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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 7 Jun 1932

Vol. 42 No. 5

Dairy Produce (Price Stabilisation) Bill, 1932—Fifth Stage.

Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass."

There has been inserted in the Bill an amendment giving the Minister power to exercise certain pressure on creameries with a view to the formation of a Central Marketing Organisation. I hope that the Minister will make use of that power which he has in the Bill. It is true that it would have been difficult before the passage of this Bill for the Minister to take any effective steps towards the formation of an organisation and it was somewhat doubtful whether the Minister would be entitled to exercise very great pressure on the creameries under the old circumstances. Now however the creamery industry, the butter industry generally, is obtaining very considerable help from the general taxpayer. There will be a general levy on the taxpayer towards providing that assistance. I think, therefore, that the Minister is entitled on behalf of the general taxpayer to say to the creameries that I am specially thinking of in this connection, that they must come together and that they must formulate a scheme for the creation of a Central Marketing Organisation. I believe that while there is not absolute power vested in the Minister to do that under this particular Bill still he will get ample powers under it to bring all the creameries into line. It is true that he can only operate by means of a deferential export bounty and that strictly speaking a creamery or a group of creameries might decide to sell their produce entirely in the Saorstát and to remain outside the organisation. I do not think however that any creamery or any number of creameries that we are talking about will take up such a position. If the Minister gives notice that after some specified date he will pay the full bounty, or the bounty at the maximum rate only on butter exported through the Central Marketing Organisation, he will thereby exercise sufficient pressure to bring practically all the creameries into that Central Marketing Organisation. I say that because all the creameries that would remain out would be under very considerable disadvantages in being confined to this market whereas the organised creameries would not only have the Saorstát in which to dispose of their produce but would be able to get the maximum export rate on butter sent out through the Central Marketing Organisation to the British market.

I know that it is a matter that cannot be hastily done, that some time will have to be given to it, and perhaps a good deal of consideration, but I do say that the clause which is now in the Bill puts the Minister in a position that a Minister for Agriculture never was in before. I am satisfied that it is necessary that this should be done. The old voluntary central marketing organisation, although labouring under many handicaps, was able during its existence to show that distinct advantages could be gained for the butter industry by the creation of a suitable central marketing organisation. That is, I think, undoubted. Certainly we have testimony from all quarters that the present system does lead to the price for Irish butter frequently being lower than it ought to be, both because there is under-cutting by various creameries, and because the big buyers will preferably deal with sellers from whom they can get the whole of their requirements. The giving of the bounty will certainly, as the experience in all countries shows, tend to encourage under-cutting still further, and I fear greatly that, if the Minister does not avail of these powers to bring into being a central marketing organisation, the under-cutting will be such in future that a great part of the sacrifice which the general consumer has to make under this Bill will go for nothing.

I want to draw the Minister's attention to the situation of some of the Border creameries. Licences issued within the last two months only permit the Border creameries to take in the same supplies from the North of Ireland side as they did last year. That is a great hardship on some of these creameries. I think that if the Minister took an average for three years, or, in fact, went a step further and allowed them to take the milk from the Northern area without any restriction as to quantity, it would be more in keeping with their requirements. I ask the Minister to consider the matter of making regulations in that respect.

We have come now to the Fifth Stage of this Bill, which has been described by a prominent Deputy of the Party which brings it forward as having plastered him fore and aft in his business. How he is going to stand on this particular stage of the measure I do not know. For me, it stands as a test of two points of policy that Fianna Fáil promulgated through the country for many years, and which they still, through their official organ, keep promulgating. One of them can be summarised in the statement that our produce is only bought by a particular country when that country cannot get a substitute material from any other country. It is in these circumstances that we are asked to impose a tax, which amounts to something between half-a-million and three-quarters of a million, on the people of this country, so that our butter may be sold cheaply to the British. Why not test that point of Fianna Fáil politics and hold our butter from the British market, hold it for ransom until they must buy? Because we are told, as a point of policy cardinal to the Party opposite, that they only bought from us what they cannot get elsewhere. Why not test that point? I suppose the butter can be stored. Then let us hold on until they give us the price we can demand, if it is a fact that they only buy from us what they cannot get elsewhere.

The second point of policy which has been urged through the country is somewhat akin to that. I am sorry that the Minister for Industry and Commerce is not here, because he has been the great exploiter of the point that we do not want a particular market—that we can get markets elsewhere. Again, let us test that. Why not get a market elsewhere for this substance? Let us sell otherwise than in the British market. Let us again hold our butter, not merely until we get the price from Great Britain that Great Britain must give us if we withhold it from that country, but, even to show them what we mean, decide that the country will look for another market and sell elsewhere. That is the suggestion I offer, instead of mulcting the people of this country in between half-a-million and three-quarters of a million in order to make our butter sell on the British market.

That is a very good gallery speech.

It cannot be answered.

