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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 9 Nov 1938

Vol. 73 No. 3

Private Deputies' Business. - The Agricultural Industry—Motion (resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion and amendment:—
That, in the opinion of Dáil Eireann, it is essential that special long-term loans be provided for farmers at easy terms; that rates on agricultural land be completely abolished; that a moratorium be granted on the payment of land annuities, and that the payment of arrears outstanding be spread over a number of years in order to promote the recovery and expansion of the agricultural industry.
(Deputies Cogan and Thomas T. Burke.)
Amendment:
1. To delete all words after the word "essential" and substitute the following:—
to increase the production and profitable sale of agricultural produce and to that end a loan should be made available to agriculturists at a rate of interest not exceeding 3 per cent.; that a Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry be set up consisting of:—
1 agriculturist to be nominated by the I.A.O.S.
1 agriculturist to be nominated by the Royal Dublin Society.
2 farmers to be nominated by the Minister for Agriculture, one whose valuation is £30 and not over; another £50 or over respectively,
1 person to be nominated by the Federation of Irish Industries,
1 person to be nominated by the Banks' Standing Committee.
1 person to be nominated by the Minister for Agriculture, and
1 person to be nominated by the Minister for Finance.
3 members of the Dáil to be appointed by Committee of Selection. The Chairman of the Commission to be a Judge of the High Court or Circuit Court;
the Terms of Reference of the Commission to be to recommend proposals for increasing the volume and value of agricultural production in all its branches, and that pending a report of the Commission of Inquiry the rates on agricultural land as and from the 1st April next be met out of the National Exchequer.
(Deputy Dillon.)

On the last evening, in the few moments that were at my disposal, I dealt with some of the difficulties with which the agricultural community had to contend, in the last few years. The amendment which has been tabled, I think, provides for the first time the fullest possible scope of inquiry into the difficulties which beset the agricultural community and provides a means of exploring various avenues to effect some remedy for these difficulties. When land has been denuded of stock, almost the first thing that a farmer does is to try to skim the cream off his land by resorting to tillage. There is no question but that while in the two crops, wheat and beet, our farmers have succeeded, perhaps, in providing a temporary remedy for some of their difficulties, these crops have exhausted a good deal of the fertility of the soil. One of the surest means of providing for future production of wealth is to maintain the fertility of the soil. Any farm that has been maintained at a reasonable degree of fertility was able, perhaps, to meet difficulties which beset it at lean periods or periods when a slump occurred. Our difficulties, however, have been accentuated by the fact that almost every article, whether it be manures or feeding-stuffs, was at the very highest possible price at a period when the agricultural community were least able to provide the means of purchasing it. If the commission which is to be set up did nothing else but devise some means of providing cheap fertilising elements and cheap feeding-stuffs, it would certainly fulfil a very important function in the agricultural economy of this country. Not alone can the commission explore the means of helping our farmers, it can also investigate the agricultural policy of the Government during the past few years and possibly the agricultural policy of the previous Government and express an opinion as to which was the better means of helping the farmers.

We see driven to our ports large droves of well-bred heifers, bred by the experience and the enterprise of some of our best stock-breeders in this country. That is one element that we have to regard as an asset for the agricultural community. It is one that has enabled our farmers to stand up to the difficulties with which they have had to contend. The price which our farmers had to pay for feeding-stuffs in consequence of the maize-meal mixture and the high milling charges which accompanied the production of that particular form of feeding-stuff, and also the very heavy impositions by way of tariff on agricultural machinery which resulted in some cases in doubling the price of that machinery, formed another phase of the difficulties with which the farmer had to contend. The fertility of the soil is one of the chief sources upon which we have to depend to maintain the agricultural output and the wealth of this country. Without a sufficient supply of manure for the soil, whether that be farmyard manure or artificial manure, our whole agricultural economy collapses. I have succeeded myself in almost doubling the stock-carrying capacity of my farm over a period of 35 years as a result of heavy manuring and top dressing and laying down land with a high-class mixture of grass seed. That is a form of agriculture which it is necessary to pursue if the most is to be made of our agricultural land which forms the chief wealth of the country.

After the Great War an Agricultural Bill was introduced in Great Britain which, while providing various facilities for farmers, including agricultural credits and various other means of helping the farmers, provided also a penalty for bad farming. That penalty was to take away the farm from the bad farmer. In this country we have a different system. The bad farmer usually collapses and becomes bankrupt, and eventually the farm becomes derelict. There are more of these derelict farms in this country to-day than the Minister for Lands can afford to regard with any degree of pleasure. That is a problem to which the Minister will be required to give his attention in a very short time. The provision of credits is also a very great necessity for our farmers. That matter has been mentioned in the motion, and it will also form part of the inquiry that is to be held by the commission. There is a very urgent and great need for that inquiry. A credit-worthy farmer can probably get accommodation at a bank, but such cases are few and far between.

The Agricultural Credit Corporation has done good work at a time when the joint stock banks refused to accommodate certain sections of the agricultural community. There is no question but that the experience which that particular body has gained will be a valuable asset when the commission comes to investigate credit facilities for our farmers and to devise a comprehensive scheme of agricultural credit. Agricultural credit is an urgent problem to-day, particularly in cases where a small farmer carries on a system of tillage and where he would not be able to accommodate many cattle on the small amount of grass land he has at his disposal. If he has a large quantity of straw, hay and root crops, a little accommodation in the shape of cash will help him to fatten a larger number of animals, and he will be able to repay that accommodation in a very short period. Such a system would add materially to the wealth of our small farmers, and would be an important factor in promoting the welfare of the country. But more than all must be considered the man who has been placed on land without capital. I represent a tillage area where a very large number of cattle used to be fattened. That system of farming has, more or less, ceased to be carried on, and the loss to the agricultural community and the fertility of the soil has, as a result, been very considerable, because the means of making manure is undoubtedly lacking. I consider that anything that would help the farmer to re-stock his land and enable him to carry on so as to fertilise the soil constitutes an urgent problem which the commission will have to consider seriously. In that respect, the usefulness of the commission will be considerable.

