerable powers. Within certain limits definitely fixed in the schedule we are giving the committee power to decide what the rate is. That being so, it was felt, seeing that the rating authority struck that rate within the limits set out in the schedule, that there ought to be a majority by compulsion, so to speak, of the members of the committee to represent the local rating authority. That did secure giving the control of the finances and keeping them to a large extent in the hands of the local rating authority. It has undoubtedly the drawback that it takes away in other respects the liberty of the council as to the type of person it should put on. The problem, however, is one of detail, and can be more fully debated afterwards. I should also like to call attention to a provision of which I hope liberal use will be made— the Vocational Committee's powers to appoint sub-committees—this especially where you have a large county, will be particularly useful for local areas. But one thing they could not pass on to the sub-committee would be the power of fixing the rate.

Now I come to the financial provisions in the Bill. Everybody admits, and the Commission are very clear on it, that the present finances are not adequate. They are insufficient. They are subject to conditions which, on the whole, had better be wiped away. That is to earn grants they must be earned in certain ways. As a result of the ways in which grants have been added to in the course of the last 30 years, that this system has been in existence there are several types of grants. You have, for instance, the local rate struck by the county council. You have then various types of grants coming from the Department of Education. Each authority, each committee gets a certain portion of the old endowment grant. Then there are attendance grants. Then there are bonuses on to teachers' salaries, and a couple of other types of grants that the committee itself may earn. That has led to a great deal of confusion and a great deal of waste of time also in keeping a rather complicated set of accounts. You have the evils that flow from lack of funds. You have the cramping effect that it has on the policy of the committee, and, occasionally, what you may call false developments. That is, the grant-earning side has been occasionally looked after more strongly than the real needs of the pupils of the district. That is inevitable.

Now what do we estimate the additional cost when the whole system is in operation? The Commission was definite that this system should be put into effect gradually. The whole cost might be £300,000, in addition to the present cost. If it takes 15 or 20 years to be put into existence by gradual expansion, that means a definite advance per year. From some of the criticisms that have appeared, the impression seems to have got abroad that it is my proposal that that additional sum should be levied off the rates. Nothing of the kind. At present the schemes are financed from the rates, and from the State. The additional expense will be borne by the rates and by the State. Fifty per cent. of the additional cost will be borne by the State. That system therefore of combined contribution by the rates and by the central authority will continue. I am speaking now of the additional cost. Next year the part borne by the State of the whole cost of technical education will be more than that borne by the local authority. Under the present Bill in the year 1945, 1947 or 1950, more than half the cost of continuation and technical education will continue to be borne by the State. Roughly speaking, spread over a number of years, our intention will be to contribute for the new development pound for pound for what is contributed locally for the extension.

There is a provision in the Bill, and here we followed the recommendations of the Committee, for a compulsory rate of 2d. for vocational education. That is for the country districts. There is a 3d. rate for the towns. In addition there is on the part of committees the power of striking a new rate, committees according to the Bill a majority of which must be members of the local rating authority or authorities. It is only gradually, however, that they will be allowed to advance to put any additional burdens on the rates. It cannot, stretching over a number of years, be at a greater pace than a farthing in the £ per year. They are not bound to strike that. They are given the option of striking that, but they cannot in any year go beyond the sum mentioned in the schedule. That is based on a sum arrived at by considering the rate of the new charge of a farthing per year.

We thought that gradual expansion absolutely inevitable or at least wise if we were to get a healthy working. That system of gradual expansion has been found extremely useful and productive of good results, for instance, in a country like Sweden. It is necessary gradually to feel our way as we go on and that is the reason from the purely educational point of view of the gradual nature of the grants allowed in the schedule. The House will notice that the special penny rate for Irish is absorbed. It does not mean that the effective work done for people over the age of 14 is to disappear. Nothing in the Bill suggests anything of the kind. As I have already indicated, education for adults is possible and though it may be necessary when a local body puts forward a scheme of continuation education as portion of a course to provide practical subjects still it will be possible, especially for those over a certain age, to attend any particular class or subjects. They can therefore attend certain courses and not attend others.

It is not suggested there should be anything in the nature of the primary school about the instruction given. It is meant in the continuation schools that the instruction should be such as would be suitable for people who have become to a certain extent adults. The Irish rate itself has gone up and down in the course of years. I am not saying the number attending Irish classes but the number of adults attending them has decreased. That at all events is the impression we have.

There are various other provisions in the Bill allowing the committees to make grants for purposes of continuation and technical education in their various districts, not merely to set up schools but in other ways to help continuation education. If Deputies will turn to paragraphs 29, 31 and 33 they will find provisions to that effect there. There is also a provision giving to the Government power to make grants to a school doing educational work of this type even though those schools are not run by local authorities, and there is a special section giving power to spend money for this type of education in the Gaeltacht. With regard to the compulsory powers of the Bill, as I said already, the important thing undoubtedly is the provision of increased facilities but a certain amount of compulsion is undoubtedly necessary. Compulsion will be extended gradually through the country.

However, it will be of such a nature in the country districts as not to interfere with the ordinary avocations of the farming community. Those who were here when we were dealing with the Compulsory School Attendance Bill for the primary schools will remember that Deputies emphasised very strongly the burden that would be imposed, even economically, on the farmer if we were to take away the wage-earning capacity of his son up to the age of fourteen. That difficulty had to be faced and the Compulsory School Attendance Act became effective up to the age of fourteen. It is a different matter when you are dealing with compulsion up to the age of sixteen. Here Deputies will notice that the powers of compulsion given to the Minister are strictly limited. In the country districts they will be limited to compelling attendance at a course of 180 hours. That does not mean that those who wish to do so cannot attend much longer, but the State cannot compel a person between 14 and 16 years to attend for longer than 180 hours per annum. In most of the Continental countries that is, generally speaking, the time that is required for compulsory attendance. In some States in Germany it is less. In one or two States—particularly in the strongly industrial States, such as Saxony, it might be more, but, generally speaking, that is the amount of time that is required. There is no reason why an attendance of, say, six hours per week for boys in winter should be allowed to interfere in any way with the help that they give on the farm. The classes can be so arranged, and ought to be so arranged, that there will be no clashing of interests. I suggest that a good plan would be for the boys to attend for their 180 hours in the winter months, the girls to attend in the summer months. That would leave the boys free for agricultural work in the summer months.

As regards technical schools—I pointed out already that we have not dealt with the question of apprenticeship in this Bill; that is altogether outside the scope of our Department—a certain amount of compulsion is advisable, too. It was generally recognised by the Commission that compulsion, to be successful here, should only be carried through with the good will and advice of those engaged in the different industries. Hence provision is made in the Bill that where 180 hours' attendance at a technical school or to receive technical instruction of a certain kind is deemed advisable, the employers and employees in the trade concerned must be consulted. The Commission recommended compulsory powers, and these are the compulsory powers we have adopted.

There is one important recommendation of the Commission which we are not putting into effect either in this Bill or in the Apprenticeship Bill. That is recommendation No. 18. In paragraph 115 they say:—

We recommend that attendance at a whole-time school should be provided in urban areas for all young people between fourteen and sixteen years who are not in employment. Exemption from obligation to attend whole-time schools should be granted only to those engaged in approved employment.

We had that provision, in general terms, included in the original draft of the Bill. When we considered how it could be implemented, we found that we were faced with considerable difficulties. I have not definitely decided against it. If anybody can show how it can be carried through, I am quite willing to reconsider our position. We found that even if we did put in a provision of this kind it would be practically impossible to administer it effectively. That, apparently, is the experience of a large number of other countries. Nobody will deny that the recommendation aims at something which is highly desirable. I think we all will be in agreement on that point. Yet I know of no country in Western Europe where it was found possible to make such provision effective. I would ask Deputies to consider the difficulties that we would be faced with if we tried to enforce that provision. Take the case of a young lad of fourteen years of age who leaves a national school. I take it for granted that in this country, whether we like it or not, the question of raising the school-leaving age to fifteen or sixteen for all children is out of the question. To make it impossible for young people at the age of fourteen to get into employment is not economically feasible at the moment. Can you make it compulsory for young people of fifteen or sixteen years who are not in employment to attend school? The actual recommendation in the Report is that it should be made compulsory for those not in approved employment. We would have considerable difficulty in scheduling approved employments. Deputies should remember that this provision would have to be administered in a court. We would have to satisfy the court that there had been a definite evasion of the law—that the law had been broken. We would find it difficult to schedule the different types of employment that would be regarded as "approved employment." To carry out this recommendation, even in one city, would mean a tremendous increase in our supervisory staff. Furthermore, a great deal of the employment that young people get is casual. In the present economic conditions, can we prevent young people taking casual employment? If we cannot prevent young people taking casual employment what would be the result? They may be in employment for a month or two months; they go out of employment and are compelled to attend school in accordance with this recommendation. Then they go back to employment and, again, get out of employment. Their attendance at school would be necessarily irregular and would do them little good. Even from that point of view, it would be impossible to make the Act really effective. No policing system that we could afford would be able to enforce an Act of that kind. Those were some of the difficulties that—greatly against my will—induced me not to seek that more extended power for the city districts under this Bill. If, during the debates in Committee, it can be shown that the problem can be dealt with, I am quite willing to give favourable consideration to the matter. At present I find it extremely difficult to see how such a provision could be carried out. The provision was in some of the original drafts of the Bill and it was with the greatest reluctance that I dropped it. I fully admit the desirability of it if it could be made effective. I am convinced it could not be made effective, and I do not know of any country in which a stipulation of that kind has been made effective. We have examples of attempts to compel attendance at classes of that haphazard type but they are not encouraging. So far as general provisions are concerned, there is power under Section 24 of the Compulsory School Attendance Act of 1926 given to the Minister to deal with a problem of that sort, if capable of being dealt with administratively. But the question we have to consider here is not the desirability of putting in a clause of this kind, but the possibility of implementing it and working out the details.

When the School Attendance Act, in the course of the next three or four years, has got a full trial—I will deal later with how far it has been successful during its existence, but it is apparent to anybody who considers the matter that it will require a few more years before it can be tried out —there might be something to be said for quite a different proposition —how far it would be advisable, especially in towns, to compel attendance at school, up to the age of fifteen, of those pupils who have not reached the sixth standard. That is a different proposition. It can be properly considered only when we see what the full fruits of the present School Attendance Act are. We have already put burdens on the parent. In this Bill, we are putting further burdens on the parent, the employer and the country. We do not think we have gone beyond the limits of what is desirable or necessary. We think that if we were to suggest that there should be no employment of young people up to the age of fifteen or sixteen years, we should be going beyond what the parent or the employer could be asked to bear, or what the industries of the country could be asked to bear at the moment. It would, perhaps, be desirable in itself, but it would not be feasible at the moment, at all events. What I do rely on more is the provision in the towns of facilities for continuation education for those who wish to avail of them.

One of the drawbacks in the existing system is that there is no proper provision for buildings. Very often it was only in a sort of by-way that money was collected to establish or extend Technical Schools. Technical Instruction Committees, as they exist at present, have no power to borrow money for building works of a permanent nature. It is true the local authority might borrow, but the only security it could give would be the very limited rate it is entitled to strike at the present time. We propose to remedy that. It will be possible for the Committee to borrow on the security of the fund—which will be in a healthier financial condition than it has been up to the present— into which the local rate is paid, and to which the Government will contribute its quota. Therefore, indirectly the Government will be contributing its quota to the cost of building. It ought to be possible, in that way, for the question of suitable buildings to be met.