I should like to put Deputy McGilligan right on a matter to which he referred. I think he was referring to a speech of mine in Cork. I was not at all referring on that occasion to the Butter Bill, so that he is incorrect in referring to that as a plaster.

The Deputy was referring to the Budget.

There is another matter that arises out of his speech. He suggests that we should look for other markets and hold up our produce. As a matter of fact, this Bill enables us by means of the bounty to sell butter cheaper if necessary and thus seek to develop the British market. That is a point which is evident.

To whom are we selling cheaper? I should like Deputy Dowdall to answer that question. Is it to the British or to the mere Irish?

I should like to make a few remarks with reference to the suggestion made by Deputy Blythe, that this Bill should be used as a medium to put into operation a combined marketing scheme—that it should be worked through a combined marketing association. What I want to make clear is this: If we look back on the history of the combined marketing association, which was recently scrapped, we will find that after all it is better for the creameries not to be in a combined marketing association. The combined marketing association embraced three-fourths of the creameries in the Free State; the other one-fourth remained outside. The argument put up by Deputy Blythe was that the one-fourth outside were responsible for the fact that the success of the association was not greater than it was. In my opinion, that marketing association was one of the greatest failures we have had, because if it were not for the fact that it was compulsory on the creameries who joined the association to remain in it for a term of years, that association would not have been in existence for twelve months. The one-fourth that remained outside, by reason of the fact of having contracts in England, were in a position to pay a far superior price to their milk suppliers. The point I want to make is this: I am not objecting to the principle of combined selling, but the failure of that association has created a great suspicion in the minds of farmers; and I can say this, that they will be very careful about the next combined marketing association. I put it to the Minister that it would be very inadvisable to put the compulsory powers into operation, at least until the farmers connected with the dairying industry are consulted.

I hope the Minister will not take any very serious notice of the remarks of the last speaker, who appears to think that because a central marketing organisation, which had been in existence for some years, was supposed to be a failure, it would be therefore impossible to make any other central marketing organisation a success. He says that certain things created suspicion in the minds of the farmers, presumably the dairy farmers. From what I know of the dairying industry in my part of the country, I believe that the people mainly responsible for the failure of what was called a central marketing organisation were the creamery managers, and not the farmers engaged in the dairying industry. The support which we have given to this Bill is certainly given on the condition that the Minister will within the next twelve months or so, if he realises the necessity for maintaining a market outside this country, get together the people engaged in the dairying industry and tell them that unless they are prepared to organise their business on efficient and business-like lines for the purpose of selling, outside the country, the commodity which they produce, there is no justification, in the opinion of Deputies who sit on these benches, for the butter consumers of the country paying a high price in order to bolster up inefficiency.

I think it is possible for the Minister to call those people together and to give them the benefit of the experience of his representatives outside this country. He can also, if he wishes, get them the benefit of the experience of the Trade Commissioner in London. I am sure if the dairy farmers sent to any such conference an intelligent body of representatives they could see that in the days we are now living in it is almost impossible to maintain our position in the British market unless we have some central machinery for putting our produce on the market in a proper business-like way. I appeal to the Minister not to pay attention to the representations made by a representative of an area which is more responsible for the failure of the other scheme than any other area in the Free State.

To my mind the provisions of this Bill, and the necessity for combination, if full advantage is to be taken of it, will be more effective in bringing the creameries together than any of the compulsory powers or penalties that may be in it. I believe myself that there is enough commonsense left in the creameries of this country to realise that unless they come together in some sort of agreement to limit or to arrange their exports and their home consumption it will be impossible to get the full advantage of this Bill. I am full of hope that the creameries, in their own interest, will come to some such agreement. At any rate I ask the Minister for the moment, until there is sufficient evidence that other courses are operating, not to put into effect the penal clauses of the Bill. As I say I hope the necessity will never arise. Later on, perhaps, when the Minister is able to arrive by his own knowledge at what the effects are, he may bring the various creamery representatives together and probably arrive at an amicable arrangement for some sort of an organisation.

I was sorry to hear Deputy O'Shaughnessy condemn combined marketing. It is not because the voluntary system proved a failure in the past that with expert supervision and the expert assistance the Minister's officials will be able to place at their disposal that a proper organised marketing system will not prove a success. It has been found to be a success in Cork with regard to commodities other than butter, and what has been a success in one branch I believe will prove a success in this particular item. Uniformity of quality and texture in butter is perhaps one of the most essential things in supplying large buyers across the water. Those men require to buy your commodities in large quantities, particularly when dealing with a market the size of the British market. The intermediate buyers, who probably would be dealing with this commodity, I believe to be one of the means whereby the farmers are deprived of their full market price for their butter. I believe that along the lines of combined marketing will be found one of the roads to success in dealing with the industry. If a large amount of butter has to be dealt with of varying qualities lumped together and sold by small buyers that is certainly not going to be a help to the farmer. The one thing that will give Irish butter a good name will be large quantities of uniform quality placed on the market with those who are prepared to pay the price. I am a very strong supporter of the combined marketing system.

