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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 1 May 1941

Vol. 82 No. 15

Committee on Finance. - Vote 30—Agriculture.

I move:

Go ndeontar suim ná raghaidh thar £622,377 chun slánuithe na suime is gá chun íoctha an Mhuirir a thiocfaidh chun bheith iníoctha i rith na bliana dar críoch an 31adh lá dé Mhárta, 1942, chun Tuarastail agus Costaisí Oifig an Aire Talmhaidheachta agus seirbhísí áirithe atá fé riaradh na hOifige sin, ar a n-áirmhítear Ildeontaisí-i-gCabhair.

That a sum, not exceeding £622,377, be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending the 31st day of March, 1942, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Agriculture, and of certain Services administered by that Office, including sundry Grants-in-Aid.

Perhaps the Minister would wait until we get a few farmers into the House before going on with this debate?

Now, leave the farmers alone!

Although this Estimate shows a net decrease of £55,375 compared with 1940-41 it will be necessary to submit at an early date a Supplementary Estimate to provide for expenditure in connection with foot-and-mouth disease during the present year, which will transform this decrease into a considerable increase. It is not yet possible to state what the amount of the Supplementary Estimate may be.

There are certain sub-heads which show an increase as compared with last year—Salaries, Wages and Allowances, Grants to County Committees of Agriculture, Allowances in respect of the Storage of Butter, Temporary Schemes in connection with Farm Improvements, Agricultural Produce (Eggs) Act and the Acquisition of Land (Allotments) (Amendment) Act, 1934. Then there are decreases in sub-heads dealing with Travelling Expenses, the Fertiliser Scheme, the Improvement of the Creamery industry, Butter Exports, Diseases of Animals, Agricultural Wages Act and also various other sub-heads to small amounts. With regard to the sub-head A—Salaries, Wages and Allowances—the increase of £7,000 is made up to some extent of £2,600 in respect of clerical staff employed under the compulsory tillage scheme, and £4,400 which represents normal increases of salary to persons who had not reached the maximum of their scale.

At the time this Estimate was printed, foot-and-mouth disease had not broken out in the country and the present provision will require to be increased when the Supplementary Estimate for foot-and-mouth disease is introduced. The next sub-head with which I shall deal is E (3)—Subscriptions, etc., to International and other Research organisations. The majority of the items under this sub-head are only token amounts because it is impossible to have any communication with these bodies at the moment. For instance, the International Institute of Agriculture, which was a very useful institute for sending out general information on agriculture, and also for providing information regarding statistics of various developments in production, etc., is located in Rome, and it is not at the moment possible to get into communication with it. The same applies to some extent to the International Seed Testing Association, for which there is a token Vote of only £20. This was an association which laid down international standards for the testing of seeds. It had also a congress where the various countries pooled their information. The last congress was held in Switzerland in 1937. Then comes the International Dairy Federation, for which the estimated contribution is £25. It is not likely that we shall be able to get very much information from that organisation during the coming year.

Then there is the International Veterinary Bureau, which has its headquarters in Paris. The bureau deals principally with the veterinary control of disease in different countries. Then there is the World's Poultry Science Association, which also caters for the pooling of any knowledge there is in the various countries on poultry questions. Next comes the Imperial Mycological Institute, to which the contribution is £200. The institute is under the control of the Executive Council of the Imperial Agricultural Bureau. It may be possible to make some use of that organisation this year. The same remarks apply to the Imperial Institute of Entomology which deals principally with the identification of insects, whether they be pests or otherwise, and issues replies to specific inquiries from entomologists as well as publishing reviews and bulletins which are of great interest to agricultural workers. There is an offshoot of this Institute of Entomology, the Farnham House Laboratory, to which we contribute £25. That laboratory goes in for breeding beneficial insects which are used here to some extent. For instance, we bring in the insects that eat up the green fly and we get them from that institute. Next comes the International Beef Conference, which is composed of representatives of the various countries that send beef to the British market. Besides this country, Great Britain, Australia, New Zealand, Argentine, Brazil and Uruguay are represented on it.

The next sub-head with which I should like to deal is F (4)—Scholarships in Agriculture. A number of scholarships in agriculture, horticulture and dairy science are granted annually by the Department. The scholarships are tenable for one year, renewable annually at the discretion of the Minister for Agriculture, so that the scholar may cover the four years' course leading to the degree of Bachelor of Agricultural Science, or Bachelor of Dairy Science. The scholarships in agriculture and horticulture are tenable at University College, Dublin, and the scholarships in dairy science at University College, Cork. There are usually 20 scholars undergoing instruction in each year.

Is it the county councils who administer this scheme?

These scholarships are given direct from the Department. The county council scholarships are given to the lower colleges.

Where is the examination for these scholarships held?