We are looking for a system that will give healthy results. This Bill has met with a certain amount of criticism because it is not revolutionary enough. Personally, I do not consider that an objection. We want to reform a system that has done a considerable amount of work in order to enable it to do a great deal more work. We claim that we have not introduced anything new in the nature of control in educational matters in this country. The future will bring forward problems that this Bill has not foreseen. But when these problems come will be the time to deal with them. However. I have dealt with the general problem and with the spirit of the Bill, and I respectfully ask that the Bill be given a second reading.

I find that the terms of reference of the Technical Commission were:—

To inquire into and advise upon the system of Technical Education in Saorstát Eireann in relation to the requirements of trade and industry.

Inquiring into that problem they were naturally brought up against the question of the fitness or the unfitness of pupils proceeding from a national school to take advantage of technical education, and although it might seem to be outside the terms of reference, they inquired into that problem and concluded that

"It is our view that a proper system of continuation education is of vital importance to the social and economic welfare of the people, and its organisation must be undertaken without delay."

The Minister has told us a good deal about this Bill, but in my opinion he did not deal very fully or clearly with the question of teachers and the question of buildings, as to what exactly was to be done here, and how, and where were the classes to be held. There is a crying need, for this continuation education and, as the Minister has said, we have heard time after time from teachers and parents that children from fourteen to sixteen were positively running wild, getting demoralised and forgetting much of what they had learned; at any rate they were not fit to proceed to take advantage of technical education or such education as would enable them to develop the industry of farming. In that connection, the Minister wrote a letter which was read at the inaugural session of this Commission, in which he spoke of "our main industry of agriculture." and the Commission again and again referred to the industry of agriculture, and what should be done for it. I do not know what special provisions there are in this Bill except that Section 4 (3) says: "The Minister may from time to time, after consultation with the Minister for Agriculture, by order declare that the expression ‘technical education' shall for the purposes of this Act also include instruction in such subjects bearing on or relating to agriculture as may be specified in such order," etc. That seems to make very inadequate provision for agriculture.

As regards finance, it was reassuring to hear the Minister state that the Government would put up pound for pound because, in the Bill it is to be noticed that the rating authorities, "shall" time after time do so and so, and the paragraphs relating to central finance, say that the Minister "may"—"the Minister may in consultation with the Minister for Finance." We would like some more definite assurance, to have a clause inserted in the Bill providing that there would be £ for £ from the Government. On account of the Third Schedule there were fears among people that a rate of 6d. in the £ would become compulsory, despite Section 42, and I do not think it is explicit enough there.

I wonder when the Minister refers to this £300,000 extra required to develop the scheme, if he bases that estimate on the idea of a full 6d. rate and if not, can that scheme ever be fully developed? There are many things in the Bill that are faulty. However, it is pre-eminently a Bill to be considered on Committee, especially the reference to agricultural education. Then in the matter of the Gaeltacht it was recommended by the Commission, for instance, that four residential schools for the teaching of domestic science, should be set up in the Gaeltacht. There is no reference to that recommendation in the Bill. Of course powers are given it to do a number of things, but we wonder what is going to be done for the Gaeltacht. In the Gaeltacht Report, which was prior to the report on technical education, a number of recommendations were made and we are anxious to know when the Minister intends to introduce them. Regarding the classes for Irish language, history, and so on, the Minister said that they are not excluded. That is quite so, because the fact that education is compulsory at certain times and at certain places for people up to eighteen does not mean that people over eighteen are to be excluded. But if the rate of 2d. or 3d. is voted for technical education where precisely would these classes come in, or where would Irish classes for adults come in? Would there be any money available for them? It is true that in certain places the attendance of adults has fallen off, but that may be largely because the grants in certain counties were cut down. In Co. Cork they have 3,000 pupils attending Irish classes, and they do excellent work. They are even doing Irish literature. Excellent work has been done in Co. Wexford, as the Minister knows, in Co. Dublin and in some other counties. In a few counties, of course, the schemes were not very well worked, whether from lack of supervision or because the grants were too small. We certainly do not want to stand up for make-believe or inefficiency. In some cases they are make-believe but in others excellent work is being done. If all schemes were organised as efficiently as in Cork and Wexford first-class work would be done. In that respect I would remind the Minister of the concluding words of his letter to the Commission—"no matter how effective a system of Technical Instruction may be in the narrower vocational sense of the word it will fail in one of its chief purposes if it does not uplift every man not merely as a member of his trade, but as a member of the community and a member of the State," because it would not do merely to have vocational education, necessary as it is, without its being inspired by some sense of nationality.

It might be better to go into the different sections on Committee, but there are just a few to which I wish to refer. In Section 23 (5) I see the Appointments Commission again introduced, and in Section 35 it is stated that the decision of the Minister "shall be final and conclusive." I think he is assuming too much power in that. I admit that in this Bill the control generally by the Minister is necessary and good, but it is certainly excessive in a few particulars. I think that is one case in which the Minister is taking it on himself to interpret legislation, and that is not advisable; there should be some appeal for the persons concerned. Under Section 26 the Minister may "by order, either upon or without any suggestion or complaint from a vocational education committee remove any officer." That is autocratic and there is no need for such a clause. Why remove officers without reference to the committee? Under Section 52 the expenses of delegates to conferences may be paid by the committee. I have known delegates who knew absolutely nothing about technical education going abroad to these conferences at the public expense, and that is a matter on which there might be some supervision by the Minister. We would welcome a little more supervision in that respect.

The Minister might tell us where exactly these continuation classes are to be held and who are to be the teachers, because in Section 307 of the Commission's Report it is stated: "Schemes of continuation education must be preceded by intensive training of teachers. It would be fatal to embark on new educational ventures with untrained and insufficient teaching staffs." The Minister has not told us where he will get the teaching staffs. National teachers might do some of the work, but if they do their own work all day I think that they will have a good day's work done at 3 o'clock. Who is going to do the continuation work? Similarly teachers are not provided for the technical side. Industries will not arise from having the technical students. It is essential therefore for the proper development of technical education to have this apprenticeship scheme brought in very soon so as to keep touch between industry and technical education. The Minister might also inform us how the higher technical institutes are to be developed. Are they to be developed by the Government or by the committee or in what manner?

There is a great desire on the part of farmers' children to avail of manual instruction classes, domestic economy classes, and so on. Last year there was an attendance in Co. Galway of 2,800, I think, and I believe there are a thousand on a waiting list. I think that more scholarships should be provided for farmers' sons to technical or continuation schools, and the Minister should do his utmost to induce a number of the secondary schools to take up work such as is suggested in the Bill, because we are undoubtedly too much inclined to train young people for clerkships and to follow in the schools, particularly in the secondary schools, a curriculum which will lead to the University, and that with pupils 99 per cent. of whom never reach the University. When they leave the schools they are at a loose end. Hand and eye training is very necessary. I have seen classes in carpentry and such subjects to which half the applicants could not get admission. Education should be developed along these lines without neglecting the cultural side.

I notice that Section 71 of the Local Government Act of 1925—the attestation clause—is being dragged in again. Ministers boast of having restored law and order, and it is only raising contentious matters to insert such a clause in the Bill, a clause for which there is no need whatever. The Minister has absolute power under the Bill to deal with teachers, officials and everybody else without dragging that clause in. He can even dismiss them without reference to the committee. I hope he will reconsider this and drop that section. Under the financial provisions of the Bill the Minister may make grants to schools and may make grants for the training of teachers. Would he say, in reference to this £ for £ what exactly is the relation between the amounts received from the rates at present for technical education and the amounts given by the Government? Would not the Government contribution up to now be more than £ for £? Would it not be two or three to one? I notice that the Minister twice said, regarding the increased cost, that the Government would bear £ for £. Whether he has any reason for emphasising the words "increased costs" or not I do not know.

I do not want to disturb the existing proportion. I was more or less suggesting that the present grants hold, but that then we will go forward. I did not want to say that we wanted to diminish the present Government contribution to what Deputy Fahy suspects is a somewhat lower proportion.

Section 51, Section 101 (2), Section 107 and Section 108 leave the Minister the option. Would the Minister tell us what section makes it obligatory on the Government to contribute anything? The Minister "may," or we just take the Minister's word that he may give £ for £, or he may give nothing.

If the Dáil votes it.

He need not come before the Dáil. I quite see that he has to get a Vote, but it might be set out in the Bill that the Government contribution will be £ for £. It would be more explicit, because there will be opposition from the ratepayers, I am afraid. It is unfortunate that this synchronises with the De-rating Commission, and it has gone far and wide through the country that this scheme is going to mean sixpence in the £. I am very glad to have the assurance of the Minister that it is not, and even if it ever reaches that, it will only be with the consent of those committees, and, of course, as the Bill indicates it will be very gradual. These are the points I should like information upon: What teachers are going to take up this work now? In what schools will the classes be held? On page 155 of the Commission's Report, Mr. Doolin said: "I wish to emphasise the desirability of taking into account the prospective requirements of schemes of continuation education when consideration is being given to any general reconstruction of primary school buildings." I hope the reverse holds, and that if it is purposed to use the national schools for that scheme they will enlarge them, and provide better ventilation and better sanitary arrangements. Some good might come out of it in that respect. As to Section 26, with regard to the removal of officers and so on, I think that removal without compensation should be only for proved misconduct or wilful neglect of duty. There is too much power given to the Minister there. The quorum of 14 is, I notice, to be one-fourth. Perhaps it would be better if the Minister said four, or something like that.

That is legally determined.

With regard to finance, of course the endowments and rates are the same as they were in 1899. The attendance grants are paid on a scale fixed in 1906 and fees and sundries are negligible. No provision was made for capital expenditure on buildings which had to be erected out of loans, repayable out of ordinary income for current expenditure. We do not know what the new provision is to be for buildings. Of course the committees can get loans still, but the cost will fall on them. This is a case in which a grant should be made by the Government.

There will be a grant.

We do not know the extent of it. Is it £ for £?

The loans will be on the security of the fund and into the fund will be paid the various sums I have mentioned. Therefore, if the Government pays into that fund, its contribution goes also to the building and to providing the interest on the building.

Would the Minister say if local authorities are obliged to put up their share of the fund? If not, what is the use of the fund as a guarantee for a loan?

Once the rate is struck there is a minimum to start with. If then they want further expansion, the local people must be prepared to meet their share of that.

Are the local authorities obliged under the Bill to strike a rate—to take on the matter at all?

I should also like to know will anything be done for the teachers of Irish and how will they fare under the scheme; also the part-time teachers in the technical schools. Most of these teachers of Irish have given periods of from ten to thirty years to national work. There is no assurance that they will get employment under the Bill, and also the part-time technical teachers. I do not know that there are any other points to which I wish to refer. If there are they are points that will arise on Committee. I should like the Minister to give some information as to where exactly the classes will be held, who the teachers will be, what will happen these teachers of Irish and the part-time technical teachers, and whether he will consider the removal of Section 71 or its non-inclusion in the Bill.

It would make no difference.