You would have this organisation conducted by men of expert knowledge paid to explore the very best avenues and to ascertain the very best markets and the best time for placing the butter on the markets. If there is to be such a thing as the holding up of butter from off the markets they would be in a better position to take steps of that description than a number of small indiscriminate buyers would be. I am strongly in favour of the combined marketing system.

When the Minister comes to deal with the point as regards central marketing I think he should explain to us what is the position of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society in regard to this question. So far as I remember there is a State grant given to that body every year. Surely if there is anybody that should have the responsibility for organising such a scheme as we are discussing now it should be that body. I think the Minister should explain what excuse they have made for not being able to fulfil the obvious duty that lies upon them. I think he might tell us whether they have taken any steps to educate farmers like Deputy O'Shaughnessy as to the value of the services performed by the central marketing organisation which was in existence two or three years ago. It is quite obvious that Deputy O'Shaughnessy has not the full truth about that organisation. When he makes a statement that the creameries — not creameries — but the creameries that were outside the organisation got better prices for butter than creameries that were inside he is stating something that is just not a fact. It might be true of some creameries in certain areas. It was certainly not true of all. Certainly if it were the case, he ought to have remembered if they got better prices it may be due to the fact that they got them through the service of the central marketing organisation and it was through that organisation that they were able to get such prices. I think it is generally admitted; it is certainly admitted by a number of those outside the central marketing scheme; that owing to the activities of the central marketing organisation creameries outside that organisation were able to get better prices and were able to market their butter more satisfactorily than they otherwise could. It is quite evident that if the atmosphere necessary, for another organisation of that kind is to be created, farmers like Deputy O'Shaughnessy would want to know a lot more about that body than they know already. Quite a lot of prejudice has existed and it should be removed. I think it should be the duty of the Irish Organisation Society to remove this prejudice by such education. If what I have heard is true a great deal of the failure of the central marketing organisation, at least its failure to continue, was due to personal jealousies. I think the Minister can support that from his own personal knowledge, and if that were the case it would be a very regrettable thing that the existence of such jealousies and misunderstandings should prevent the development of another organisation that is now even more needed than ever for the country's credit.

In my opinion it would be necessary to have a central marketing organisation. I am connected with one of the largest creameries in the County Waterford. I was in that organisation from the time it was set up. I have a little experience of what did occur. A large number of creameries at the time agreed to come into the organisation. The organisation was set up, the machinery was got to work and a number of those creameries then refused to sign the agreement and remained out.

Deputy O'Shaughnessy was right in saying that these creameries did get a better price for their butter than the associated creameries. What I want to tell the House is the reason for that. It was this: that the wholesalers in England purchased from the outside men in order to break the organisation. That was the reason, and there was no other for it. Jealousies and other things may have cropped up amongst the directors. Some of the other creamery managers wanted to drop out in order to get into the same boat as the men who stood up to break the organisation. In my opinion you will not make a proper success of this Bill until you have a marketing organisation again. I attended a conference in Dublin in connection with that. Some people spoke very strongly about asking the Minister at the time to introduce compulsory powers to bring these creameries in, but the representatives of the majority of the creameries would not agree to that. They said they would not have compulsion. The directors themselves said they would rather drop out and let a new marketing organisation be set up than be the means of splitting the industry into fractions. That was my experience of the marketing organisation. Before the marketing of our butter is a success on the English market, I believe it will be necessary to have in existence an organisation of that kind as well as to have something done to bring the people concerned into it, compulsorily or in some other way.

The debate, so far, has concerned itself almost entirely with creamery butter. Personally I am more interested in home-made butter. I believe there is a great danger that we are going to sacrifice our cattle trade, so far as the butter end of it is concerned, if we do not take care where we are going. The home producers of butter, I believe, turn out a better article of food than any creamery can turn out. Of course I quite realise that on the English market a taste has been created for creamery butter, but from the food value point of view and from the point of view of the best interests of our own people, I think that we are going on the wrong lines if we sacrifice our home butter producers. In the City of Cork we have a number of our young girls being trained in butter-making at the Munster Institute. What are they being trained for if the tendency in legislation in this country in the future is to be entirely in favour of the creamery as against the home-produced butter? If that tendency is to develop you are going to have a very inferior class of cattle reared in the country. Anyone who comes from a home butter making district and who knows the difference between calves reared in a creamery district such as Limerick and the calves reared in a home butter producing area will see what I am driving at. If it is decided that the home butter producer is to be abolished then the sooner that is made quite clear the better.