We have in this country to-day a tremendously valuable asset in the intelligence and industry of the farming community. They have borne the stress and the trials that have beset their path for more than half a century. They have come out on top from the late economic nightmare which perhaps has left many of them in an insolvent state, but still they are carrying on and working their farms.

They are hardly on top now.

With the aid of this commission, and with the intelligent evidence that they will be able to put before it, they will I hope be able to rise again to the position in which their fathers placed them, and the position in which their industry and enterprise placed them. I feel that the setting up of this commission is a vital matter. I hope that it will get to work as quickly as possible and explore every avenue likely to help the agricultural community out of the difficulties in which they find themselves. Difficulties beset their path in almost every direction. Their requirements for production are highly tariffed. The cost of all their requirements has increased. That is particularly so in the case of manures, feeding stuffs and agricultural implements, while worse than all is the huge increase in local and national taxation. It will be the object, I hope, of this commission to inquire into all these matters with a view to giving immediate relief to the agricultural community. There is an insistent demand among the agricultural community for immediate relief, and I hope that Deputy Davin and his active party will assist us in obtaining that relief. That matter is referred to in the final paragraph of Deputy Dillon's amendment, and I may say that this immediate relief is eagerly awaited by the farmers of the country.

Considerable time may be occupied by the commission in hearing evidence on the various matters which affect the agricultural community, some unknown and unthought of perhaps by members of this House. Take, for example, the policy carried on by the Minister with regard to the division of land over the last two or three years. That is a matter that will have to be seriously considered by the commission-the wisdom of the Land Commission in dividing land. The division of ranches amongst experienced and educated farmers is a praiseworthy object, but the handing over of land to inexperienced and uneducated men, who are not even agriculturally minded men, is a matter for which the Minister for Lands will probably have to answer when the findings of the commission are laid before the House. Men are being put into the possession of land who are neither able to pay rent or rates on it. Some of them are getting public assistance. That is happening in my own area. They are not able to pay rents or rates on that land so that their immediate object is to let it. They are not even able to pay the rent for the labourers' cottages and acres they occupy. That has been reported to the Land Commission by the South Cork Board of Health, and if the Minister wishes I am in a position to prove it up to the hilt. The Minister will have to be taken to task for the policy he is pursuing.

Agricultural education is another urgent problem. When we were boys agriculture was taught to all attending school. It is very questionable if the agricultural labourer who has been put into the possession of land is capable of working it. Even though he may have worked on a farm as a labourer it is doubtful if he has the knowledge and the business experience to enable him to work a holding economically. I happen to be a member of the Cork County Committee of Agriculture. We have on that committee men of the highest agricultural knowledge, men who are stock breeders and whose names are household words in the stock-breeding world. They are men who will be able to give very valuable evidence before this commission. Comparison was made by the Minister with regard to Northern Ireland. He said that the funding of the arrears and the halving of the annuities, with the payment of rates, put the farmer here in as good a position as the farmer in Northern Ireland who has to pay his full annuity and no rates. I beg to question that. The Minister overlooked one important factor, namely that the burden of rates is becoming heavier year after year. The rates are increasing, probably with the consent of the local bodies because when a Government subsidy is given for various services, road schemes and so on, the condition is that the local body has to make a contribution so that it may not lose what it regards as a grant. But the fact is that the grant and all other moneys made available come out of the pockets of the people of this country. The derating of land is the one thing that is going to give immediate relief to our farmers and to compensate them for the trials that they have gone through. Think of the trials that the farmers have gone through. In order to meet their liabilities men have had to sell perhaps five or six beasts during the period of the economic nightmare to which I have referred, whereas before that the sale of one beast would have been sufficient. In addition, every beast exported to an English port carried a £5 note on its horns. That sum was deducted from the price paid for the beast irrespective altogether of the fact of whether prices had slumped, due to an over-loaded market. All these factors will have to be taken into consideration by the commission.

We ask the House to give urgent and immediate relief to an overburdened agricultural community. They are insistently demanding it. Shopkeepers in the towns helped the farmers by giving them credit and are now at a loss. The urban population also felt the distress under which the farmers laboured, and the repercussions on the towns will continue unless farmers are given relief. As relief is very urgent for the agricultural community I urge the House to accede to the final clause in the amendment, asking the Government to forego the collection of any further rates until they have received the findings of this commission.

The halved annuities were talked about by Ministers, and it was stated that, with the funded arrears, they amounted, during the period of the economic war, to £17,000,000, in addition to the £26,000,000 collected by Great Britain. The Minister stated that the value of the halved annuities was £2,000,000. He compounded the whole amount of £4,000,000 for £10,000,000 with the British Government, and surely out of that bargain the agricultural community should get derating. It has been stated that the Minister for Finance cannot find the money for derating. It was found for many other things. Money has been found to the extent of £30,000,000, apart altogether from the amount collected at the ports. Seeing that the agricultural community has suffered so much, whatever sum is necessary for their relief should be provided. The present form of taxation is inequitable, because it imposes charges for local services based upon the poor law valuation of land. That position cannot be sustained. It has not been sustained in Northern Ireland or in Great Britain. This is an agricultural country, and the agricultural community should not be asked to bear further charges for local services while a multitude of other people who are financially better off escape free. When our Class I exports were highest in 1931, this House voted £750,000 for the relief of agriculture, and the Fianna Fáil Government increased the amount by an additional £250,000. In the following year, however, they reduced the amount by nearly £500,000 because the economic war was continuing. The agricultural community cannot continue to bear the burdens imposed upon them.