I should like some assurance from the Minister, because we intend to support this Bill on Second Reading, notwithstanding many objections, there being such need for this continuation and technical education in the country.

On the general principle of the measure there is very little to be said. In so far as it is a Bill that makes further and better provision in relation to continuation and technical education, I think there will be general agreement on all sides of the House. It is essentially a machinery measure and, therefore, essentially one to be debated clause by clause in Committee. There is practically nothing to be said by way of criticism on the general principle, and the few remarks I have to make arise more, perhaps, out of the rather comprehensive statement of the Minister, upon which I should like to congratulate him. If there was any criticism that we would be inclined to make it would be on the question of delay, but even as to that he disarmed us to some extent by his explanation. He told us that this was not a revolutionary measure, and he stressed more than once the fact that it would only come into operation very gradually. We have no reason to look upon the Minister as a revolutionary. We have never thought of accusing his Department of rushing tacties, except with regard to another aspect of its work on which there might be some grounds for a statement of that kind. In other matters the Minister does not rush things, even when we want him to rush them.

I am glad to see that there is a new principle introduced in regard to compulsory attendance, even though it is to a limited extent, in the case of the continuation schools and, later on, in the case of the technical schools. I am rather sorry that the Minister found it impossible to accept recommendation 80, to which he referred at the end of his speech, although I do recognise that there are certain grave difficulties in the matter of administration. I should like to see the question more fully examined. I do not think that the Minister should, in the rather off-hand way in which he did, take it for granted that it would not be possible to raise the school-leaving age generally from 14 to 15. I do not take it for granted to the same extent as he appears to have done that this is something to which we have no right to look forward even in the immediate future. It has been done in some other countries, and I think we should take into consideration in this respect the rather peculiar and, to some extent, unexpected result or effect of the School Attendance Act. I believe it will be found on examination that there are fewer children over 14 years in attendance at national schools now than there were before the School Attendance Act came into operation. In any case, I have been told by teachers that there is a greater inclination to cease school now at 14 than before the Act came into operation; and, at the other end, that children do not go to school at as early an age as they used to go before the coming into force of that Act. Now that the legal limits are from 6 to 14, they just make the minimum the maximum. That should be borne in mind when regulating the hours for attendance and fixing the minimum of 180 hours. I think the Minister may take it for a certainty that in most cases, at all events, the minimum time fixed will become the maximum.

I was interested in what he said with regard to the growing interest taken by the farming community in education. I do not know that I can agree that that interest is there to the extent that he thinks it is. In any case, it is not there to the extent that we would all like to see it. There does appear to me to be an idea among our rural community that education is only necessary for those who have to leave the land and go into other occupations. It does not seem to be fully realised by the farming community, although I admit it is more realised now than it was heretofore, that education is necessary for the man who stays on the land. There is an idea that he should get only one particular type of education, and that is what you might call technical agricultural education. What is more necessary than anything else is that he should get a sound general education, an education that would enable him to take advantage, not so much of the classes he would attend later on, because that can only be to a limited extent, but of the various treatises, articles, books of all kinds, and lectures that he might read or hear from time to time; the type of education that would enable him to benefit by attendance even at the Spring Show.

That kind of education was not provided for up to the present but it will be, I hope, the kind of education that will be given largely in the continuation schools. I thoroughly agree with the Minister that when boys and girls leave school at 14 years of age and knock about for two or three years without undergoing any system of supervised education they are apt to forget very largely what they have learned in the primary schools because they are only beginning to learn at the age of 14 when very often they leave school. I agree, too, that many of the secondary schools in the country are nothing more than training grounds for professions and in the main give very little attention to what is, after all, the main industry in our country. In that respect, I would like to see some change in the present system of scholarships whereby we should have a limited system of scholarships provided for pupils in primary schools to secondary schools. I am not quite sure whether it is open or will be open in the future to have these in the technical schools. Will it require a change in the existing law to enable our local authorities to grant scholarships to boys and to have these in the technical schools rather than in the secondary schools? I am afraid the tendency of the present time is that they take these boys from the primary schools and send them to secondary schools where it is taken for granted that they must immediately prepare for some post in the professions or in what is called black-coated occupation.

I do not think there is anything in the law requiring that we should encourage it.

Mr. O'Connell

I do not say that the Minister encourages it but I am afraid it is the actual practice at the present time. Of course, up to the present we had very little opportunity to send them anywhere else.

I think there are a couple of counties that send them to other than secondary schools, what might be called vocational schools. When the councils who have the power decide otherwise I cannot compel them, but they certainly have the power to send them to other schools besides secondary schools, and I should like to see them do it.

Mr. O'Connell

I hope it will be made clear to the local authorities, arising out of the discussions which will take place on this Bill, that they have that power and that it is advisable that they should use it in a particular direction. Like Deputy Fahy, I would like to have heard the Minister dwelling, in the course of his introductory statement, on what will be the two main problems that he will have to face in putting this Bill into operation, that is the provision of teaching power and the provision of accommodation. I do not suppose that in the actual Act anything more definite can be done than what is done. Still I would like to have a statement from the Minister as to what his intentions are in the matter because I believe that these will be the two big problems that the Minister will be up against, the provision of accommodation and, even to a greater extent perhaps, the provision of adequate teaching power.

The statement made by the Minister will remove certain doubts in the country on the part of people who feared that the finances were being thrown over to the county councils. At the same time if there were some indication of the proportions given in the Act I think many of the local authorities would be easier in their mind. I do not know whether there is any particular objection to that or why that was not done; but people will undoubtedly be tempted to say it is all very well for the Minister to say this, but this Minister will not be always the Minister for Education and we have no guarantee that the whole cost of the education will not be thrown over on the local authority later on. In other countries, where there is joint financial responsibility between the local authority and the central authority, there is often a shifting of the incidence of the burden from one to the other. The central authority having the power, the inclination would be to shift it off their own shoulders on to the local authorities. The assurance of the Minister is good as far as it goes but personally I do not think it goes far enough to satisfy the fairly well founded suspicions that local authorities will have that they will be called upon to bear a bigger proportion of this than they have hitherto borne. I think these are the only points I have to refer to at this stage. As I say, the main discussions on this Bill will be the discussions that will take place in Committee because it is especially the type of Bill that can only be discussed fully in Committee.

I would like to join with Deputy O'Connell in congratulating the Minister, even at this late hour, in bringing in this measure. I would like also to congratulate him on the very interesting statement he has made in proposing this Bill for Second Reading. I am sorry that our Parliamentary regulations prevent us giving the consideration to that important statement that, to my mind, is necessary before proceeding with what we might call the Second Reading of this Bill, because after all, when we get to the Committee Stage we get the discussions on the various units of a measure. On the Second Reading we take a larger and more comprehensive view, and we discuss the measure from that aspect. It would have been helpful to me at all events—I do not know whether it would have been so to other Deputies—if I had had an opportunity of considering more fully the statement of the Minister before being called upon to express my views on the Second Reading. But, as I say, our Parliamentary regulations prevent us from adopting that procedure.

I think what has really brought about this measure, and possibly to some extent the setting up of the Commission on Technical Education which the Minister has referred to, is that it has become apparent not alone to industrialists but, I think, to educationists that education and industry, which ought to be very closely allied in order that we may get the best out of both, have to a very large extent under modern conditions got very widely apart. That desire that the connection between the two in order, as I have said, to make more successful industry on the one hand and education on the other, should be much more close in the future than it, has been in the past, is really, I think, the reason why we are called upon to consider this measure. Those of us who have been engaged in industry know that the conditions of industry, as regards employment of young people, have undergone a very material change in the last fifty years. Those of us who are able to recollect a period not exactly of fifty years, but approximating to it, know that it was the custom in former days to take young people at a very early age into industry. Those of us who are in touch with industry to-day know that that has been entirely departed from, and that industry to-day requires that young people be not alone educated but trained, educationally speaking, technically, if they are readily to be absorbed in industry. I think that would be common ground amongst us, and really what this Bill purports to do is to try and adapt education to these conditions of industry as we find them to-day. I hope that this Bill will be carefully considered from that point of view.

It is hardly necessary to bring evidence before this House that these altered conditions have brought about a very serious situtation. Any of us passing through different parts of our city to-day, or through different areas in our country, see the one problem all over the place. We see at the different corners in the different cities and towns large numbers of young people between the ages of 14 and 18 for whom there seems to be no particular place in industry at the moment. That, to my mind, is one of the blots upon our present system, and I have endeavoured to bring that particular matter before this House on a number of occasions so that we might give consideration to the problem and deal with it, because I think it is a problem in which legislation is overdue. It is only right to point out, as the Minister has done, that technical education of itself will not create industry. We all agree on that, but it will do a tremendous amount to help industry. If an industrialist to-day is considering the location of a factory, one of the matters that will influence him almost as much as any other matter in settling the location of that factory is the possibility of getting suitable labour in that particular locality. If that industrialist finds that in a particular locality there is a virile and well-attended technical school and he can see as a result of the work of that school that the young people in that particular area are not alone well educated but well trained, that fact will influence him very considerably in the location of the factory and will have a very considerable influence in the success of the factory. In that sense, therefore, I say that the development of technical education is essential to the industrial development that we are all so anxious to bring about in this country.

There are many matters in this Bill that one would like to discuss at some length, but as has been pointed out, they can be discussed when we come to particular sections on the Committee Stage. There is, however, a principle in this Bill to which reference should be made on Second Reading. One of the means whereby it hopes to carry out its functions is through the medium of advisory committees rather than through a central organisation. As one who has had some experience of these advisory committees in the past, I certainly am whole-heartedly in favour of that particular principle. I think it is absolutely essential in educational matters, and particularly in matters affecting technical education, that the influence and the views of a particularly locality should be represented through a committee. There are in localities, as we all know, certain local interests that will have the support, and be voiced through the medium, of a local advisory committee, and in that way will be helped and stimulated. We could not get that help and stimulation in the ordinary way through a central authority. From my experience I am in favour of the adaptation of the principle of local committees.

I think the principle of divided responsibility between the State and the local authority as to expenditure in any particular area and the putting of portion of that expenditure on the local authority is a wise and a sound principle. It is a principle that has been in existence for over twenty years under the present Act. It has been stated by some Deputies here that local authorities will be slow to adopt this particular financial proposal. As I understand the Bill, it is in the rural areas that the minimum compulsory contribution will be 2d., while in the boroughs the minimum compulsory contribution will be 3d. Local authorities in boroughs at the moment are in many cases contributing 2d. On them it will be an additional burden of 50 per cent., but I do not think it is a burden that they would be inclined to object to in many cases, particularly where they have some knowledge of the work that can be produced by the additional expenditure. I do not believe that it will be very strongly opposed. Of course, on all local authorities, in regard to additional expenditure that can be avoided an endeavour will be made to avoid it. That is the general experience of those who know local authorities. In this matter of education, where the additional burden is going to carry with it the authority of a local committee, I think the area gets an advantage that will be looked upon by many as a material advantage. Possibly in some localities where the contribution in the past has been a particularly small one, and where it will be raised under the proposal in this Bill, there will be a considerable amount of objection to it.