At the moment the price of farmers' butter in the districts from which it comes is only 8½d. or 8¾d. per lb. or at most 9d. Farmers naturally are asking where do they come in. They say: "We are told that we have got 4d. a pound on our butter as a bounty, but where is it?" Many of these people have, within the past few years, invested money in separators and have gone to the expense of sending their daughters away to be trained as expert butter makers, but apparently the tendency of legislation in this House is that in the future they are to be wiped out of existence. I quite realise, of course, that a considerable amount of the butter made in the farming districts is not high grade butter. I know it is quite possible that some damage may have been done to Irish butter in the past by sending across to the English market consignments of inferior butter. But surely it should be possible to arrange some system by which a really good article would be produced and put on the market, especially in view of the fact that so many of our young girls are now being trained as expert butter-makers. They should be able to train their people in the best methods. I feel sure that those who know anything about butter will agree with me that, from the food point of view, farmers' butter is not to be compared to creamery; it is far ahead of it.

I would like to support the point of view just given expression to by Deputy Goulding. In my constituency there are very few creameries. I agree with Deputy Goulding that the young cattle produced in creamery districts are not at all up to the standard of those reared in districts where the home butter-making industry is still carried on. In my opinion what this Bill means is the practical wiping out of home dairying. I want to call the Minister's attention to this, that butter merchants throughout the country are already making use of this Bill for the purpose of benefiting themselves. Throughout a large portion of my constituency they have carried out definite propaganda, stating that they have to pay the 2d. levy and are obliged to make a corresponding reduction in the price they give to the farmers. Those who have made a study of the prices paid for butter on the Irish and English markets are aware, of course, that there is not a word of truth in such a statement. Still the statement has been made for propaganda purposes.

With regard to the Central Marketing Board, I think the less said about it the better. No good purpose would be served by dealing with the "ins" and "outs" of that organisation at the moment. It is said that there are two sides to every story. Undoubtedly there are two sides to the central marketing organisation as it has been carried on in this country in the last couple of years. I, for one, would not like to hear any aspersions cast on Deputy O'Shaughnessy in regard to that matter. I would like to give as much fair play all round as I could. Undoubtedly Deputy O'Shaughnessy in his own district, has carried out central marketing on his own that has been of great service to the farmers of that district. I would like to give credit where credit is due. The failure of the last Central Marketing Board should not be used as a lever at the present moment to prevent any other central marketing organisation being set up. In the first place I believe that the old organisation was used in a bad way. So far as I can judge the wrong men, men who knew very little about butter, got control of it. I do not want to go further into the question, but I repeat that there are two sides to that story and the less said about what is passed the better for all parties. I believe a central marketing body or a central purchasing body of any description can be of benefit. It can be a decided benefit if kept within bounds, and if it is properly carried out. I am not a believer in compulsion, but I would like the Minister to take some steps, as he is dealing with the whole butter question now, to have the marketing of farmers' butter organised on somewhat the same lines as the creamery butter and to give the farmers the same fair play, because undoubtedly they are not getting it. I hope that in his reply he will give us some idea of the manner in which he is going to deal with the home producer of butter. I think the home producer is entitled to a fair show, and in my honest opinon the day of the creamery is gone.

Do you believe in this Bill?

I believe that this Bill is a last effort to bolster them up. That is my honest opinion, and I give it honestly.

I do not want to make a speech, but merely to ask a few questions. Deputy Corry has raised a matter that is at least of some interest to the residents of the cities and towns of the Saorstát. I oppose this measure for two reasons. I would have the greatest pleasure in supporting it, if I thought it was going to benefit the farmer who has been spoken of by Deputy Corry and others — the man who is producing his own butter and attempting to market it in the cities and towns of the Saorstát. A very cursory examination of Stubb's Gazette will disclose the fact that many of these creameries in the country have gone bankrupt, and that very many more have considerable overdrafts from the bank, and are very heavily mortgaged. I would like to ask the Minister is that an indication of the prosperity of the creamery industry in this country? There is the other point, that the citizens of the State are to be taxed in order to provide cheap food for Great Britain and other countries, and, in my view, that is a most extraordinary way of helping the farmer. On the one hand, you are going to give him a certain subsidy for his butter, or for the butter produced by the creameries, and on the other hand, you are taxing fertilisers.

I feel in relation to the whole of this tariff, because of course this Bill means an extra tariff on butter, that, while allowing that it is absolutely essential if we are to produce butter in the interests of the agricultural community, we should aim at having the very best. That, I believe, is the aim of the present Minister, as it was the aim of the previous Minister for Agriculture. We have, however, to examine the question again from the angle just mentioned by Deputy Corry —is it a good thing for the farmer producer? Whether it is an advantage, or a disadvantage, I represent a county borough in which is included a very large farming community, in the ratio, I think, of something like 60 to 40, the 40 being the agricultural proportion, who produce and market their own butter, and I would like a lot of information from the Minister on the whole scheme of dairying in this country.