The period of depression that farming went through requires immediately a special form of relief, and derating is one form that could be given. Shopkeepers and people in the towns also want relief, because they have suffered in recent years owing to the decreased spending powers of farmers. Farmers had to meet the situation with which they were faced in various ways—by exhausting the fertility of the soil and by denuding the land of stock in order to try to keep the wolf from the door. They can no longer continue to do that. I do not think that anyone would suggest that the agricultural community are in an affluent state at present. The land is bankrupt of stock, and the owners are laden down with debts to shopkeepers, so that the situation requires serious consideration by this House. I ask Deputies, whether they be connected with agriculture or with business, to realise that this matter is one of vital concern to all. One question that will have to be faced dealt with the payment of minimum wages. I am sure the Labour Party realise that when labourers are employed at the minimum wage it is the very worst type of labourer, because the better class type requires to be paid at a higher rate. If the farmers are not able to meet their liabilities and to face overhead charges, such as rent and rates, they cannot pay wages. Back through the ages of the land war high rents were imposed and farmers fought for a reduction and won it. At that period the rates that they had to pay were very low. Now when they are laden down with debt the rates have reached unheard of proportions. The time has come to spread the charges for local services over other sections of the community that are better able to bear them than the agricultural community. Beef is subsidised in England. It is not subsidised here. It is very urgent that it should be if farmers are again to stall-feed. I suggest that a matter of consideration by this com-commission is the giving of subsidies, so that intensive stock feeding could be carried on. That is a policy that would add to our national wealth and would, I believe, bring a relief to farmers.

I must say that it is a source of much gratification to me to realise, with the Minister's acceptance of the principle of my amendment to Deputy Cogan's motion, that even in the sphere of economics light is beginning to dawn where I thought Stygian darkness would for ever obtain. I looked back with somewhat exhausted amusement at the six years of hard labour that we put in to hammer some glimmer of sense into the solid heads of Fianna Fáil. These were six weary years, during which we heard "sabotage,""West Briton,""traitors to the country," and "enemies of Irish Ireland." After all the denunciations, they are trailing after us so rapidly that, if we do not put on the brake soon, they will pass us out. It is an interesting progress and, mind you, in order that we may see where they are heading now we have got to look at the course they have pursued in the past. They have buried the republic; they are all good members of the Commonwealth now on the constitutional sphere. Once they have got going in the constitutional sphere they are going so fast that we have to hold them in check. There was a time when we told them Partition was the most important consideration, and now they are making such a row about it that they have the country roused. There was a time when we told them that agriculture was the most important thing in this country, and now they have suddenly awoken to the fact that it is true. I doubt whether I should be so optimistic as to take it that Deputy Tom Kelly has awoken to that fact. If he has, the only thing about which I am terrified is that he will start growing turnips in his back yard. There is no necessity to do that. There is no necessity to rush to extremes.

I note with satisfaction and amusement that the maize-meal mixture scheme has gone up the spout. Do you remember the time when it was high treason to say in this House that it was a rotten scheme and a scheme that could only have been conceived in an imbecile's brain? That was high treason 12 months ago. That was sabotage of the historic Irish nation, and yet the Minister proclaimed over the radio a few days ago that the maize-meal mixture scheme has gone up the spout, and he regretted to say that it could not go up completely for the next nine months, and the only word of apology he had was that he could not put it up the spout quick enough. I welcome that sign of—I will not say returning sanity—I will say of coming sanity in the Fianna Fáil Party and, encouraged by the prospect of some grain of sanity, I recommend to this House that the Minister's acceptance in its principle of our amendment, should meet the matters raised in the original motion and the amendment standing in my name because, when that commission sits, it is bound, if properly constituted, to consider certain matters and, just as the Banking Commission, which was an efficient body, nominated and established by the Government Party, having heard the evidence, produced in its report substantially the policy of the United Ireland Party, so we may rest assured that, if this commission is properly constituted, it will produce in its report the policy of the United Ireland Party, because that happens to be the right policy.

In regard to derating, to which Deputy Brasier has referred, it seems perfectly clear to me that the commission must recommend that and must recommend it combined with a recommendation for an exhaustive reform of the system of local government in this country so that, at one stroke, we will be able to relieve the agricultural community of this country of a very substantial item in their overhead charges and, at the same time, by the establishment of a more efficient system of local government than at present obtains in rural Ireland, we can lighten the burden that is to be passed over to the national Exchequer.

The next and most important thing for the agricultural industry in this country is that the cost of production should be reduced. The abandonment of the maize-meal mixture scheme is going to reduce the cost of Indian meal to the farmers of this country by 2/6 a cwt. That should have been done four years ago and there is no reason why it should not be done to-morrow morning. It would be a very good bargain if the Minister for Agriculture indemnified or took over the entire cereal crops of every farmer in this country with which he regards himself as having a quasi contract and, having taken them over, put an end to the maize-meal mixture scheme, made maize-meal available to the farmers of this country at a reasonable price and disposed of the cereal grain for feeding-stuff of one kind or another and debited any loss on the transaction to the Exchequer. That would be a substantial contribution to the reduction of the costs of the agricultural industry.

The next item to which the commission must turn its mind is the cost of artificial manure. At the present time every farmer who buys a bag of artificial manure is paying a tariff or an excessive price behind the protection of a tariff on the manure he buys, with the result that a great many farmers are not buying manures at all and no farmer in this country, in my judgment, is putting out enough manure. The reduction of the price of manure is an urgent matter and I have no hesitation in saying that so essential an ingredient of our agricultural industry as superphosphate of lime should be admitted to this country duty free from the cheapest source of supply. Every bag of "super" that we keep out of this country is an injury not only to the farmers but to the State as a whole because it is an injury to the only real source of wealth that this nation has—the land.