I think we must recognise when we come to educational matters that while we spend in this State a considerable sum on education— practically one-fifth of the total income of the State is spent on educational matters—it compares very favourably with other countries. While the expenditure on education is high, looked at from one point of view, from another point it can only be considered as very reasonable. When you make a comparison per head of the population as between what is spent in this country and what is spent in other countries on education, you find we are very much lower. The amount spent on education in this country per head of the population is less than 50 per cent. of what is spent by adjoining countries for the same purpose. Provided we get results from the additional expenditure I do not think there will be the objection that possibly some Deputies anticipate. While I say all that, I am not quite satisfied that we are getting the best results possible for the amount of money that is expended in this State on education. I think the time is rapidly approaching when some inquiry will have to be made into the matter in order to satisfy the taxpayer that we are getting the best results.

The only other matter that I would like to touch on is Recommendation 18. Like Deputy O'Connell and some of the other Deputies who have spoken, I am a very strong supporter of that recommendation. When one sees these boys and girls who have left school at the age of 14 and who are going about doing nothing, forgetting a great deal of what they learned, one feels that some immediate remedy is essential. By the time these boys and girls reach the age of 16 or 17 years they are absolutely unemployable. To my mind that system is doing a definite injury to these young people, upon whom we spend a considerable sum up to the age of 14. It is very unfortunate that they should be left at that age with nothing done for them. I agree with the Minister that the problem is a serious and a difficult one; but I do not think it is too difficult for us to tackle, and I am quite satisfied it is a problem that calls for legislation as soon as we can get it through.

As Deputy O'Connell said, this Bill is largely a machinery Bill. It covers a very wide field. It is a Bill which lends itself more to discussion in Committee than to a Second Reading debate. There are certain principles involved which can readily be seen. Those on whose behalf I speak have certain views in regard to those principles, and I think it well to state briefly the views we hold. In so far as the general educational provisions are concerned they have our very genuine and definite support. Speaking on behalf of farmers, I may say that we believe the educational facilities provided for the farmers should be extended and improved so as to give the people living in rural communities an opportunity of being on a level with those living in urban areas. We recognise clearly that the world competition in agriculture makes it essential that the rural communities, the farmers, and more particularly the farmers' sons, should have the necessary early education to place them in a position to be able to take advantage of the most modern scientific methods of farming. We do not accept that the standard by which the quality of education is to be judged in this country should be altogether the standard set by the amount of money which is spent upon education. We believe it is possible, within the amount of money at present spent on education, to improve considerably the facilities provided for the youth of this country. When I say that I do not wish it to be understood that I think we ought to stop exactly where we are in regard to the money expended on education. The point is that we must, in so far as it is possible, insist on getting value for the money that we spend; we must get full value for our money. As Deputy Good has pointed out, there is approximately one-fifth of the total State expenditure devoted to education, and even though that amount may not compare on a favourable basis with the proportions spent in other countries, it is nevertheless very considerable and we ought to get good value for it.

The main intention of the Bill, as applied to the rural community, is with regard to the extension of primary education through facilities provided by means of continuation schools. We feel it is essential that the standard of primary education shall be improved in rural communities. We have already mentioned here that boys who at the age of 16 attend agricultural classes have frequently been found to be so ill-educated that they are not fit to imbibe the technical and scientific agricultural knowledge which can be placed at their disposal in those classes.

The remedy for that situation offered by the Minister is the establishment of continuation classes. To the establishment of such classes we offer no objection, but, at the same time, I believe that the situation which has arisen, and which makes it necessary to establish them, might be met, at least, by endeavouring to improve the standard of education attained by children leaving the primary schools. I cannot be very dogmatic in stating that the standard of education among such children is not as high as it was in the past, but people who are in touch with boys passing out of primary schools say that the standard is not as high as it was in former days. I see Deputy O'Connell smiling. I am not blaming the teachers. All I am saying is that I do not know why the standard is not higher. It may be that the programme is not as good or that the intelligence of the average child is not as high as it used to be. It seems to me that before we spend more money on contination education for such children we should first make sure that we get the best possible value out of the money spent on primary education.

I was glad to hear from the Minister that his reports show that the introduction of the Compulsory Attendance Act is producing a better standard than prevailed previously. I trust that the continued enforcement of that Act will still further improve the standard which has been reached. The point about which I am most deeply interested in regard to this Bill is that dealing with the financial provisions. In so far as I interpret those provisions, they extend a principle, or rather, establish a new one, namely, throwing on local authorities the responsibility of finding a large portion of the money necessary for the provision of continuation education. As that education is, to a large extent, an extension of the existing system of primary education the Bill is throwing on local authorities an expense which, up to the present, has been met by the National Exchequer. I agree that opinions might reasonably differ as to whether the whole cost of education should be met by the National Exchequer, and also that strong arguments could be made in favour of having responsibility in connection with education, and in connection with the finding of funds for it, thrown on people locally. Such arguments could reasonably be put forward, but whether they could be supported at present I do not know. It is, however, certain that the cost of primary education has been borne by the National Exchequer, whereas in this Bill we are, in a sense, throwing the cost of the extension of the system of primary education on local bodies. That in itself is, perhaps, a new principle.

In regard to vocational and technical education, the money spent in that direction in the past has been provided by local bodies, but that has not been compulsory, and it has not been compulsory on the county councils to meet the requirements of local committees in regard to such money. It seems to me to be somewhat unfortunate that a demand of this kind should be made when a great cry is being raised all over the country in regard to rates borne by the farming community and at a time when a Committee is sitting to consider the question of de-rating. This Bill, as understood by the average farmer, means that on the date specified in the Schedule the rural community will be obliged to provide a local rate for continuation and vocational education to the extent of sixpence in the pound. It means to him an increase in his present rate to the extent of sixpence. On actual examination the Bill does not mean that. It would mean probably an extension of the amount to be paid by him to fourpence. I want to point out to the Minister in regard to the question of local rates that that is an item of expenditure that strikes farmers with the greatest force, because, next to the payment of rent or land annuities, it is the largest payment he has to make, and naturally he is strongly against any increase in cash payments.

My objection to the financial sections of the Bill as they stand is that it is practically mandatory on local councils to provide the necessary money—that is, unless local committees do, as they have power to do under the Bill—namely, start at twopence and extend it gradually to sixpence. The Bill provides for the establishment of local committees consisting of fourteen persons, of whom not less than eight shall be members of local bodies. That means that members of local bodies will be in the majority, but the Bill also gives power to add one or two additional representatives for urban areas, so that it might happen that the number of members representing the county council might be in a minority on a committee which would demand the rate to be provided. I think that that principle is not sound, and that if a local rate has to be provided under the Bill there should be maintained the principle that the people who have to pay the rate should also have responsibility for striking it. I, therefore, think that the Bill ought to be amended in Committee so as to give the rate-striking authority the power which it is proposed to give the local committee. In short, I suggest that the representatives of local bodies should either have the right as members of this committee to deal with the finances of such committee or the responsibility for striking the rate should be thrown on the county council.

As the Bill stands, there is responsibility on the local committee, of which the majority are members of the county council, but it is quite clear that at the financial meeting at which this rate is struck the majority of members might not be those representing the county council, so that it would become mandatory on the county council to strike a rate for education which was asked for by people who are not members of the council. In short, the principle which I am trying to establish here is that, in regard to the question of the extension of education, responsibility shall mainly rest with the representatives of the county council. What I am objecting to is the principle that additions may be made to local rates without the consent of local authorities who are responsible for the collection of such rates. In my opinion, if responsibility is left with the local authorities they will start with the minimum amount mentioned in the Bill and will gradually extend it to the maximum allowed. I ask the Minister to give consideration to the points I have submitted and also to give sympathetic consideration to amendments which will be put forward in Committee along those lines.

Deputy O'Connell found fault with the Minister not only in regard to the Bill but also because he was not sufficiently revolutionary. It seems to me that it might be laid down almost as a principle that a Minister for Education who is a revolutionary is a bad Minister. To my mind the best feature of the Bill is that it is revolutionary only in the sense in which any measure dealing with education can be revolutionary. Deputy Fahy made urgent inquiries from the Minister about teachers, buildings, and so forth and, apparently, expected him to bring into the House a hat from which he would produce a whole series of fully-trained teachers even before the Bill had passed its Second Reading. As I understand the Bill, and as I think Deputy O'Connell understands it, it is a measure which will produce a revolution in our educational system, but it will only do so at the proper time and it will take a good many years to show the full effects of that revolution. I think that the schedule contemplates twelve years. The Bill contemplates a whole series of stages in the future development of our vocational and technical education, each one of which stages will involve a great number of difficulties and responsibilities both on the Minister and on local bodies and each one can only be taken by itself.

The first step must be to set up local vocational committees. The second step, I presume, must be that these committees, in conjunction and consultation with the Minister, will plot out the ground to be covered in each area, first of all in regard to continuation education, and, in the second place, in regard to what will follow on continuation education, more specialised technical instruction. One of the features of the Bill is that it provides for any amount of variety in each centre. In respect of purely continuation education there should be room for any amount of local variety. There are hardly any two counties whose needs in the matter of continuation education, not to speak of technical education, are the same. If the Bill encourages a certain amount of competition, as between county and county, and promotes a tendency for each county to work out its own scheme, it will be all the more successful in its operations. I am inclined to think that perhaps the most satisfactory feature of the Bill is that it is a Vocational Education Bill only to a limited extent. One of the things that impeded technical education in this country more than anything else, though it may sound paradoxical to say so, was technical education.

You had far too many attempts in this country to impose a system of specialised technical instruction on a non-existent foundation. We have far too much, even at the present day, of an attempt being made to turn out captains of industry who can hardly write. We have too much altogether of the notion that there is a sharp line of distinction to be drawn between technical education and general education. We think that the two are, if not incompatible, at any rate capable of existing one without the other. The best part of this Bill is, to my mind, that it establishes definitely the principle that general education of a proper kind, suited not only to the country as a whole but to the locality and to the district in which each citizen lives, must come before technical education in the more specialised sense, and that before, under the Bill, the Minister and the local body can proceed to make elaborate provision for all kinds of specialised technical education they will, first of all, have to lay down the solid foundation on which any sort of education, technical or otherwise, can be built. One of the troubles in this country is that while, as Deputy O'Connell pointed out, farmers have almost a fixed opinion—it seems to have been the inheritance of centuries of misgovernment—that education is a matter which is of importance to everyone else except farmers; on the other hand, everyone else seems to have the fixed opinion that education is a matter whose sole aim and object is to get a job for the person who receives it. There again you have the same tendency towards a sharp line of demarcation between education on the one hand and technical or specialised scientific instruction on the other hand. I hope that this Bill will succeed in establishing to some extent the principle that not only are culture and the capacity to work not incompatible with each other, but that neither of them can very well exist in a country like Ireland apart from one another.

We have got away altogether from the old type of State in which there was contemplated by the very machinery of the State the existence at the top of a leisured class of people who could enjoy all the culture of the world without being able to do anything with their hands or very much for that matter with their heads. We should have got away from the notion that there is a distinction—some kind of a social distinction and a distinction from the point of view of learning, culture or something else—between the professions and the other avocations. In a country like this all work should be honourable and all work should be expected to be provided for in some way by the educational system of the country. Not only that but it should be understood that just as there can be no real culture in a country like this without the capacity to do some work it should be understood that nobody is really capable of doing work without some kind of culture, that is to say that neither the lawyer nor the tram conductor is as good if he is not able to write a decent letter as he would be if he were. There is no doubt a connection between the two kinds of education that it should be the business of our educational system to establish and bring out.