The question of co-operative marketing has been touched on by more than one Deputy. Deputy Davin, for instance, told us what a great thing for the farming community this combined marketing might be, but we must remember, and this is a point from which we cannot get away, that local or individual effort is far more praiseworthy at times than is national effort in the line of commercial projects. It has been found in practice that the creameries which are, and have been, successful are the creameries which are happy in the possession of good managers. I am not suggesting for one moment that all the other managers are bad managers, because other conditions and other factors may operate, but let us examine the facts and let us face up to the facts. One creamery manager has plenty of energy and business capacity. He leaves the shores of this country and looks for customers abroad, and due to his initiative and business capacity, he is able to secure good customers for his particular creamery. Contrast that individual with the manager in charge of what I might call, from the point of view that its output is not paid for to the same extent to which the output of an efficient creamery is paid for, the inefficient creamery. Here again you have the case of individuality against collectivism. You have the case of the manager who is not able to secure for his particular creamery the customers secured for another creamery by an efficient and good business manager.

That, to my mind, is the explanation of the failure of a whole lot of the creameries in this country, and when I say failure I could read a list of creameries which have failed, which have large overdrafts and which are not solvent, and, that, in a country which has made tremendous efforts, at considerable cost, within the last ten or twelve years, to render these institutions as effective and efficient as any Minister for Agriculture would like them to be. What I am concerned about mainly is, why the people in the cities and towns of the Saorstát will be compelled under this Bill, when it becomes an Act, to pay more for their butter, which is produced in this country, than the Britisher will have to pay in Britain? If the Minister wants to help the farmer or the creameries, in that way, why does he, with one hand, pass him over 2d. a lb. extra for his butter in order to enable the farmer to market the butter abroad, and, on the other hand, tax fertilisers? I would like some information on these points when the Minister is concluding.

There are a few little points in connection with the Bill on which I would like to comment before the Minister replies. In the first place, I was agreeably surprised to hear Deputies on the opposite benches giving voice to feelings that seem, more or less, to be contrary to the spirit of the Bill, which is a Bill in favour of the creameries. They are now coming back to the support of the home producer of butter. It seems a very extraordinary policy that a Government like ours, which takes very little cognisance of the requirements of our neighbour across the Channel, John Bull, and which tells us that he buys from us nothing he can possibly do without, should be breaking its neck in order to provide him with cheap butter at the expense of the consumers in our towns. That consumption in our towns is going to cost us a subsidy of anything from £400,000 to £700,000 or £800,000.

I will pass from that point, which has been sufficiently dealt with, but there is another matter to which I referred on the Second Reading — the difficulty of getting the full amount of the bounty for the exporters of butter. I think I pointed out then to the Minister, that if he is going to pay a bounty on all milk products, he will find that there will not be 4d. available to pay a bounty on butter, and he admitted that that was a weakness in the Bill, but that he was hoping to get over it. How he proposes to get over it I do not know, unless he is going to come back on the community and tax them still further for that purpose. I am glad that Deputy Corry and Deputy Goulding have raised this question of home produced butter, because we are all agreed that nobody in this country needs more help or more encouragement at the present time than the small farmer, who is the backbone of the community, and who is being tariffed out of existence, and whose outlook is very serious. He provides 75 per cent. of the consuming power of this country, and all the tariffs that have been imposed fall mainly on the small farmers of this Free State, who are getting at the present time less assistance than any other members of the community to meet these burdens.

The real object of this Bill, and it will not be denied, is to maintain uneconomic creameries in the country, and, in some cases, their highly paid and, at the same time, inefficient managers. I am now going to make a very drastic statement, and it is this: That creameries will never pay in Ireland. Ireland is a cattle producing country and butter is only a by-product of our main asset.

Creamery milk will not rear cattle. The best cattle in our country are produced by the industrious farmer who makes his own butter, and I think it has been proved that the most profitable farmer is the one who makes the most out of his land and who, as they say, is able to walk the products of his land off his farm. Once the milk goes off the farm what is the farmer to do? He has to buy imported feeding stuff, linseed meal and other products, to take the place of the feeding stuffs that ought to come off his own land. The farmer who makes his own butter is among the most self-contained class in the community. His family are the real wealth producers in Ireland and he will continue to be so provided he is left to do his own work and manage his own farm in the manner which his experience and knowledge teach him to be the best. The real object of this Bill is to compel all butter in this country to be manufactured in creameries. I think that is the last word in freedom. It is a compulsion Bill, it is a coercion Bill.