The price of agricultural machinery is at present maintained at an altogether artificial level and ought to be brought down and any steps, up to the removal of all tariffs on agricultural machinery, should be taken so as to make available to the smallest farmer in this country the best machinery that his money can afford at the lowest price at which he can get it. It is the small farmer of this country upon whom everybody in this State ultimately depends and, unless we make available to him the most efficient methods for exploiting his land to the greatest advantage, this State cannot prosper. If we deny him the opportunity to get efficient machinery to work his land, if we deny him the opportunity to get cheap fertilisers to improve his land, if we deny him the chance to get cheap feeding stuffs to develop his live stock, we are denying him the opportunity of extracting from his holding the maximum return that he ought to be able to get and, if we do, we deny our people the opportunity of accumulating the maximum wealth that this country could yield and, in denying them that, we deny them the standard of living that the Lord Almighty intended them to have. And remember this, that if we deny these things to the farmer we injure not only the farmer but we injure every section of the community and not least the poor because, ultimately, the social services of this country depend upon the capacity of the farmer to pay for them. If you destroy his capacity to pay for them the first person to suffer will be the poor who depend upon the social services for their existence. If we are to maintain and develop these social services we have got to maintain and develop the land. If we deny the farmers who live upon the land the means of developing it we injure not only the farmers who live there but every individual and primarily the poor.

I see another ray of light finding its way into the Minister's brain. I hear the Pigs Act is to be amended. Do you remember when it was sabotage and treason to the State to suggest that the Pigs Act was an instrument in the hands of the pig curers for the purpose of plundering the consumer and producer in this country? Would it surprise the Deputies in this House to know that I invested £200 in a pig factory five years ago? I got £900 for my £200 last week. We took it out of your hide and I told you we were taking it out of your hide and I asked you to stop us and you said it was high treason to ask you to do that, and that it was all nonsense, that everything was high, wide and handsome, and that the pig consumers and producers were getting a square deal. Every time you are prepared to pay me £4 10s. Od. for every pound I put in a factory I will be glad to take it. If you are such fools as to allow yourselves to be plundered and trampled on, you deserve nothing better. But, remember this, that you were warned from these benches that that was being done. You were asked from these benches to stop it while it was being done, and you had not the intelligence to do it. But, now that the horse is gone, now that you have been well soaked, you are going to try to close the door. They do not give two fiddle-dee-dees now. You may close the door: they have got away with the swag and all you can hope to do now that they are well fattened with your blood is to try to prevent them from bursting by consuming your bones as well. You are going to amend the Pigs Act. More power to your elbow! It is nearly time you woke up to it. It took us six long years to teach them the very little that they now know, but it was worth it. They were a public danger in their ignorant condition. They are now at least harmless, if they are not much good.

I put this suggestion, not to the Minister for Lands, because it is not his responsibility, but to the Minister for whom he is deputising now, that, seeing that the maize meal mixture scheme has been very properly sent up the spout, immediate and urgent measures should be taken to promote propaganda in the barley-growing areas for the introduction of an adequate pig population to consume the grain that will be available. Barley is one of the most suitable foods for pigs and there is no reason why a large proportion of the barley produced in this country which is unsuitable for malting or in excess of the maltsters' requirements should not be used on the farms where it is grown for conversion into pigs and bacon.

There is a market in Great Britain for far more bacon than we ever will or can produce and, with the dawning sanity that is beginning to manifest itself, we may hope that the Government, the inefficient Government that we have got, will get us a greater share of that bacon market than we have had. This much is certain, that we cannot produce too many pigs in this country and the more pigs we produce and feed on home-grown grain, if it is efficiently and sensibly grown as the farmers of the Midlands can grow it, the more profit we will make; but now is the time to impress upon the farmers who have been traditional barley-growers for generations, that the best way of disposing of barley in the future will be to feed it to pigs on their own holdings. Steps should be taken to organise that regime without delay.

One of the great obstacles to the agricultural recovery which we must get in the course of the next few years is the inability of the farmers to get credit. Hundreds of farms were stripped of their live stock during the five years' insanity that obtained up to the time of the recent agreement with Great Britain. We have got to get the live stock back on to these lands if the lands are to be made up, and the only way to do it is to provide the farmers with money to purchase live stock. There are some antediluvian creatures who will immediately answer: "What is the use of giving one farmer money to buy another farmer's stock? It is only transferring stock from one farm to another." That is pure balderdash. There are going out of the country to Great Britain hundreds of cattle and these are to be reared on English farms. I want a percentage of these cattle to be purchased and retained on Irish farms. I want the British purchasers coming to our market to experience the competition of Irish farmers out to buy the cattle against them.

It may raise the price of cattle a little. Part of that raised price will be paid by those men who are purchasing to restock their lands and part by the English buyers; but in the meantime we will be getting back on to the lands of farmers, who have nothing now wherewith to use the land, heifers on which to build the stock of the country in the future. We have got a great chance if we go the right way about it and the method of financing that is a matter which this commission must take into consideration. I am satisfied that there is a method of financing it which will avoid making loans to the type of person to whom Deputy Brasier has referred, which would be bad debts, and at the same time making sufficient money available to the really honest farmer who only wants an opportunity of earning his living, getting on his feet and repaying any money he borrows.

This country has been notoriously and deplorably backward in veterinary research. Any Deputy with an experience of rural Ireland knows that the losses that annually accrue to our people through sterility in cattle and mastitis in cattle are immense. There are thousands of cows which have a calf only every two or two-and-a-half years, because there is abroad in this country a sterility not only of the kind due to contagious abortion, but of another kind, the exact nature of which has not been identified. I believe that considerable progress has been made in Denmark, and it is high time that something was done here. I have no doubt we could save millions to the farmers if we could provide against the recurrence of sterility in cattle. All of us know that mastitis is a disease only too common in our herds, and it attacks the best, the heaviest milkers we have got. I am informed that that disease is due to a special type of bovine streptococcus.