The importance of this kind of continuation education that we are going to establish now, especially for the agricultural part of our community, should not alone be that it will teach farmers to take advantage of their markets and teach them to understand their business better—it should do that, but not only should it do that but also it should teach them to be men and women in a fuller and more civilised sense of the word. We are living in a civilisation which has peculiarly marked characteristies of its own. We are living in a scientific age, and it seems to me that everybody, whether farmer, lawyer, doctor or professor, should be acquainted with that fact and should be orientated in some respect towards that fact. It should be possible by means of these continuation classes and schools to bring our young farmers up as citizens of a democratic State who have equal rights and privileges with everyone else and at the same time who belong to a particular kind of civilisation the most important characteristic of which is its scientific culture. They should have just the same outlook towards that scientific civilisation and the same capacity to profit by it that dwellers in cities and elsewhere have.

Before anything else is done under this Bill, I take it that provision will be made for continuation classes of that kind, and I hope that the recommendations of the Commission for the curriculum of such classes, as laid down in pages 44 and 45 of the Report, will be followed to a pretty close extent, because that curriculum gives a good approximation to the kind of education which is at once cultural and practical and which I think it should be the function of these continuation classes to give.

I do not agree that the primary schools should be expected to give very much in the way of practical education to the children going to them. I am inclined personally to look with a certain amount of suspicion on all attempts to introduce agriculture in any very marked degree in primary schools, because just as the boy or girl of 12 or 13 would not be a vast amount of use if put out on a farm, so they should not be expected to learn much agriculture in classes at that age. It is between the ages of 14 and 16 that the practical side of education should come in. That is why I think the mingling of practical and cultural education as set forth in this curriculum is an admirable mixture. I would not agree with the importance attached by the Commission to the subject of drawing. I do not know that I would have any admiration for the notion of introducing civies or citizenship as a subject into these continuation classes. I am always inclined to be suspicious of the people who approach civies as a special subject in itself. It seems to me that the whole of education should be education in civies, and if it is not there is something the matter with it. One of the functions of these classes should be to get the recipients of this continuation education to think for themselves as independent beings. I do not know that they can do any better service to the State than being able to think for themselves. On the whole, I hope such a programme will be the programme of these continuation classes and will be followed with modification to suit different localities.

A good deal has been said on the discussion of the Bill about the burden on local authorities. It seems to me there are two burdens which will be put on local authorities under this Bill. It may be a personal peculiarity, but I am rather inclined to be more afraid of the capacity of the local authorities to stand up under the moral burden than their capacity to stand the financial burden. After all, 6d. in the £ is not a very vast sum. I, personally, am inclined to think that if the local authorities were managed in every other respect as they should be, a shilling in the £ might be saved off local rates, and more than a shilling, in practically any county in Ireland at present.

The trouble about this Bill, from the point of view of local authorities, will be that popular election for the purposes of municipal government is not the best way of finding people who have sound views on educational matters, and the committee, which will always make it its principal business, first of all, to keep down rates in a certain way while allowing them to go up another way will not be able to give the consideration to the vast number of subjects that will arise even in the first stages of this Bill, that they should get. I am inclined to be afraid of the provision that the county council representatives shall be in a majority on these committees. While, of course, it is just in theory, it is very hard to produce committees who will be capable of surveying the field of local education and taking the huge steps necessary to provide a majority of our citizens with the only kind of higher education they will get. This Bill is going to give to 75 per cent. of our citizens the only equivalent they are likely to get for the Secondary and University education the more favoured ones get. It is very important, in setting out to do that, that the whole ground should be surveyed. All local opportunities should be taken into account. There should be as little waste of effort, as little dispersing of capacity, at the beginning as possible. I would be inclined to think if you could get some more expert committee than you are likely to be provided with by the county councils in this Bill that you would get better results.

It might be necessary to keep the financial control more stringent under a system like that. I do not think it is a matter of finance so much as a matter of looking into local possibilities and local requirements. Take a county where you have 4 to 6 secondary schools. There are counties with not much less than half a dozen secondary schools competing with one another. It might be possible to arrange that some of these schools could be turned over altogether to the work of providing continuation education. I believe it would be very important to secure that people interested in education and people acquainted with educational work locally be brought into touch with the county councils under this Bill. It would be far more important in this Bill than under the existing system and I hope that when the work begins due attention will be paid to the necessity of mobilising in each area all the educational forces available in order to concentrate on this immensely important problem of providing continuation education for the majority of citizens. The success of the Bill, in spite of the over-riding care of the Minister, must depend to a very large extent on the capacity and quality of these local Committees. I believe that the burden of thought and organisation that will be put upon them will be a burden under which they are far more likely to sink than the very small financial burden about which Deputy Heffernan is so much worried.

I am glad that my efforts during the past few months to induce the representatives of the farmers here to stand up to their responsibilities to the farming community has forced the late leader of that party to speak. While I am in favour of the general principle of the Bill, I view with great alarm the extra £300,000 which we are assured by the Minister for Education is going to fall on the local bodies.

My experience is that the financial promises of Ministers are only observed in the breaking. I, for one, have very little faith in the Minister's "may" as compared with the local authorities' "shall." I hope that, in the Committee stage, the Minister's "may" will be changed to "shall," and I hope that I will have the support of the Farmer Deputies on that point. At present the farming community of the Twenty-six Counties is crying out for de-rating, and it is rather peculiar that it is at this stage that the Minister introduces a Bill like this, placing a further burden on their shoulders—a burden which, in my opinion, they are not able to bear. I should have thought that a Minister who introduced a Bill of this description would finance it out of the Central Fund, particularly when he is borrowing £6,000,000 this year. Is this £6,000,000 going to follow the rest of the borrowings, and is it going to be parcelled out in pensions to all the satellites for election purposes? Is any part of that £6,000,000 to be reserved? The Minister knew very well a few weeks ago, when the Budget was before the House, that this Bill would be introduced. I think he should have looked for enough money to finance the Bill then, instead of throwing the burden on the local ratepayers. I would suggest that the Minister should get £150,000 out of the £250,000 that Messrs. Guinness gave to the National Loan the other day. seeing that Guinness will recoup themselves by an extra import of foreign barely and a further reduction in price of home-grown barley.

I rise to a point of order. Are we discussing the National Loan or the Education Bill?

The Deputy is quite right. Deputy Corry has wandered a long way from the Bill.

I am discussing the manner in which the finance of the Bill will be found.

On the Second Reading, I want to hear the Deputy on the general principle of the Bill.

Which involves striking a rate of from 2d. to 6d. by the local bodies. I hope, when I suggest an amendment at a later stage, I will not be told that the amendment would be contrary to the principle of the Bill. I notice that in all the financial clauses of the Bill the word "shall" is used in relation to the local body. In sub-section (3) of Section 44, it is stated "every rating authority to which a demand is made under this section by the vocational education committee for the vocational education area for which such authority is the rating authority shall pay to such committee at the prescribed time or times and in the prescribed manner the amount of such demand without any deduction whatsoever." I have been a member of a local body. We contribute both to technical education and to Irish language instruction a certain amount in rates each year. It has always been our right—I think it is a right that should be held by a local body—to review the work of these committees for the previous 12 months when striking the rate. It was our right if the money of that body was not being spent in a proper manner to withdraw the rate altogether. That right remained with the local body until now. I think it is rather extraordinary that a committee of this description should have the power set out here. I think the striking of the rate should be reserved to the local bodies, who should have power to vary it according to their capacity to pay.

We heard a lot from Deputy Tierney about the agricultural education that farmers are to get under this Bill. The only portion of the Bill that deals with agricultural education is Section 4, sub-section (3), and that sub-section states "The Minister may, from time to time, after consultation with the Minister for Agriculture, by order declare that the expression ‘technical education' shall, for the purposes of this Act, also introduce instruction in such subjects bearing on or relating to agriculture as may be specified in such order." There, again the Minister "may". I think there are too many "may" in the Bill as regards the Minister and too many "shalls" as regards the local authorities. That is the only section of the Bill that deals with agricultural education and that deals with it in a very haphazard manner. I welcome the compulsory clauses of this Bill as regards the farming community and the increase of the age to sixteen, because nine-tenths of the farming community in the twenty-six counties owe their very existence to the unpaid labour of their sons and daughters on the land. If it were not for the unpaid labour of their sons and daughters, the farmers would be gone from their farms long ago. The sooner the farming community in general are brought to a realisation of the fact that they owe more to their families than to all the drones they are supporting here the better. I hope this will be a contributory cause to bringing them to that realisation.

Deputy Tierney also spoke of the hope of civilising the farmers. He spoke of the difference between the uncivilised farmer and the professional man and others. But when he speaks of that social difference, he does not realise the manner in which that social difference is being brought about. Every profession carries its pension except the farmers' profession. Every profession carries its war bonus except the farmers' profession. If the Deputy looks at the matter in that light, he will change his views. The Deputy also said that 6d. in the £ for this technical education, which is the sum it will amount to in the end, is not a vast sum on the local rates. He made the very definite statement that 1/- in the £ could be saved by good management on the part of local bodies. I have been a member of a local body for the past six or seven years, and I can say that 1/- in the £ could be saved by getting rid of the Department of Local Government and their regulations about the increasing of salaries. In one area in my constituency, a Commissioner, sent down by the Department, increased salaries by £2,000 a year. I welcome the Bill, but I consider that the Minister should finance it out of the Central Fund or out of those £6,000,000 which he has collected instead of clapping it as an extra burden on the farmers, who are not able to bear the present burden. It is extraordinary that the Government should have set up a Commission to inquire into de-rating the land of the farmer and at the same time that they should clap on an extra burden in this way. I think it is time that that should stop.

I should like to take the opportunity, in the first instance, of congratulating the Minister on the fact that he did not allow to enter into this Bill a matter that served as a bone of contention for a long time in this House. Taunts were hurled at Ministers because of their alleged desire to deprive the local elected representatives of the people of the right to manage their own affairs. In this case, the Minister has provided that the representatives elected by the people will maintain a majority on the committee. I do not quite agree with Deputy Heffernan that this is a matter of indifference. Quite the contrary. I contend it is a matter of the utmost importance to the general public. I recognise that if the striking of the rate is obligatory it makes very little difference, in a sense, whether the elected representatives of the ratepayers on the county council have a majority on the committee or not. But it is important in many other respects. Perhaps I might appeal to the Minister to reconsider that portion of the Bill and not alone allow the committee to be constituted with a majority of the country council, but provide also that the committee shall have the right either to strike the rate or not to strike it. I would like the Minister not to make the striking of the rate obligatory. If I am asking too much I hope the Minister, when he is replying, will say why he considers it absolutely necessary to arrogate to himself the right to say to the committee: "You shall strike the rate." I do not like the word "shall." I must join with other Deputies in agreeing that it occurs too often in the Bill. It is set out repeatedly that a committee "may" do certain things, but if the Minister orders them to do otherwise then they "shall" do as he says. I suggest to the Minister that he might remove the word "shall" from many sections of the Bill.