Many Deputies at the beginning of the discussion referred to the question of combined marketing. The same question arose on various stages of this Bill, and I think that I expressed myself fairly clearly on many occasions before, during the discussion on the Bill. I said that I was absolutely in favour of the principle of combined marketing, but that we had certain difficulties to get over and every Deputy here is aware of what these difficulties are. We all know, in the first instance, that many of our creamery managers are individualistic and they prefer to do their own business rather than be in a combine where they would not have the same power, as members of an organisation, as they have in doing their own selling. Secondly, there is a great prejudice against combined marketing, because people in the creamery business generally believe that the combined marketing which we had here a few years ago was a disaster. We have had Deputies here offering explanations of what they thought the failure was due to, and it is very difficult perhaps to find out the real cause of the failure. I think that one of the biggest causes was the fact that they were operating at a time when prices were rapidly falling and they did not really get a fair chance to demonstrate what combined marketing could do under normal circumstances. We have a chance I believe under this Bill of getting the confidence of the creamery committees and of the creamery managers and of getting over the prejudice which they had in the past against combined marketing. What is more, under this Bill, we shall have an Advisory Council set up which will have its mind altogether on marketing. The only job they will have is to see where they will get the best price, and they will naturally turn their minds towards combined marketing as an improvement on the present method. I do hope, as a result of this Bill, because we cannot do it under it, as I explained already, and as a result of bringing those certain forces together, we can do something to get back to combined marketing again. We have been asked also what was the Agricultural Organisation Society doing with regard to marketing? That is a question into which I would prefer not to go at the present moment as I am not prepared to enter into a discussion on it, but there will be an opportunity at a later stage, when the Estimates come up, for discussing that question.

Other questions were raised by Deputies who spoke. Deputy O'Hanlon raised the question of the Border creameries. Under the Bill we have power, when it becomes an Act, and under the tariff that was put on milk, we shall have power to issue licences to farmers on the other side of the Border to send milk to creameries in the Free State without paying the tariff on milk. We issued those licences for a quantity which would correspond to the quantity that was delivered last year by the same farmer. Deputy O'Hanlon says that we should have taken at least a three years' average or have allowed them to bring in as much as they chose. We certainly could not go the whole way and I think that if Deputy O'Hanlon examines it he will not advise it either. We are asking the consumer to contribute a certain amount to the producer in order to get a better price for his milk and we could not ask the consumers in the Free State to subsidise producers who choose to remain outside of the State. Where there are genuine cases however of a farmer on the other side of the Border supplying the creamery, who may be genuinely producing more milk this year than last year, and would, if this Bill had not come in, have produced more, it might be possible perhaps to vary the licences in certain cases, and if any such cases come through the creamery manager they will be considered.

Deputy McGilligan also contributed to the debate by putting to us some of his usual conundrums which have not got very much to do with this discussion. Last week we wanted to get the final reading of this Bill put through, and we were told by the leaders of the Opposition that they wanted it held back as they wanted to raise some important points. As a result of the holding back of this Bill we are holding up its working, and there is general uncertainty in the industry until the Bill goes through. I wonder now, after what has been contributed to to-day's discussion, what has justified the Opposition in their own eyes in holding up the Bill in order to contribute what they did contribute to-day? We were asked questions such as: Were we prepared, if we wanted to put our policy to the test, to hold this butter off the market and keep it until Great Britain would come and say that she was short of butter and would give us whatever price we wanted for it? We were asked another puerile and silly question: Why not get a market elsewhere for the butter since you are always claiming that we can get an alternative market? I think that Deputy McGilligan has at least sufficient intellect to think of these questions last week rather than hold up this Bill in order to say what he has said here to-day. On a previous stage we were compelled in a similar way to put back the Second Reading for a week because Deputy Cosgrave said it required very serious consideration as to whether his Party would move an amendment on the Second Reading or not. These delays have necessitated — or rather will necessitate — very many changes in dates, and so on, in this Bill when it goes before the other House, and then it will have to come back again for ratification, even if the Seanad does not wish to put in any amendments apart from the dates that will be suggested.

Deputy McGilligan also referred to a Deputy of this Party who made the complaint about the financial loss that he may have to sustain through this Bill. I believe that that Deputy of this Party will sustain very severe financial losses as a result of this Bill, but I may say for that Deputy that he has the interests of the country so much at heart that even though the Bill is going to hit him he will not put his own interests against those of the country.

Deputy Goulding, Deputy Corry, Deputy Anthony and Deputy O'Neill spoke on the question of farmers' butter. I think that a closer examination of this Bill and a closer study of its provisions will enable Deputies to see that we are not hitting the farmers' butter industry in this Bill in any way. I might mention for these Deputies' information that, as a matter of fact, we have been accused by many creameries throughout the country of putting a levy on them and not putting a levy on farmers' butter produced within the area, with the result that the people who are supplying the creameries up to this are now going back to making farmers' butter where they have no levy to pay. It is very difficult in a Bill like this to try to be just to everybody. I know it is true, as Deputy Corry said, that there are certain butter merchants who have been very hostile to this Bill. In buying butter, for instance, one week they told their buyers: "Best butter this week is 10d. per lb. Take off 2d. for levy and pay 8d." The people thought, of course, because of that, that this Bill was of no advantage to them and that really they were getting a lesser price than they would have got without the Bill. That very week the price the merchants got when they shipped their butter was less than 10d., but they gave the impression to the people from whom they were buying butter that they would give 10d. per lb. for it only for this Bill. Does anybody in this House or outside it believe that they ever gave more to the people from whom they buy butter than they got themselves? They are not philanthropists any more than any other body of traders in this country. They knew quite well that they could not give more than 8d. that particular week, but in order to make this Bill unpopular, because they felt it might hit them in other ways, I suppose, they tried to get the people up against it by telling their buyers to give 10d. per lb., deduct 2d. for levy and pay 8d.