It is held centrally. There is a central examination at which students from these other colleges, or other persons if they wish to do so, can compete. Under sub-head F (8), a sum of £610 is provided for the training of instructors in horticulture. This is apart from the course which they do in University College. They have to do a course in the Botanic Gardens and also a practical course apart from that. Under sub-head G (1), Improvement of Milk Production, a sum of £26,151 is provided. This item is mainly concerned with the improvement of milk production by means of cow-testing associations. The question is frequently raised whether it is possible to do more to encourage farmers to become members of these cow-testing associations but I think that the Department, as far as financial inducements go, has done everything possible. The Department gives a grant of 4/- in respect of each cow under test. In addition it gives a grant of £26 10s. to supplement the salary paid by the association to its supervisors plus 1/- for each cow under test in excess of 250. An association, therefore, derives its income in the following way: a fee of 2/- from each member in respect of each cow of his under test, a grant from the Department of 4/- in respect of each cow under test plus 1/- for each cow in excess of 250 and a grant of £26 10s. towards the salary of the supervisor. That would appear to be a very generous contribution from the State. We have also done a fair amount of propaganda and canvassing but yet the numbers in these associations are really disappointing. There are fewer than 200 associations in the country and there are only 50,000 cows under test. That would represent only about 4 per cent. of the number of cows in the country.

Under sub-head G (3)—Fertiliser Scheme—a sum of £85,000 is provided. It is impossible at this stage to say what amount of fertiliser will be available. We know that there will be a certain amount available between the 31st March and the 31st July but what will be available between next autumn and the 31st March following it is not possible to forecast at this stage. The scheme is designed to enable farmers to purchase from their local merchants or co-operative societies fertilisers manufactured by members of the Irish Fertiliser Manufacturers' Association. The fertilisers to which the scheme applies are superphosphates and the compound and complete fertilisers manufactured by the association. The Department pays a subsidy of £1 per ton to members of the association and the subsidy must be passed on to their customers by retail merchants and co-operative societies. The current season began on the 8th October, 1940. The quantity of fertilisers sold under the scheme since that date up to the end of February, 1941, was 43,000 tons of superphosphate and 13,700 tons of compound and complete fertilisers. That is only, roughly, 50 per cent. of the amount sold during the previous year.

The next heading is: Grants to County Committees of Agriculture. The normal grant is pound for pound of the amount raised by the rate. Deputies are probably aware that it is mandatory on the county council to strike a twopenny rate, but they may strike more, and most of the counties have a higher rate than twopence. The amount that the twopenny rate would raise would be about £72,700, but as a good many counties are raising more than the twopenny rate it is estimated that the amount raised by the counties themselves will be £95,600. The Department will give an equal amount to the county committees. In addition to that, since the year 1932-33 there has been £6,000 granted for distribution amongst the poorer counties. That £6,000 has remained from year to year, and is again being granted this year. There is £50,000 granted for the lime scheme. The county committee asks for tenders from the various lime-kiln owners. They accept certain of those tenders, and then they do the best they can with the grant which is allocated to them. In some counties the grant has the effect of giving the lime to the farmer at about half the cost. In other counties it is as low, I think as 20 or 25 per cent., but on the average the grant reduces the cost by about 35 per cent. The scheme, of course, is administered entirely by the county committees of agriculture, and the amount of £50,000 is somewhat the same as last year, while considerably higher than in previous years.

We now come to sub-head I—Special Agricultural, Etc., Schemes in Congested Districts: £43,130. That is almost identical with last year's provision, and I need not go into it at this stage. Under K (1)—Agricultural Societies and Shows, the amount is small. There is a reduction of £800, for instance, because the Spring Show here in Dublin is not being held this year. In the case of the Bloodstock Breeders' Association of Ireland, the grant which was given to them for some time I think was £600. It is only £250 this year. It is not possible for that association, I think, to do the same work that they had been doing in peace time. The grant was given to that association to advertise Irish bloodstock abroad. They had been doing very good work. Before they undertook this job of advertising our horses, the Irish-bred horse that won a race abroad, especially in India, where they have done very good work, was put down as English bred. Well, they have succeeded now in giving credit to Ireland wherever that credit was due. Some of the countries in which they were operating are not having any racing now; other countries are hard to get at, and it is felt that £250 is as much as they can usefully spend this year.

Subhead K (4) is a grant in respect of the development of the manufacture of milk powder. This is an item which I explained in the Dáil in the last couple of years. It is an amount which is paid to Dungarvan Co-operative Creamery to subsidise the sale of invalid and baby foods. It was felt that it might be considered a great hardship by some people if they were prevented from getting baby foods that had been imported for many years, and we thought that the best way to build up this trade for a native industry was to enable them to sell their foods cheaper than the imported article. This is possible by giving them this subsidy, and I believe they are succeeding in getting a good part of the market. I need hardly say, of course, that the food is as good as the imported one, and the subsidy enables them to sell their food 6d. per lb. less in tins and 3d. in cartons.