All of us know that very striking advances have been made in the last two years in the treatment of streptococcal infection in human beings. It is also well known to those who take an interest in these matters that the two germs are not identical. One of them is of the bovine and the other of the human type, and the methods of treating such an infection in the human being cannot be identical with the treatment of such an infection in a cow. But the knowledge of such progress in the sphere of human therapeutics should stimulate veterinary research so as eventually to save the best cows in our herds that are afflicted with that type of infection. Anyone who lives in the country knows how great a source of loss it is to the farmers, and along these lines work can and should be done at once in order to increase the productivity of the agricultural industry by saving it from the losses that are at present unhappily a normal occurrence. Let it be remembered that in the five years' insanity, in that period of Irish history which will be known as the five years' madness, we were skipping around the world trying to sell cows in Algiers and chickens in Persia.

And bulls in Valentia.

Yes, bulls in Valentia.

Irish bulls?

We found the same in the case of the eggs in Barcelona. We discovered too late that it was not selling the eggs we were but giving them away. I believe the Barcelona eggs have not been paid for yet. The oranges were stopped, and when the oranges were stopped they could get no money at all. What we have got there is that even though we made fools of ourselves, yet out of our folly we are learning. We are learning that the market for our agricultural surplus is in Great Britain.

In Ireland.

I was talking of our agricultural surplus. I was talking of what remained over and above what we can consume ourselves. We cannot control prices in Great Britain. We have got to sell our agricultural produce in Great Britain for whatever it will fetch. But we can do something just as effective as if we could control prices in Great Britain. The profit on our agricultural industry is the difference between the price we get for the surplus in Great Britain and the cost of production at home. If the cost of production is 2 and the price in Great Britain is 4, our profit is represented by 2; that is, the difference between 2 and 4. We cannot raise our price in Great Britain to 5, but by the exercise of common sense we can reduce our cost of production to 1. If we do that we can provide our farmers with a profit of 3.

What Deputy in this House who, if he knew, by passing a resolution here, we could raise prices in Great Britain by 25 per cent., would forbear passing that resolution? It would be passed unanimously. Here you have a method of doing that by resolution. Here is a method by which the farming community will get the same advantage as if you could raise the price in the British market by 25 per cent. You can do that to-morrow by reducing the cost of agricultural production in this country. There is ample scope for that reduction. The reason this reduction is not made is because the Fianna Fáil Party is sitting on those benches opposite. The reason the farming community cannot make a profit is because the Fianna Fáil Party have had placed upon them big overhead charges that are running away with the profits of the farmers' business. The reason this is happening is because they are blind and because they are so easily deluded by vested interests who use them as their pawns. They consent, for the benefit of a few selfish manufacturers, to grind down their own neighbours and to trample into the dirt the people who live upon the land in this country. They do it to fatten gentlemen who are prepared to give me £4 10s. for every £1 I invest in their factory.

When is the Fianna Fáil Party going to wake up? They have been brought in here and told that it is patriotism to grow wheat. Do Deputies in the Fianna Fáil Party know that growing wheat is being made the excuse to-day by Irish millers to charge the people of Ireland 16/- a cwt. for flour when the world price of wheat would enable them to sell it at 8/- a cwt? The price to-day of household flour is 40/- a sack. The price of Irish flour, if manufactured from Canadian or Australian wheat, would be 20/- a sack, that is 8/- a cwt. A large part of that difference is going into the pockets of the millers. Deputies sitting on the Fianna Fáil Benches are parties to that transaction which is grinding down into poverty their own neighbours in order that Joseph Rank and other millers in this country may grow rich at our expense.

Deputy Dillon does not know what he is talking about.

I know very well what I am talking about and Deputy Corry and his Party are learning it slowly, trailing after me like Lana Machree's dog.

Does Deputy Dillon want his commission accepted?

Mr. Kelly

The Deputy is going a very queer way about getting it.

I have got you on the run.

I am not on the run. I am sitting here.

Small farmers know what we are going to do.

Perhaps Deputy Dillon would be allowed to continue his speech without interruption.

Oh! He would talk all night.

They do not like to hear the truth. There is one part of this commission that is very important. That relates to the evidence and the personnel. The Banking Commission was of a peculiar character because the evidence was of that kind that it was not advisable to publish unless accompanied by the reports of experts. This commission being set up now will hear a very important body of evidence which will be digested by the public. The evidence given to-day will evoke evidence for to-morrow. I suggest that the evidence as the commission gets it should be made available in instalments to the public. In this way, very valuable evidence which might not otherwise be offered at all would be forthcoming. The people might be afforded an opportunity of satisfying themselves that every relevant matter was brought to the attention of the commission and the commission could consider that evidence at leisure and furnish this House with its report. I have no doubt that it would be well that, while the commissioners themselves were digesting the evidence, the public at large would be afforded an opportunity of also doing so. Then there is the question of the personnel.

I foresee that the agricultural community itself could very well go wrong in a matter of this character because they might be obsessed with the idea that the important thing was to get a commission composed largely of a number of practical farmers. Now, in my judgment, it is far more important that the practical farmer should feel that he has an opportunity of giving evidence before it than that there should be a majority of practical farmers on the commission. We want a commission composed of men whose skill, whose integrity and whose independence will place their report beyond question.

It would be hard to find them.

We found them for the Banking Commission, and the Report of the Banking Commission is having an extremely salutary effect on this country.

Is it Deputy Dillon's argument that the professional classes would learn from the farmer's evidence?

No; my argument is that the best possible and the right kind of commission would be one from which people like Deputy Victory would be excluded. At the same time, I think it is useful that the obscurantist ideas of people like Deputy Victory might be brought before it. Deputy Victory never learns anything, never forgets anything—and never will. We have such people in the country. I think it is important that as good neighbours we should bear with them. Deputy Victory, being a good citizen, is of course entitled to consideration. On the whole, we are fond of him. What I want to get on the commission are expert farmers, expert veterinarians, expert scientists, economists and persons who will look upon this whole question both from the point of view of the farmer and from the point of view of the State as a whole.