What are the real facts as between the creameries and the home producers under the Bill? The creameries, as everybody knows, pay a levy of 2d. per lb. and get back a bounty of 4d. That is, they will get a profit of 2d. per lb. on butter produced. As against that there is one thing that must be taken into account, and that is that suppliers to creameries buying back their own butter buy it back having paid the levy on it, and so they have a net advantage of something less than 2d. Take farmers' butter. How is the price of that regulated? We know that the price of butter in the country is regulated more or less by the price of creamery butter. If we artificially put up the price of creamery butter here by 4d. per lb. we, by that very act, put up the price of farmers' butter also. The farmers who are producing butter will reply and say that they have a surplus and that that surplus must be exported through the factories and that therefore it is the export price that counts for them. That is true for a certain period of the year, but even for that particular quantity of butter, that must go through the factory in order to be exported, there is a profit of a halfpenny per lb. because the factories and the butter buyers pay a levy of 2d. and get back a bounty of 2½d., so that there is a definite gain of ½d. on all the butter exported and there is a gain of practically 4d. per lb. on butter sold inside the country.

The proportions are something like this. Of the total amount disposed of by the farmer, that is not consumed by his own household, about 70 per cent. is sold through the merchants and factories and about 30 per cent. is sold direct to the consumer. They have therefore about one halfpenny per lb. on 70 per cent. and 4d. per lb. on the 30 per cent., leaving them in practically the same position as the creameries. They, at any rate, get some advantage under the Bill. I might mention also that whereas suppliers to creameries have to buy back their butter from the creamery after having paid the levy on it, the farmers who produce their own butter have, of course, that butter at home and can consume it without paying any levy.

The complaint arises in this way, that farmers find it difficult to understand why with the Butter Bounty Bill and all the money that is being taken from the consumer, about which we hear so much, and all the other provisions that we brought in in respect of them, they are getting less for their butter than they got this time last year. The fact is that on the British market, where many countries are competing, the price is 2d. per lb. lower now than it was this time last year. As a matter of fact it is something like 2.2d. per lb. lower. There is another thing also that we must keep in mind and it is this: that if the price of creamery butter goes up here by 4d. per lb. and if the price of factory butter were to remain as it is, without getting this 4d. per lb. of a rise, it will induce certain people to buy factory butter for cooking and even induce certain people to buy factory butter for consumption in the ordinary way, and so a bigger proportion of factory butter, as a result of that, will be bought for home consumption and a lesser proportion will be exported. If that goes on to any extent it will be possible to raise the bounty and gradually we will bring the amount of the bounty on factory butter exported nearer to the bounty on creamery butter.

Arising out of the question of bounties, I want to refer to what Deputy O'Neill said. Deputy O'Neill said that I admitted that there was a weakness in the Bill, in not putting a levy on other milk products. I do not admit any such thing. My weakness was really to make Deputy O'Neill understand what I said at the time. I explained to the Deputy when the question arose, that if, as he feared, the export of cream were to increase, because no levy would be payable on cream, the export of butter would decrease, because naturally if we exported it as cream we have not got the cream to make butter and therefore the export of creamery butter goes down. I explained that as a result of that, whatever we might lose by the levy we would save by the bounty, so the event would remain the same practically in either case.

The Deputy also said that the object of this Bill was to maintain uneconomic creameries. I think that was referred to also by Deputy Corry who holds the view that the creameries cannot be saved. That is a very big question. We have at least made a very big attempt to save the creameries in the Bill and I believe myself they will be saved. I have expressed the view here on a previous stage of the Bill that in certain counties, which were not creamery counties, creameries should never have been started. But I think that the creamery counties of Munster will survive, and I think the creamery is perhaps the best industry for the farmers in these particular counties.

On a point of explanation. When I said that the creameries could not be saved, I meant to indicate that, with the handicap that has been placed on a large number of farmers throughout the country by the tariff of £3 a cow put upon them at the time when the price of their milk was down to 4d. a gallon, you put them in a financial position in which it would be very hard to save them, and that this would be the last hope of saving them.