I should like if the Minister would be more definite and give us fuller information as to how the teachers are to be provided. My reason for mentioning that is unlike the reason given by many Deputies who have spoken here this evening. I know there are a certain number of itinerant teachers who go around the country giving what is known as technical instruction. I say publicly that this Bill is absolutely necessary, and if we are ever to get any benefit from technical instruction the time has arrived when we should have some substitute for what we have been accustomed to for years. The farmers and ratepayers have had to put their hands in their pockets and contribute to the cost of technical education. I, as a member of this House and as Chairman of the County Council of Mayo for many years past, claim that we have got, and that the public have got, a very poor return for the money spent.

It has been an absolute waste. Therefore, I congratulate the Minister on having taken his courage into his hands and on facing this matter. While appealing to him for consideration on that point. I hope that this Bill will mean the abolition of things that existed and that were a scourge rather than a benefit to the public. I wonder how these so-called technical teachers who went round the country are going to be dispensed with, and in what manner they are going to be compensated. Are they going to be taken on under the new scheme and continued as teachers? It is not my ambition to deprive anybody of his living. Some of them may be most excellent men I am only speaking of the benefits, if any, derived by the ratepaying public as a result of technical instruction. I say that it is very difficult to recognise what these benefits were. The Minister has faced this gigantic task in a thorough fashion, and anybody who listened to his speech to-day will recognise that his object is a good one, that the results will be very beneficial to the country, and that at some future time the Minister will deserve congratulations on these results. There are other officials outside the so-called teachers, and in referring to them as such I do not intend to reflect on them in any way; I do not judge these men, I do not claim to be competent to judge them, but I do claim to be competent to judge the results of this so-called technical instruction, and they are negligible. There are at present men employed as secretaries to these technical instruction committees. What is going to happen in their cases? I am trying to point out, and I hope that the Minister will take it from me in good faith, the dangers it is absolutely necessary for us to provide against. Are these men going to take on additional duties which must inevitably come their way as a result of this Bill, and if they are, are we to take it that they will have increases in their salaries? That is an important consideration, and one on which I would be glad to have some definite information from the Minister. These are the things that will tell in the end; these are the things that might bring the Minister into conflict with the general public, because these are the things of which we have had fairly bitter experiences and I do not want these experiences repeated, but want to protect the people against them. If there are men who are paid salaries which, I think, are ample to compensate them for any service they have rendered or may render under this Bill, I would like to hear something definite from the Minister as to how these things are to be taken into consideration and dealt with. If we get a proper undertaking, I do not think there will be any great outcry in the country with regard to the Bill. The ratepayers' contribution starts at 2d. in the £. That is increased at the rate of one farthing a year until it reaches a rate of 6d. in the £. The Minister has not deprived the country councils or other local bodies of still having authority to deal with the finances of the scheme.

It is provided that the local authority, be it a county council or an urban council, shall have a majority on the committee, and I think that affords them fairly sound protection. Of course, I recognise that on the passing of the Bill it will become obligatory on them to strike the rate, increasing by a farthing a year, so that it is immaterial whether they have or have not a majority on the committees, but, at all events, the fact that they will have a majority affords them a certain security and removes the objection that has been raised here on many occasions that it is the desire of the Government to deprive local representatives of the people of the power to conduct their own affairs. On that point I repeat the congratulations that I have already extended to the Minister.

With regard to the different officials, it is important that we should have better information than is contained in the Bill. With regard to the striking of the rate, which will ultimately reach 6d. in the £, I would like to know whether the Minister proposes that this rate is to be collected. My object in pointing this matter out is to prevent overlapping, of which we hear so much from day to day and which is a cause of great complaint to the people in general. This is a danger to guard against. We have too many rate collectors; at all events we have enough. To whom will the duty of collecting this rate of 6d. in the £ be given? I would like to have that cleared up. Somebody said something about Irish, not Deputy Tierney, who said nothing about Irish. As far as I read the Bill, and I confess I have not read it through, there is nothing about Irish in it. A special rate for Irish is already in existence; the County Council of which I am Chairman strikes a rate of 1½d. in the £ for Irish each year. Is there any danger of confusion about this, any danger of having Irish in two places? If we have it in one places let us be definite about it and keep it in its proper place. Deputy Tierney did not suggest that Irish should be provided for, and I compliment him on that, because it is already provided for.

I have made these few remarks with the object of eliciting information from the Minister, and I am sure that he omitted to give this information through an oversight. I know that these things are likely to come up in Committee, and I hope that they will. It is absolutely necessary that they should, in order to remove a good many misunderstandings that we may have. I would finally appeal to the Minister to place the committees on an equal footing with himself so that both the committees and himself would have a right to do certain things, because, after all, I do recognise that there is a point to be considered with regard to the removal of officials. I can quite see the possibility of an official being guilty of a grave dereliction of duty and that the committee might not rise to its responsibility. In such circumstances I think it would be quite right and proper that the Minister should have power to remove that official, regardless of what the committee thought.

I am afraid that the opinion expressed by Deputy Davis with reference to technical education is held by a very considerable number of the ratepayers, and although I do not agree with the rather sweeping attack he made on the teachers—I do not know what teachers he was referring to, but his attack was rather sweeping——

I repudiate that I made any attack on the teachers. I expressed no opinion with regard to their efficiency or otherwise, but I did express an opinion with regard to what we have experienced as a result of their teaching.

The idea as to the result of the working of technical education, on the whole is undoubtedly a cause of heartburning in many counties. Thousands of pounds have been spent on technical education in every county in Ireland for years past, and if the matter was discussed with the average ratepayer he would tell you that he can see no result whatever from that expenditure. He will want to know if he is to continue to pay a rate for the assistance of a form of education from which he and the ratepayers as a whole derive no benefit. I have often criticised technical education, and I have always tried to look at it from the most sympathetic point of view. I welcome this Bill when I see in it the possibility of overcoming the evil of which we all complain. It is difficult to criticise technical education in this country for this reason: The Minister made reference to a couple of places in Germany where he saw a very perfect system of technical education working. It worked in such a way that it came into play in training operatives for an industry in the district. I always thought that that should be the aim in technical education. I would like to see it so arranged that we could do what the Americans do; we could have our young people so trained that when they began the struggle for life they would be able to walk into some industry or some business from the technical schools with trained minds and trained hands. I am afraid that so far we have not achieved that idea, due to the absence of industries in our midst. We train our young people, spend a considerable amount of money on them, and then send them abroad. In arguing this question of technical education with the people who are most interested they always say to me: "After all, look at the benefit the individual has gained." They say: "Look at the young man we sent to America from our technical schools. He is better fitted for the battle of life in America than if he had no technical education." That is all very well for the individual, but what benefit do those of us who have to remain at home and pay rates derive from that young man?

You have not to support him.

We spend a considerable amount of money on his education, and make a present of him as a trained expert to another country.

If we did not train him, he would not get employment in another country; he would be unemployed at home.

That is just the thing I am fighting against. It is all right for the individual, but where do the people come in who have to remain at home and continue to pay the rates to train people to go abroad and give the benefit of that education to a foreign country? I am not denying the benefit to the individual, but when considering the question of technical education we have to remember that we are speaking for the people who have to remain at home and pay the cost. Deputy Good will agree that it is very desirable that we should, if possible, be able to keep our technically-trained young people at home. So far as this Bill helps us to do that, we all welcome it. Of course, many technical schemes in the past have not been very suitable for the localities in which they were tried. I have heard of domestic economy classes in a party urban and a partly rural district in which those attending were taught to make expensive confectionery, the materials for which, in some cases, cost as much as 10/-, and required a rather elaborate cooking apparatus to prepare them. That is hardly suitable for a people such as ours, the vast majority of whom are agriculturists and have not even a range to do the cooking.

I entirely agree with Deputy Tierney with regard to the cultural side of education. There has been too much respect in this country for what is known as "white collar" occupations. The idea was prevalent that because a man put on a suit of overalls and had to dirty his hands he was degraded. That idea is still prevalent, and every effort should be made to stamp it out. The idea that because a man sat at a desk and wrote in a ledger, or stood behind a counter and handed out goods to customers, he was therefore socially superior to the man who worked on a farm, or who used his hands and his brains working at a skilled trade, should be got rid of. This idea of continuation education, followed up by technical education, in which we can have tradesmen cultured is a very good one. I thoroughly agree with Deputy Tierney that the more culture we give our manual workers the better both for them and the country as a whole. I regret the fact that even amongst educated people you will sometimes hear the absurd statement that we have too much education, that people would be far better off if they had less education. I agree that in some cases we do overdo it and spoil a man who would make a very good labourer by making him a very indifferent clerk. Many people are forced into occupations for which they are utterly unsuited.

In connection with this system we are now dealing with, if we could segregate our people into their proper grooves, so to speak, and not try to put a square peg into a round hole, and force a certain class of education on a man who would be far better off if he were left to pursue a manual education, I think we would be doing well. I hope the Minister will take into consideration the importance of simplifying primary education, as he has an opportunity now of doing it. We have been rather cramming our pupils in the primary schools and instead of doing them any good we are only giving them confused ideas on a number of subjects. The time has come when we should simplify our primary education course and hold over a lot of the subjects for the continuation schools. In the primary schools we should rather inculcate a desire for knowledge and education. At present we are rather disgusting the children in the primary schools. They will tell you that they hate this subject and that subject and that they are badgered with them, and I do not blame them. I think that in endeavouring to cram primary, secondary and university education into one we have been rather making a mistake.

It has been stated that the proposed charge on the local rates is not a fair one. I am afraid if we want to get people interested in education we will have to make them feel the burden of it directly. If people get into the habit of having everything paid for by the State they get the idea that it is the business of the officials appointed by the State. When they have to pay for it directly, they are inclined to take a greater interest in it. I know they will grumble very severely about the extra rate imposed upon them, but on the whole I think it is no harm that they should be made to feel rather more directly the importance of education.

I congratulate the Minister most cordially on the Bill. I think it will fill a deplorable gap in our educational system and bring our education into line with the systems in other old and civilised countries. The central idea of the Bill really is the vocational committees. As Deputy Tierney pointed out, the success of the Bill turns on that, and any criticism I would make now is directed to that point. The idea of a local committee is a good one, and I see nothing but good coming from that. It will bring the education into harmony with local conditions and needs; and I think there will also be a secondary effect, as possibly it will stimulate local industry and enterprise. I imagine that these local vocational committees will be really centres of light and points of reception for new ideas for some parts of the country which to-day sadly lack them. But, when one examines the constitution of the vocational committees, one feels the misgiving to which Deputy Tierney gave expression. The administration of these schools will call for certain qualities, certain expert knowledge, certain ideas and outlooks that one will not necessarily find in a councillor, whether urban or county or borough. The qualities that ensure his election to the council are rather of a political character perhaps. The councillor is not necessarily a man who has got the interest in or experience of education which the Minister hopes that the members of these committees will have. Of course, it does not follow that there will not be such men on the council, but it will be by accident, not of necessity. I think also there will be a considerable number of men whom it will be desirable to have on your vocational committees who are just the type who would never present themselves for election to urban or county or borough council. It would be very desirable to recruit these men. After all, the outlook of the vocational committee will be dictated by the outlook of the majority, and if you make that outlook the outlook rather of a county council than that of a formative educational committee, you will not necessarily get the best results. Accidentally you may get them, but I think the Minister ought to look a little more carefully into the constitution of the vocational committees. That is the weakness; that is the danger.