Let no farmer get into his head that he is the whole State any more than any other section of the community is the whole State. We have got to ensure the prosperity not only of the farmer, the agricultural community, but of every other section of the community as well. And just as I protest against the subsidisation of one section of the community at the expense of the farmers, so I would protest against the subsidisation of the farmers at the expense of other sections of the community. The function of this Parliament is to hold the scales evenly between all sections of the community and to secure the prosperity of all sections of the community. It is a complete chimera to imagine that we can secure prosperity for one section without securing it for all. It is a commission on those lines that I should like to see constituted here. I tried to set out a draft personnel which would achieve that object. We are not bound to that, nor are we wedded to that idea. It was merely a guide as to the general lines upon which our mind was going, but what I say is that it is immensely important that when that commission sits and when its personnel is constituted so as to command universal confidence, farmers even of the kind of Deputy Victory should give evidence before it. I should like the enlightened farmers to come, too, but the important thing——

Will the Deputy give evidence as a farmer?

——is that every type and every class concerned in the agricultural industry, primarily and secondarily, should put their views before that commission, so that the commission may get a picture of what our agricultural problems are. I should be glad to think that we would invite an expert from a country like New Zealand whose climate and agriculture are very similar to ours; I should be glad to see an expert from Great Britain or from Denmark joined in the deliberations of that commission. I think their detached and objective view would be very valuable because they would look at our problems quite free from any kind of prejudice and delivered absolutely from the influence of any vested interests. I should like to see some of our own distinguished economists and some of our well-known agriculturists on it, but, above all, I should like to see every class of farmer, large and small, giving his evidence before that commission.

I fully know that one of the reasons that dictated the Minister's acceptance of my amendment was that he wanted to pass the buck to somebody. He is frightened out of his life of the mess into which he has got and he is anxious to pass the responsibility over to somebody else. That does not surprise me and I do not blame him. He is not competent to handle the problem himself and he at least has the wisdom to realise that. I congratulate him on that developing good sense. I only hope that he will choose a body of men who will be able to give him the kind of help he wants, and, if he is fortunate enough to get that kind of body, that he will surrender his judgment completely to them. That would be the best thing he could do. I am beginning to hope that he may. There was a time when I would not have thought he had the wisdom to do it, but I am beginning to hope that he may, and when he does, we shall give him full credit.

That has been done in advance.

I am prepared to make this offer: If he will act on the recommendations of a suitable commission and introduce the necessary legislation to implement their views, we will all pretend there never was any commission and that this all came out of the Minister's own great brain.

Some of the Deputies on those benches are all the time pretending.

I cannot follow the Deputy, but no doubt he will intervene at a later stage and perhaps furnish the commission with evidence. I am sure they will put great value on it, which is more than I would. It is good that this new departure should come upon us; it is good that Fianna Fáil should be waking up at last; it is good that they should realise their own incompetence; and it is good that they should pass the buck. It is the best thing they can do in the circumstances. I quite realise that the problem is beyond their capacity to deal with, and I sympathise with their complete bewilderment in face of it. I have no hesitation in assuring them—and I am beginning at last to realise how high a value they set on my opinion, even if it is two years late—the wisest thing to do is to hand over all responsibility in this matter to somebody capable of dealing with it, and when they have done that, they will get riding orders from a body of men competent to examine the problems that are at present overwhelming them, and, with our assistance, will get legislation through to implement their findings and get the country back on the road off which Fianna Fáil drove it disastrously six years ago.

I was glad to hear the Minister say we were going to have a commission, but I have grave doubts about commissions. From my experience of them I am beginning to think they are only a means of putting things on the long finger, and the state of the farmers being what it is, they will not be able to wait for the result of a commission. Their position is serious, and I am glad that the Fianna Fáil Party are beginning to realise it. I come in contact with many Fianna Fáil people in the country, and they admit that the farmers' position is serious. I am glad that a realisation of that has come to the Government at last, and that they appreciate that the people in the country are not all living in a land of milk and honey like the people in the City of Dublin. The trouble with this Government, as I am afraid the trouble with every Government, is that they believe that everything in the country is as it is in the city. I hope this commission will sit soon, and that it will give, as the Minister half promised, some report within a month or so on derating, and I should like to see a report on loans to farmers, because their position is intolerable, and everybody knows it.

The Minister has said that he would not be in favour of derating and he tried to show that the farmers in Northern Ireland are not as well off as we are because they have to pay full annuities. He did not point out, however, that for every supergrade beast reared by himself which the Northern Ireland farmer brings into the market, he gets 7/6 per cwt. from his Government and if he buys the beast here, he gets 5/- per cwt. If the beast is not of supergrade, he gets 5/- for a beast of his own rearing and 2/6 if he buys it here. If the farmers here could bring their fat heifer or bullock weighing 10 cwt. into the fair and get 33/- per cwt. for it and if, then, when they go home, they could send in a return to the Government and as a result get ten sums of 5/- each, would it not pay their rent? How can you compare the farmers here with those in Northern Ireland when they are getting those allowances? The position here is that we cannot make beef. If we send over beef to the British market we get from 36/- to £2 per cwt., while the English farmer can walk in and sell for 38/- or 35/- and get 5/- or 7/6 per cwt. from the English Government. We cannot make beef here to compete with that. There is no comparison whatever between the farmers of this part of the country and the farmers of Northern Ireland and Great Britain. That is only one example. They have other facilities such as manures and other things that we do not get.

I want to impress on the Government that if this commission sits, their findings should not be put on the long finger, but that we should have some interim report to give immediate relief to the farmer. In my county and, I think, in numerous other counties, the farmer is in a bad way as a result of arrears of annuities. They had got into arrears with their annuities, some of them being two and two-and-a-half years in arrears. They all paid their rates, as you can see, and the farmers of Westmeath have been paying them as well as, if not better than, any county in Ireland. At the present time the position is that the sheriff has got instructions to give no more facilities, but to collect the last pound of flesh. Up to the present he could take so much and give some latitude, but now he has to collect the last pound.

