Previous to the adjournment of the House on Friday last, I gave very briefly and in the short time at my disposal four reasons why Deputies should vote for the amendment on the Order Paper. The first reason was for the purpose of giving the House an opportunity of showing its disapproval of what I described as the Minister's half-way house policy for industrial development. By that I mean as far as I understand the Minister's policy, the policy which he has adopted of encouraging the development of industry through the agency of the Trade Loans Guarantee Act, plus the policy of selective protection which is the Government's policy with regard to industrial development. In answer to the question which I addressed to the Minister for Industry and Commerce last week, the Minister informed me that between the date of the passing of the Trade Loans Guarantee Act of 1924 and the 31st March of this year a sum of £325,840 had been sanctioned by his Department under the Act. The number of persons employed at the date of the passing of the Act by the firms who have received guaranteed loans was 110; the number of people employed on the 31st March this year by the same firms was 873. In other words, between the date of the passing of the Trade Loans Guarantee Act and the 31st March last the Minister's policy has had the effect of finding employment for 793 persons. Assuming that it is correct, and I am not going to say it is, that the total sum of £325,840 would eventually have to be found by the taxpayers of this country, it would have cost the taxpayers £130 per person to find this employment for 793 people in the intervening period.
I do not think that the Minister will claim that that is a very great or a very marvellous contribution towards the solution of the problem of unemployment, and that it is no great effort on the part of the Government to encourage industrial development. The Trade Loans Guarantee Bill when originally introduced into the House received the qualified support of the members of the Labour Party. If the Minister will read the Official Report of the Second Reading debate on that occasion he will find that many of the things which were pointed out by the then leader of the Labour Party have since happened. He will find that if the suggestions then put forward had been adopted by the Government there might have been very different results now.
I would like the Minister to tell us, if he can, what portion of the £325,840 was given to firms in industries that had already received the benefit of tariffs. What portion, if any, of that money may now be treated as a bad or irrecoverable debt, and what amount of new capital has been put into tariffed industries by private capitalists? I am sure the Minister will agree that that has a bearing on the matter. The members of this Party contend that the industrial policy of the present Government has failed to achieve the objects for which the Government themselves adopted it.
[An Leas-Cheann Comhairle took the Chair.]
We are perfectly satisfied that it is practically useless for the taxpayers of this State, and we are satisfied that all these taxpayers will have to pay either one way or the other for the development of these industries and for the guaranteed loans which may have to be found unless these industries are reorganised on a national scale. We have a considerable number of industries which have received the benefit of tariffs, and I do not see that there is any co-operation between the firms concerned in these industries—cooperation of the kind which would enable them to turn out and manufacture in quantity and quality the commodities that are required by the citizens of this State.
I take the boot industry as a clear case in point. As far as I know there is very little reduction in the numbers of pairs of boots imported into the Saorstát since the tariff was put on. There has been very little effort on the part of those firms who got the benefit of a tariff to turn out the type of boot which the majority of the people of this country require. I am extremely anxious to find out to what extent new capital has been put into that industry and whether the Minister believes that the policy of the Government in giving the benefit of the tariff to people engaged in the industry has brought about the results which the Government hoped to achieve at that particular period. The tariffs have got and are getting a fairly long trial, and in our opinion the people who were given this form of assistance have not done their duty in manufacturing the type of boots which the majority of the people of this State require. On one occasion I gave the Minister a copy of an advertisement which appeared in the "Daily Mail" and the "Irish Independent" on one day and which was inserted by a Northampton boot firm. That advertisement appeared in the "Daily Mail," circulating in England, and in the "Independent," circulating here, and showing clearly a photograph on the body of the advertisement that the price was 16s. 9d. in England and 18s. 9d. in Dublin, proving clearly that the people who want this type of boot, and will get it, will have to pay the amount which is put on the boot in the shape of a tariff.
The members of the Labour Party believe that the benefits of a tariff should not be given to any industry or to any group of people engaged in an industry unless there is some reorganisation of the present methods of production and until there is an assurance given by the Government that there will be a monopoly of the whole market available for the home manufacturers. The population of this State is only three million people. On the other side of the Channel there is an available market of forty-five million people. The policy of rationalisation or nationalisation, or whatever one likes to call it, is being pursued there very vigorously by the industrial people, with the result that the available capital at their disposal makes it possible for them to throw their surplus boots or other manufactured articles into our market at prices considerably below what the firms here can turn out these articles at in the ordinary way. The experience of seven years which the Ministers now have of the boot tariff should go to show the necessity there is for insisting upon the reorganisation of these small industries on national lines and the necessity there is for guaranteeing the home market if that can be done without any disadvantage to the consumer. That guarantee should be given to every industry which gets the benefit of a tariff at the expense of the taxpayers of this State.
The point is, can we establish new industries or maintain existing ones by tariffs or guaranteed loans unless we give a monopoly to those who control such industries in our own limited home market? I would like the Minister's answer to that in the light of the inside experience he had of the working of the firms who got these advantages during the last six or seven years. Can this be done without a reorganisation of the existing industries and a greater and more direct form of national control? We say not. If the Minister believes there is any good ground for that opinion then it is up to him to alter the policy of the Government which they have followed and face the new situation that confronts him.
There is another matter that I would like to refer to. From my own personal observations of the manner in which the Trade Loans Guarantee Act has been and is being administered, it is being administered only nominally by the Department of Industry and Commerce but in reality by a well-known firm of chartered accountants in this State. An application for a loan is referred to an Advisory Committee consisting of certain selected persons, people who are heads of certain firms of chartered accountants in the State, plus one person— very seldom more—who has some experience of the working of the industry. The loan is sanctioned by the Minister through the agency of the Industrial Trust, the directors of which consist practically of the controlling individuals of these very same firms of chartered accountants and auditors. The Industrial Trust, then, has the power to appoint directors or a certain number of directors on Boards of the firms which get the benefit of the loan. Again, these firms, consisting of accountants and auditors, nominate a representative of their own as a director of the firm that gets the benefit of the loan, and when it comes to the winding-up of the firm, strangely, it is wound-up by the same individuals. If there is any responsibility given in the future to the Minister of continuing the policy outlined in the Trade Loans Guarantee Act there must be more authority and more responsibility thrown upon the Minister and far less upon the people who have been administering this Act up to the present.
In dealing with this Trade Loans Guarantee Act and its results so far as the finding of employment for citizens of this State is concerned, I think the Minister will agree that it has been a very costly experiment up to the present. I asked the Minister, and I hope he will be able to furnish the figures when replying, to give us approximately the amount of irrecoverable debts which will have to be met hereafter by the taxpayers. We all know that certain firms who got the benefit of this particular Act have since closed down and that others, I am very sorry to say, are on the verge of closing down. This is the only Vote on which this matter can be thoroughly thrashed out, and the House is entitled to get such information as the Minister has at his disposal on the working of the Act up to the present time. I hope that he will supply the figures that have been asked for.