I think the Minister will remember that when in another country they were starting a great system of schools somewhat of this type in certain parts the schools did not come up to the expectations of the trained educationist who designed them, simply because the local minds which dominated these schools and managed them were rather centred on economy, on anything but educational interests. If I remember rightly, the system of management had to be radically reformed in these districts before the folk schools became what they were intended to be. I should like to stress this point which Deputy Tierney touched upon, and I do hope that the Minister will reconsider the constitution of the vocational committees. I admit that the urban council or the county council should have a voice in the finances. That is desirable, but I am afraid that as constituted here financial considerations would over-ride every other consideration, and certainly narrow the outlook and, as it were, sap the vitality of this managing body.

Tá súil agam nách bhfuil sé as bealach labhairt as Gaedhilg ar an mBille seo. Do mhínigh an tAire an Bille dhúinn go maith ach níor thug sé an méid eolais a bhí de dhíth orainn ar mionrudaí a bhaineas leis an gceist. Cuir i gcás, i ndeire Artiogal 3, tá na focla "continuation education means education to continue and supplement education provided in elementary schools." Dubhairt an tAire nach raibh sé sásta leis an teideal "continuation education" ná leis na focla "introductory education." Níl fhios agam an bhfuil sé sásta no an mbeidh sé sásta leis an teideal, "vocational education." Rinne Teachta éigin tagairt don ghá atá le leanúint le cultural education. Ní dó liom gur féidir stop do chur le teasasg de chuid de sna hadhbhair léighinn, mar cheol Ghaedhalach agus béal-oideas, nuair a shroiseas an páiste 14 bhliain d'aois, mar adubhairt an tAire. Is dó liom gurab é sin an t-am is mó a theastuigheanns oideachas cultúrach ó pháiste. Rinne an tAire tagairt do na scéimeanna atá aca i dtíortha eile. Dubhairt sé gur ghlac sé comhairle le muinntir Sweden ach níor thrách sé ar scéim ar a raibh a lán díospóireachta san tír seo—an scéim atá acu i Danmare in a bhfuil scoileanna béal-oidis agus árd-scoileanna. Deirtear go bhfaigheann trí cheathrú de mhuinntir Danmare oideachas sna scoileanna so agus go gcabhruíonn siad go mór le dul ar aghaidh na tíre, gidh nach bhfuil technique ná rud ar bith mar sin le foghlaim ionnta ag na daoine fásta. Ach foghlamuíonn siad co-oibreachas agus co-cháirdeachas.

Deir a lán daoine san tír nach bhfuilimíd ag fáil an méid tairbhe agus ba cheart as an £5,000,000 a caithtear ar oideachas san Stát so. Isé adeir siad ná "Nílimíd sásta le scéim an bhun-oideachais atá i bhféidhim." Is dócha nach bhfuil siad sásta leis an teanga. Tá beirt no triúr nach bhfuil sásta leis an teanga agus nuair a cuirtear na Coistí seo ar bun beidh na daoine seo agus daoine mar iad ag rá nach oideachas cultúrach a theastuigheannas ó na daoine ach oideachas a bheas tairbheach do na mic léighinn agus dos na h-inghine léighinn atá ag fágailt scoile agus atá ag iarraidh postanna no obair d'fháil. Déarfaidh na daoine seo gurab é sin an sórt oideachais atá de dhíth ar na daoine óga agus, mar gheall ar sin, aontuighim le Teachta O Tighearnaigh agus le Teachta Altún, go mba mhaith an rud áit do thabhairt ar na Coistí so do dhaoine go bhfuil baint aca le ceisteanna oideachais— cuir i gcás Connradh na Gaedhilge ag a raibh baint le obair mar sin le 20 bliain anuas. Ba cheart Alt speisialta a chur san mBille chun áit a thabhairt do na daoine seo ar na Coistí. Tá an tAire chun áit a thabhairt ar na Coistí do lucht oibre agus do lucht tráchtála ach níl aon chur sios aige ar cultural associations. An mbeidh baint dlightheach ag na hoidí náisiúnta no ag na hoidí idir-mheánaigh no ag na daoine as na hOllscoileanna leis na Coistí, nuair atá na scéimeanna seo leagtha amach? Tá na Coisti le dul i gcomhairle leis na múinteóirí nuair a bheidh an scéim 'ghá cheapadh ar dtús ach ní tabharfar aon chongnamh dóbhtha, do réir an Bhille. Ba cheart sompla-chúrsaí do chur san mBille—sompla—chúrsa a bheadh oriúnach do na bailte beaga agus sompla-chúrsa le haghaidh aitcanna fá'n dtuaith. Do réir an Bhille, beidh ar na Coistí scéim do cheapadh agus do chur i bhfeidhum gan congnamh ón Aireacht.

Tá teisteas de dhíth ar na mic léighinn a bheidh tar éis an bhunscoil d'fhágailt agus a bheidh ar tí dul isteach i scoil na gceard no sna scoileanna leanúna. Ach tá a lán scoláirí nach bhfuil an "leaving certificate" acu gidh go bhfuil siad 14 bhliain d'aois no níos mó na sin. Níl aon slí in ar bhféidir leo san oideachas d'fháil agus do mhol an Coimisiún go leanfar leis an introductory course go ceann cúpla bliain i dtreo go bhfaigheadh na paistí seo breis oideachais agus go mbeadh siad in ánn dul isteach faoi na scéimeanna seo.

Rinne an tAire tagairt dos na scéimeanna a chonnaic sé san nGearmáin agus dubhairt sé nach bhfuil aon teagase céirde sna títhe comhnuithe anois, go raibh na buachaillí agus na cailiní ag dul chun scoile chun gach sórt oideachais d'fháil le slí-bheatha do bhaint amach. Tá deantúisí móra againn anois ach ní fheicim go ndéanfaidh oideachas speisialta de'n tsort san mórán maitheasa do sna macaibh léighinn. Mar adeir an Coimisiún tá barraidheacht "repetitive processes" san oideachas san agus, mar adhbhar oideachais, níl sé chó maith do dhaoine óga atá ag fanúint san tír agus a bheadh cúrsa cultúrach a bhainfeadh le saol na tíre. Tá a lán ranganna in a múintear cúrsaí cócaireachta agus a leithéid. Ach an chocaireacht so is minic a bheadh sí níos oriúnaí do na tithe ósta na do tithe dhaoine bhochta.

Is dó liom go mba cheart, mar adubhairt an Teachta O Goilín, cuid de na hadhbhair léighinn do bhaint as clár na mbun-scoileanna agus iad do chur faoi chúram na gCoistí seo. Deir a lán daoine go bhfuil an iomad adhbhar léighinn sna bun-scoileanna agus nach bhfuil na múinteóirí in ánn dul ar aghaidh mar gheall ar sin. Is dócha gur féidir cuid de na hadhbhair do bhaint amach anois agus clár na mbun-scoileanna do shimplíú.

Ní dubhairt an tAire conus mar a mbeidh múinteóirí Gaedhilge faoin mBille seo. I gcathair Chill Choinnigh, ní bhfaghfar ach £160 as 2d. sa phúnt ar na rátaí agus, san Chonntae, £3,000. Ach tá £6,000 ghá chaitheamh i gCill Choinnigh féin ar an nGaedhilg. Nuair a cuirfear an scéim seo i bhféidhm, cuirfear deire leis an méid oibre atá á dhéanamh faoi'n deontas sin, ag na ranganna oíche. Mar adubhairt an tAire, níl aon rud san mBille in aghaidh Gaedhilg do theagasg ag na ranganna óiche ach, mar sin féin, cuirfidh an Bille deire leis na ranganna so. Beidh seans leis an teangaidh do theagasc ag na cúrsaí i rith an lae agus ag na cúrsaí faoi na gCoistí ach cuirfear deire leis na ranganna Gaedhilge san óiche. Níl aon chur sios san mBille ar na múinteóirí a cuirfear as obair ar an dóigh so. Gidh gur mhol an Coimisiún airgead do chur i leith chun na múinteóirí seo do thréanáil i dtreo go mbeidh siad in ánn adhbhar léighinn eile do theagase seachas an Ghaedhilg, ní dheárna an tAire aon nídh ar a son.

Is dó leis na múinteoirí Gaedhilge go bhfuil rún ag an Aire deire do chur le téagasc na Gaedhilge sna ranganna so, agus nách ceart sin do dheánamh gan leith-scéal. Mar adubhairt an Teachta O Fathaigh, b'fhéidir nách bhfuil na ranganna go maith i gcuid de sna contaethe. I gcontaethe eile, tá siad an-mhaith ach is deacair do sna múinteoirí an Roinn Oideachais do shásamh an fhaid agus nách bhfuil scéim ceart faoi réim. Is deacair ranganna cearta do chur ar bun le haghaidh daoine fásta. Teastuigheann ó na daoine seo rinnce agus ceol agus cile, agus má bhíonn an iomad oibre as leabhraí ní thagann siad chun na ranganna. B'fhéidir nách bhfuil cuid de sna múinteóirí ro-mhaith. ach sar a gcuirfear deire le na gcuid oibre, tar éis an méid a rinne siad ar son na Gaedhilge, ba cheart féachaint isteach san scéalagus socrú sealadach do dhéanamh leanúint leis na ranganna go dtí go mbeidh faill acu céimeanna no qualifications d'fháil.

Do mhol an Coimisiún a lán rudaí eile faoi airgead agus ní dheárna an tAire aon tagairt dóibh. Dubhairt siad go mba cheart é costas an bonus a tugtar do na múinteoirí lánaimsire do thabhairt ar ais do sna Coistí agus na deontaisí atá 'á thabhairt anois do mhéadú. Dubhairt an tAire go sroisfí poinnte go mbeadh £300,000 á chaitheamh sa deire. Ba mhaith liom fiafraí de, an bhfuil san méid sin aon airgead chun an bonus d'íoc no deontaisí le haghaidh scoileanna nua do chur ar bun. Cad a dhéanfaidh sé fá sin? Níor thug sé ó 1920 ach £3,000 sa bhliain mar deontaisí tógála. Ba mhaith liom fios a fháil cén caoi a thabharfaidh sé an deontas agus ce'n méid sa chéad a thabharfaidh sé do sna Coistí chun scoileanna nua do thógáil. Dá mbeadh an aois árduithe fá'n Acht Freastal Scoile, ó 14 blian go 15 blian agus dá leanfadh na páistí bliain eile ag an bun-scoil, bheadh an costas iomlán ar an Rialtas. Anois, tá oideachas le tabhairt do na paistí seo go ceann dhá bhlian eile agus beidh cuid mór —a leath, ar a laighead—de'n chostas san ar na Coistí aitiúla.