That is another question. Deputy O'Neill said that creamery milk would not rear cattle. The best way to solve any problem is to demonstrate it. It has been demonstrated that cattle have been reared on creamery milk — there is no doubt about that—and I daresay they will be reared on it again. Deputy Anthony put me a few questions. One of them, I think, answers itself. He wants to know whether the appearance of creameries in Stubb's Gazette is a sign of their prosperity. I do not think it is. A question that has been put to me on several occasions since the beginning, is the question whether, under this Bill, we are not giving cheap food to John Bull at the expense of our own consumers. At the expense of our own consumers I say we are giving to our producers more for what they are producing, but it has nothing to do with our giving cheap food to John Bull. We should get the same price in the British market for our butter whether we had this Bill or not. It makes no difference. And we can say — it may be a coincidence — that relatively with New Zealand and Danish butter, we never did better in the British market than since this Bill was introduced. So really we are getting more from John Bull than we ever got before. I think these are the only questions that have been put to me in this discussion. I only say in conclusion that the two big questions which have been raised, namely, central marketing and the question of farmers' butter, are two questions which will not be neglected in the working of this Bill.

Question put.
The Dáil divided: Tá, 78; Níl, 30.

  • Aiken, Frank.
  • Allen, Denis.
  • Bartley, Gerald.
  • Beegan, Patrick.
  • Bennett, George Cecil.
  • Blaney, Neal.
  • Boland, Gerald.
  • Boland, Patrick.
  • Bourke, Daniel.
  • Brady, Bryan.
  • Brady, Seán.
  • Breen, Daniel.
  • Briscoe, Robert.
  • Browne, William Frazer.
  • Carty, Frank.
  • Clery, Micheál.
  • Colbert, James.
  • Cooney, Eamonn.
  • Corry, Martin John.
  • Crowley, Fred. Hugh.
  • Crowley, Tadhg.
  • Davin, William.
  • Derrig, Thomas.
  • Dillon, James M.
  • Dowdall, Thomas P.
  • Everett, James.
  • Flinn, Hugo V.
  • Flynn, John.
  • Flynn, Stephen.
  • Fogarty, Andrew.
  • Gibbons, Seán.
  • Gorey, Denis John.
  • Gormley, Francis.
  • Gorry, Patrick Joseph.
  • Goulding, John.
  • Harris, Thomas.
  • Hayes, Seán.
  • Hogan, Patrick (Clare).
  • Humphreys, Francis.
  • Jordan, Stephen.
  • Kelly, James Patrick.
  • Kennedy, Michael Joseph.
  • Keyes, Raphael Patrick.
  • Kiersey, John.
  • Kilroy, Michael.
  • Kissane, Eamonn.
  • Lemass, Seán F.
  • Little, Patrick John.
  • Lynch, James B.
  • MacDermot, Frank.
  • McEllistrim, Thomas.
  • MacEntee, Seán.
  • Maguire, Ben.
  • Maguire, Conor Alexander.
  • Minch, Sydney B.
  • Moane, Edward.
  • Moore, Séamus.
  • Murphy, Patrick Stephen.
  • Murphy, Timothy Joseph.
  • Norton, William.
  • O'Donovan, Timothy Joseph.
  • O'Grady, Seán.
  • O'Hanlon, John F.
  • O'Leary, Daniel.
  • O'Reilly, Matthew.
  • O'Reilly, Thomas J.
  • O'Rourke, Daniel.
  • O'Shaughnessy, John Joseph.
  • Rice, Edward.
  • Ruttledge, Patrick J.
  • Ryan, James.
  • Ryan, Robert.
  • Sexton, Martin.
  • Sheridan, Michael.
  • Smith, Patrick.
  • Traynor, Oscar.
  • Walsh, Richard.
  • Ward, Francis C. (Dr.).

Níl

  • Alton, Ernest Henry.
  • Anthony, Richard.
  • Brasier, Brooke.
  • Broderick, William Jos.
  • Byrne, Alfred.
  • Coburn, James.
  • Collins-O'Driscoll, Mrs. Margt.
  • Conlon, Martin.
  • Davis, Michael.
  • Desmond, William.
  • Morrissey, Daniel.
  • Mulcahy, Richard.
  • Nally, Martin.
  • O'Connor, Batt.
  • O'Higgins, Thomas Francis.
  • Doyle, Peadar Seán.
  • Duggan, Edmund John.
  • Esmonde, Osmond Grattan.
  • Fitzgerald, Desmond.
  • Fitzgerald-Kenney, James.
  • Good, John.
  • Hayes, Michael.
  • Hennessy, Thomas.
  • McDonogh, Fred.
  • McGilligan, Patrick.
  • O'Mahony, The.
  • O'Neill, Eamonn.
  • Reidy, James.
  • Thrift, William Edward.
  • Wolfe, Jasper Travers.
Tellers:—Tá: Deputies G. Boland and Allen; Níl: Deputies Duggan and P.S. Doyle.
Question declared carried.
Bill ordered to be sent to the Seanad.
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