Here is the case of a small farmer in my county who got into arrears during the economic war through no fault of his own. In the last twelve months he lost eight of his cattle, two of his cows, and a horse, and he was trying to pay his rent all along. He has three or four half-years in the sheriff's hands, and the sheriff has instructions to bring in all he owes, although he has done his best to pay all along. It was asked in the fair of Castlepollard why there were so many cows and calves. The reason is because those warrants are out and the sheriff had instructions to give no more facilities but to gather in all arrears. As a result the farmers brought in their cows and calves and sold them, and stripped their farms. I know of several farmers who, because of this thing coming down on them—two and three and four half-years coming on them—are selling every beast they have in order to keep their homes.

It may be asked why these people have got into arrears with their annuities. Whatever may be the reason, the fact remains that they are in arrears, and these people tried their best to pay their way during the economic war. Whatever may be said about other counties, our county was badly hit by the economic war because we were a cattle-raising county. It has been said that we are a grazing county. We are not. The farmers of our county always made their living by rearing calves, and the economic war hit them badly. That is the reason why they are in the position in which they now find themselves. Some of the letters we are getting are heartbreaking. I have a letter from a man here, and I shall read portion of it for the House. Naturally, I do not like to give this man's name now, but if the Minister wishes to have it I shall give it to him. This is what he says:

"The commissioners don't seem to care what they do. I owed £2 12s. 3d. on a small piece of land where I live. I sent it by registered post on the 15th August last. After about a week the money was sent back, saying the case was in Mr. Ross's hands."

That is, the sheriff.

"The result was that I never felt until two bailiffs and Guard came and put 19/11 costs on me. No man would say, I think, in a terrific bad season like this, that to put £1 expenses on a small amount of £2 12s. 3d., making it £3 11s. 9d., was fair."

That man sent his rent in a registered envelope and it was sent back to him, and the bailiff came to his yard and put 19/11 on him. Another man wrote last week, and here is what he said:

"Dear Sir,

Last August I got a 15 days notice for three half years rent, £21 6s. 6d. My wife went in on the 8th of August to pay a half year and the cost, which was £7 14s. 6d. and asked till October for the other two halfs. He gave her a receipt I am sending you, balance £14. When she went in on yesterday he first said he would not take it, to post it to the I.L.C. She said he had the Receivable Order. Then he demanded 14/- extra."

When this woman went in in August, she was only given to October, but a new rule came in in the meantime, on 1st September, as a result of which a 1/- in the £ extra was put on all those people. This woman had not the money to pay. The letter continues:

"She had no more money. He told her she would have to go and borrow it which she did. Is it lawful to heap on that cost, as there was nothing about it when paying the first half year? I paid three half years in, say, two months; had to sell a cow I wanted badly when I could not get to thresh my corn for to pay."

Now that is the position of hundreds of farmers in my county.

What about the shop bills in addition to that?

Yes, the shop bills are enormous also. However, I should like the Minister for Lands to look into this matter. A new cost has been put on these people in our county at present. If you get a 15 days' notice for, say, £20, and when your 15 days are up, you go to the sheriff and tell him you are not able to pay, he may give you a fortnight or three weeks; and he will immediately tell you that, along with the 7/6 costs which are legally put on by the Act of this House, he will put on another shilling in the £. As far as I can see, that is nowhere in the Act. I want the Minister to take note of that shilling in the £ extra which has been put on in Westmeath since the 1st September. There are many people in the country who, when they get that 15 days' notice, do not go to a Deputy or write to the Land Commission. They get the wind up, so to speak, and they have to sell everything about their farms and strip their land and their homes in order to be able to pay.

Something should be done to fund these annuities. I think that is the only thing to be done, and I agree with the part of Deputy Cogan's motion which asks for the funding of the arrears of annuities, because that would help the farmers very much. When a man is two or three years in arrears, and if he has nothing on the land, his land is derelict. Nobody would take that land, even on the 11 months' system, because he would not know the day when the sheriff would walk in. We all know that people who could pay their annuities have paid them up to now, and the only people who are left in arrears are those who are unable to pay.

The Minister, therefore, should look into that matter and bring in a scheme to fund the annuities so as to let these people start off anew. I would also suggest that, with the help of this commission which I hope will be set up, loans should be given to the farmers at a small rate of interest. The Minister for Agriculture did not agree with that, and maintained that it would raise the price of cattle. It will not. Nothing will raise the price of cattle until the Englishman wants the cattle. I know that from experience.

Would it not be a good thing to raise the price of cattle?

Yes; but the Minister maintained that that would be a false way of raising it. The people cannot compete with the shipping men. I ask the Minister specially to look into this matter. As things are in Westmeath at present, the fact must be faced that the people have got into arrear, whatever may be the cause. You cannot get over the fact that they are in arrear, and there is no use in making them pay three or four years off before the 1st of February, which I know he is trying to do in order to balance his accounts. Some of these people have four or five half-years to come on them in three or four months. Something should be done immediately to help these people and we ask the Government, when this commission is set up, to lay stress on the question of giving loans at a low rate of interest to the farmers immediately.

With regard to derating, all our Party and everyone who spoke, as far as I could see, made a good case for derating. Some Deputies pointed out that it will not affect the grazier or anyone else. Whatever may have been the case in the past, there is no such thing now as big ranches, and if there is it is the fault of this Government and of the previous Government. There was machinery to do away with the ranches, and if people are working their land properly this Government is not going to touch them. I want, however, the Minister to pay special attention to this matter of the arrears of annuities and derating.

Mr. Boland

I should like to intervene to clear up about the sheriffs. I am sure that no order has been sent to the sheriffs to squeeze the last ounce out of the farmers. What is happening apparently is, and I think he admitted it, that the people get these notices and they simply ignore them. They do not even write to the Land Commission; they make no effort. What is the Land Commission to do but presume that they do not intend to pay and proceed at once? Once the thing goes to the sheriff it is out of the hands of the Land Commission.