I gcuid de na bailte in a bhfuil sgoileanna na gceárd fá láthair, gidh go gcuirtear ar na rátaí 2d. sa phunt, ní bailightear ach £100 no níos lugha ná sin. Nuair a theastuigheann ó sna coistí £3,000 chun scéim do chur ar bun i mbaile mór, mar Thráighlí, an mbeadh sé ar na daoine £3,000 d'íoc no an dtabharfaidh an Rialtas a leath gach bliain. Ba mhaith liom a chlos ón Aire cionnus mar a déanfar an roinnt agus an dtabharfaidh sé níos mó air gid do sna bailtí beaga na do sna bailtí móra, mar Bhaile Atha Cliath agus Corcaigh agus bailte eile, in a bhfuil na Coistí in ánn nios mó airgid do bhailiú.

Maidir leis an nGaeltacht, is dó liom gurab é an rud is fearr do dhéanamh ná a thuille airgid do thabhairt do na deantúisí beaga atá ann. Tá a lán cailíní ag obair annsin ach níl siad ach ag obair ach ar feadh cúpla lá sa tseachtain agus tá rompa i gcomhnuidhe dul go dtí America an chéad uair is féidir leo. Ba cheart a thuille congnaimh do thabhairt do sna déantúisí beaga seo agus iarracht do dhéanamh chun na daoine óga so do choimeád sa bhaile. Táim ar aon intinn leis na Teachtaí go mba cheart "compulsory attendance" do chur i bhféidhm sna bailtí. Is dó liom freisin go mba cheart don Aire sompla-chúrsaí do chur ós cóir na gCoistí i dtreo go mbeidh siad in ánn cúrsaí do cheapa a bheidh oiriúnach do sna háiteanna in a bhfuil siad ag obair.

Sin an méid atá agam le rá, ach ba mhaith liom fios d'fháil ón Aire, no ón gCeann Comhairle, an mbeidh cead ag Teachta leasú do chur isteach mar gheall ar "cultural education" in alt a 3. Nílim sásta leis an méid a dubhairt an tAire ar an bpoinnte seo. B'fhéidir go mbeadh an Ghaedhilg ann mar adhbhar léighinn ach ní dubhairt sé faic mar gheall ar adhbhair eile do mhúineadh tré'n Ghaedhilg. Nílim sásta i m'intinn féin nach gcuirfidh na scéimeanna so deire leis na ranganna Gaedhilge le haghaidh daoine fasta. Mar gheall ar sin, ceapann na daoine ar an dtaobh seo den Tigh gur ceart na rudaí seo do dhéanamh níos soléire na mar tá siad.

Ní féidir leis an gCeann Comhairle a ra an mbeidh aon leasú in ordú go dtí go bhfeicfidh sé an leasú, ach ní dó liom go mbeadh aon bhac ar an dTeachta an leasú den tsórt san do chur os cóir na Dála.

I would like to join in the complimentary remarks made in regard to the opening speech of the Minister and also in regard to the Bill. I heartily approve of the Bill. I think it is a valuable and practical Bill and is likely to enable our young people to equip themselves better if they take advantage of it, to earn their livelihood. I agree with what has been said that criticism of the Bill must come on the Committee Stage rather than on this stage. Very naturally an amount of the criticism that has been levelled against the Bill has centred itself on these vocational councils or committees. I heartily approve of them myself. My opinion is that the Minister's proposals are thoroughly sound in this matter. I do not agree at all with the criticisms which have been levelled at the constitution of these vocational councils or their powers. For instance, I felt that the Secretary for Posts and Telegraphs was quite apprehensive that these vocational councils would have power to cause the main body to levy a rate that it did not want to levy. The section clearly indicates that the vocational committee shall send the scheme forward to the Minister and except with the Minister's approval it cannot succeed in getting a rate from the levying body, and only then within certain limits which are laid down in the Act. I do not think the Secretary for Posts and Telegraphs has anything to be afraid of there. The Minister will act as a check upon an over-enthusiastic vocational council. On the other hand my experience of such committees is that if a committee contains a certain number of experts on a subject, even though they may be outweighed in number by those who are non-expert in that subject, it will be the experts that will really bring in the scheme that will be the result of that committee's work. I am not at all alarmed at the suggestion that the majority of the proposed vocational committees should consist of members of the main council provided that the balance is made up of those who know something about the educational work that the committee is going to deal with.

There is only one other matter that I would like to make any reference to. I am rather inclined to think it is outside the scope of the Bill altogether. References were made to the qualifications of the teachers that were to be employed and the possibility of getting properly qualified teachers. It seems to me that the Bill does not contain any reference to that at all, and I am inclined to think that it should not, because the machinery that the Bill deals with is setting up a system for providing such teachers, not for saying what kind of teachers that machinery is going to make use of. Doubts were thrown as to the possibility of getting teachers enough. I think that those doubts are probably very well founded. I am quite sure of one thing—that is, that there are a good many people who have been acting as continuation teachers in the past and who have had nothing to live on for the past couple of months. They will be very glad to hear of this shortage. It may lead to their getting employment as soon as this Bill gets under way. I dare say the Minister will be able to tell us. It is quite impossible to make any suggestion about them in the Bill. I am very pleased that we have got this Bill put before us. I think it is a very good and practical one.

As has been remarked by several Deputies during the discussion, most of the points raised are really Committee points. Something has been said about the contribution from the rates. I think it was the Secretary for Posts and Telegraphs who made the statement that we were, to a certain extent, introducing a new principle in this particular Bill. That is not the case. I quite admit that we are practically alone in the world in the very slight demand that we make on the rates for educational purposes. That is quite true. Except in the way of scholarships, they contribute very little to the cost of university education. They contribute a little by way of scholarships also to the cost of secondary and primary education. That, I will admit, is a unique position. There are certain other local contributions made in connection with these different branches. The only place in which a comparatively small contribution is made is under the existing system of technical education. Even there we are not introducing a new principle. I cannot accept the view that this is simply an extension of primary education. I have struggled against that conception from the beginning. I do not intend it to be such. It is rather a reform, so far as that can be legislatively managed, of the existing system of technical education which, as I explained in practice, whatever may have been the intention of the legislators, does embrace a large amount of continuation education. Therefore, strictly, there is no new principle introduced.

I made it clear that we estimated what the ultimate cost of this may be. I do not mean what the cost will be next year or the year after, but we will say in seventeen or twenty years. I have been asked whether that contemplated the full sixpence in the £ with a corresponding contribution from the Exchequer for the increase. To that no precise answer can be given, no "yes" or "no" definitely, for this reason. We calculated that on the number of pupils that we thought we would have to provide for and the cost per pupil. You will find, in the case of a good many counties, it is not necessary to reach it. A good many counties at present strike very much less than the maximum rate. Cork strikes the maximum rate. Other counties strike about half. They will have enough money the first year to get on with. County Cork may not have.

A good deal of criticism—I have a certain amount of sympathy with it —has been levelled at the composition of the committee. Deputy Thrift does not think that this criticism was altogether justified. Possibly it was not. I was, as I have explained to the House, in a dilemma. I wished to safeguard the principle that has been advocated from different parts of the House. I think it was mentioned from the opposite Benches, and certainly by the Secretary for Posts and Telegraphs and by Deputy Davis. I wanted to safeguard the principle of the body which is responsible for finding the rate having a controlling voice in the matter. However, in the better interests of the working of the scheme, and also, I confess, to give more opportunity to the council to select the best men they could in a county, it might be preferable to give them a free hand. I found that that was open to the objection, that if I gave them a free hand there was a danger that the body that did not, in the majority of its composition, represent the rate-striking authority, would have the power to increase the rates within the limits mentioned in the schedule to this Bill. For that reason, I changed the original provision that I had, and I put in a provision that a majority of the new committee would be really representing the local rating authorities. I quite admit to Deputy Tierney and Deputy Alton that that is not satisfactory. A county council may be excellent as a county council.

It may not even think itself the best body to look after an educational scheme. Yet here it is compelled to put on eight of its members. On the other hand, I am anxious to get the principle that a rating authority will have a controlling voice in the persons that represent it. Between this and the Committee Stage I may be able to work out something that will more definitely reconcile what I might call conflicting interests in that particular matter. I am quite ready to give that full consideration. As regards the State Contribution, when the thing, as I say, gets into equilibrium, there will be pound for pound. I mean there will be a contribution from the Exchequer. Even supposing a county that strikes as much as will carry it on for a couple of years, if it wants more money, before it strikes a new rate it might reasonably ask a contribution from the Exchequer also. I do not want to be misunderstood on that point. I must say I felt myself the view that Deputy Tierney expressed. Deputy Fahy asked me about various things. I do not know whether he wanted me to produce them in the Bill. I presume not, but it did sound rather like that. There are a number of teachers, I admit, at present. Deputy Fahy mentioned these teachers. They are in employment. I do not see why, on the whole, their employment need be adversely affected by this Bill. I quite agree with Deputy Thrift. I hope that the number of those that are engaged in teaching work may get employment as a result of this Bill which otherwise they would not get. Deputy Fahy asked about part-time teachers. We must always have part-time teachers, especially for technical education, because very often what you want is a man who is engaged in the actual trade in which he gives instruction. It is a matter on which there has been a great deal of controversy, but in many cases we have to get a man of that type. He has very often a more moral effect on the apprentices with whom he deals than would a person otherwise placed. Part-time instruction you will always have.

As regards Irish instructors, I hope to take a number of them and train them, those of them who are most capable of training, in Irish and other subjects. There are others who probably will be given employment under this Bill, they are not guaranteed under this Bill, and they are not guaranteed at present. Deputy Good undoubtedly hit on what is a difficulty, and what you might say is a blot in the Bill. That is the matter of compulsion for whole-time attendance as applied to those not in employment. I pointed out the extreme difficulty of enforcing that, even if you had the power theoretically. If you put into this Bill a general clause such as you have in Section 24 of the Compulsory School Attendance Act you would be faced with the difficulty of how it could be enforced and how you could get a court to deal with a matter of that kind effectively. That is the real difficulty. I think it is an over-statement that we are doing nothing for the people between 14 and 16 years. They will come under the compulsory provision; the power is there so far as it is applied. With regard to part-time attendance, where it is applied to any area it affects all people in that area, whether in or not in employment. I trust, the facilities, when they are provided, will attract numbers of others.

I am quite willing, on those and some other points which have been raised, to give the matter full consideration in Committee if I really think that anything effective can be hammered out. There is no good in having a compulsory clause if you cannot get any decision recorded when you try to put it into force. Deputy Goulding gave us what I might describe as rather an interesting lecture on technical education in general. He wanted to know what was the value of it to the community. It is of value. Not everyone who has been trained in a technical school goes to America. I have a certain amount of sympathy with Deputy Goulding's point of view, but I think that even in the case of those who do go to America it is better for the country they should be trained. It must be remembered it would cost just as much to train the people who remain. A number of questions could be asked on the line of those submitted by Deputy Goulding and Deputy Davis, but it is rather hard to answer questions of that kind put in the abstract fashion. Deputy Goulding himself realises the difficulty of answering them, and I have the same difficulty. I do know that every country considers technical training is good, and I am sure that our future lies in the direction of the satisfactory training of our people. I have dealt with the main general points that were raised. I agree that a certain number of points will require consideration. There are one or two things that I have to stand on, but I feel sure that we will be able to improve the Bill in Committee. I am not quite satisfied with the composition of committees, and before the Committee Stage I may be able to do something to meet the objections that have been raised.

Question—"That the Bill be now read a Second Time"—put and agreed to.
Committee Stage fixed for Wednesday, 28th May.
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