A new order came down to Westmeath and everybody in arrears got a typewritten notice so that after the 1st September, if you owed £20 and you paid in instalments to the sheriff, there was 20/- added on to the amount. It is the Minister for Justice's Department that is responsible. A man came down to the office in Mullingar about a fortnight ago and three or four people went to pay rent. They were brought before him and he threatened them and frightened the life out of them. If the Minister inquires into the matter he will find that every word I have said with regard to the pressure being brought to bear on the people is true.

After the able lecture which Deputy Dillon has given Fianna Fáil there is very little left for me to say. However, I am glad to say that the Fianna Fáil Party led by the Minister for Agriculture, after spending six years bringing the country into a bog of bankruptcy have now realised where they were going. No doubt the fact that a commission on agriculture is to be set up will bring some hope to the agricultural community. It is not now that that commission should be set up but 15 years ago when we were starting government in this country. We all know that the source of our wealth is in the soil of Ireland. But we are in the unfortunate position that for the last six years a city mentality has dominated the Fianna Fáil Party which has bowed to the opinions of men like Deputy Thomas Kelly who does not know the first thing about agriculture. We had a great cry for the industrialisation of the country which was said to be teeming with mineral wealth. We have had industrialisation during the last six years and what do we find to-day? Nothing but stagnation in that industrial drive. Why would there not be stagnation seeing that the purchasing community, the farmers and the country workers, are denuded of their means of living? I know that the Minister has now realised that he must look to the agricultural community if he wants to save the country and that Deputy Kelly will have to say "For six years I had the Minister in my hands; I will now go down the country with the Minister and help to raise up these people whom we want to buy the products which the industrial concerns in the cities are producing."

I come from a county that is supposed to be the premier couty as far as the land is concerned. I have been in that county for the last six or eight years and I am glad to say that I have seen the land confiscated from our forefathers being given back to the people. But I say that it is being given back in a mean and degrading way. The unfortunate small farmers and their sons have to go out begging for a small piece of land. They are getting ten or 12 Irish acres to live on. These unfortunate people, who have no means or capital to work the land, are being left there unprovided for, with the result that that land which could be producing wealth and helping to rear families is still let on the 11 months' system as it was for the last 50 years. The small farmer who has not the means to stock the land has to go back to the rancher from whom the land was taken and give him back that land on the 11 months' system at a cheaper rate than the rancher had it when paying the annuities himself. That kind of thing must be put a stop to immediately if we are to save the country.

I have often heard it said that the late Mr. Hogan, when Minister for Agriculture, intended that the lands of Meath should be kept in a preserved condition so that Meath would be the natural market for the other countries, because on County Meath depended the big fairs of Ballinasloe, Athenry, Roscommon, Longford, and other places. What is to become of these now if the Minister goes on in the same reckless way in Meath that he has been going for the last six years? We will have new rural slums, not in the west of Ireland, but on the plains of royal Meath.

I hope the Land Commission will think twice before dividing any more land in Meath and that it will be divided into definite economic units and given to people who will work it themselves for the good of the country. It is a terrible thing to see that land given to men who have not any outlook as far as the working of land is concerned; who do not give one jot whether it has to be set or taken off them again. They get all they can out of it for a few years, and when there is a pile of debt on it they will throw it there and walk away and go into the labour market. I want to see the right type of people placed on that land. At present we have nothing but unpaid land annuities and unpaid rates. At present these men can set their land and get work from the different local councils at the expense of the unfortunate unemployed men, who have neither land nor any other means of living and who are left to draw the dole, whilst these new farmers on the plains of Meath can get work all the year round at 35/- a week on the roads and set their land to the rancher from whom it was taken.

Apart from the poverty of the agricultural community, there is something else which concerns us, and that is the national spirit of our people. Where is that national spirit to-day—the national spirit that we had from 1916 to 1921? It is gone. Why has it gone? It has gone because of the poverty of the people. Ireland in every generation fought for her rights when prosperity was at its peak point. Will she raise her head to-day? No; because she has nothing to raise it for. She has now had is 16 or 17 years of self-government, and what has it brought? Nothing but desolation, despair and poverty. Is it not time that the Fianna Fáil Party, who call themselves the great Republican Party, realised that, instead of leading our country forward, they are driving it back? The cry to-day is: "We will wipe out the Border." They ought to realise that the Six Counties will wipe them out if they do not wake up.

What we want is prosperity for the people who drove the Saxon out of the country—the country worker and the small farmer; the men whom Fianna Fáil have trampled in the mud. As sure as the sun rises Fianna Fáil must repent or else go down in the mud themselves. They must try to save their faces this year, as this is the last year in which the agricultural community can be left in the condition in which they are. There was never any compulsion needed for the farmers in the past. Before either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael was heard of, when asked to pay their annuities and rates they paid them on the day they were due. Why are there hundreds of hundreds of thousands of unpaid annuities to-day? Because the people are unable to pay them. There are men in the Fianna Fáil Party all over the country who say that it is the dishonesty of the farmers which has produced the present position. It is not the dishonesty of the farmers. The farmers were never dishonest and never will be.

As to this commission which is to be set up, I am glad that the Minister said it will have power to make a very early interim report. Perhaps it will be able to report in two or three months. To do its work properly a commission like that must sit for two or three or perhaps four years. I hope it will its for three years, anyway, in order to find out how to make the country prosperous. At the same time, I hope it will be able to make an interim report in three or four months' time so as to relieve the agricultural community from some of the burdens at present on their shoulders. In my county the biggest relief that could be afforded at present would be that the Government should not deduct anything from the agricultural grant paid to the county council. This year a sum of £63,000 was deducted because of unpaid land annuities. It is unfair to make the farmer who has paid his annuities pay for the men who are not paying; it is unjust and dishonest. If the Government gave us that £63,000, which is ours by right, it certainly would take a great burden off our shoulders. I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned until Friday, 11th November.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 o'clock on Thursday, November 10th.
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