And is not that better than any tariff?

It is. If we could apply it all round it would be a good idea.

A great idea and much cheaper in the long run.

The next subhead with which I want to deal is M (1)—Miscellaneous Work, £14,804. Of the £6,500 for advertising and publicity, it is estimated that £4,600 will be spent on general advertisements in connection with the Compulsory Tillage Order and special propaganda advertisements on food production. Subhead M (4) deals with loans and grants for agricultural purposes, and the amount is £40,250. There are various headings for this. One item is stallions. The number of loans issued has been much lower for the last two years than it had been previously. Pre-war, the number of loans issued was usually about 21 or 22, while for the last two years it has been 10. That, of course, is due to the fact that there is not the same number of applicants for stallions as there had been pre-war. The loans are issued in respect of sires purchased by the Department for resale at reduced prices. First of all, the Department purchases those stallions and sells them at reduced prices. Having reduced the price, the purchaser is required to put down one-third of the price in cash. The remainder is given to him by way of loan, if he requires it, and is repayable in five equal annual instalments, with interest at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum. There are also loans for the purchase of premium bulls. Here, again, the number is lower for last year than it had been previously. It varied from 270 to 317 in the three previous years, but last year it was 112. Those loans are issued to persons selected by the county committees of agriculture to keep such bulls for premium purposes. The bulls must be passed beforehand by the Department's inspectors. Under the scheme the purchaser pays in cash one-third of the approved sale price. A loan is issued to him in respect of the remaining two-thirds. This loan is repayable in two equal annual instalments, with interest at 5 per cent. per annum.

The next item is: Loans for the Purchase of Hand Sprayers, £2,500. The number of applications here remains fairly constant, in or about 1,000 per annum. The loans are repayable in two equal annual instalments with interest at 5 per cent. per annum. The loans, of course, are small, amounting only to £2 10s. or £3 each. There are loans for the purchase of other agricultural implements. The number of loans issued has increased in this case. Last year we issued 1,884, while the average number for the previous three years was 1,305. The loans here are confined to the purchase of implements costing less than £40. Loans for the purchase of implements, costing from £40 to £100, are made by the Agricultural Credit Corporation, on the recommendation of the Department.

Would the Minister say if there is any difference in the rate?

No. The terms are the same. The purchaser pays one-fourth of the price of the implement in cash. A loan is issued to him in respect of the remaining three-fourths. The loan is repayable in three equal annual instalments, with interest at 5 per cent. per annum. There are loans for the purchase or erection of poultry houses. The scheme provides for loans for the purchase of ready-made houses or the building of poultry houses. Loans are issued in respect of houses costing between £6 and £50, and are limited to four-fifths of the cost. In the case of a ready-made house, the borrower is required to pay one-fifth of the price in cash. A loan is issued to him for the remainder and is repayable in four equal annual instalments with interest at 5 per cent. In cases in which the applicant builds a house himself, the approved amount of the loan is issued as soon as the Minister is satisfied that the work is completed.

Then there are loans for the purchase of poultry equipment. This scheme provides loans for the purchase of incubators and hoovers. The loans are not usually issued for equipment costing less than £5, and in no case is a loan issued in respect of equipment costing £40 or more. The pattern and price of the equipment must be approved by the Department. The purchaser pays in cash one-fourth of the price and a loan is issued for the remaining three-fourths, which is repayable in three equal annual instalments with interest at 5 per cent. The number of loans has varied considerably. In 1938-39 there were 37; in the following year there were 7, and last year there were 11.

The next item deals with loans for the improvement of flax scutch mills. The loans amount to three-fourths of the cost of the necessary equipment and repair. There was only one loan last year. It is not expected that the number of applications will be high, and the amount required is fairly considerable whenever an application is made.

How much did that fellow get?

I think he got between £400 and £500. Then there are loans or grants for the erection, equipment, and repair of corn mills. That scheme has been in operation for a number of years, but it has not been very much availed of. The scheme provides for the granting of a limited number of loans, or combined grants and loans, to persons requiring financial assistance for the erection, repair and equipment of mills for use in the grinding of homegrown cereals for consumption in the households or on the farms of grain growers in districts where such facilities are inadequate.

Is there any maximum?

There is—£100. In the congested districts we give a grant as well as a loan; outside the congested districts we give a loan only. There were two combined loans and grants issued in 1940-41. No loans, or grants and loans, were issued in 1939-40.

What sort of grant do you give them?

I shall try to get information for the Deputy later on in connection with that matter. There are loans also issued for the erection of silos, and the amount provided is £1,000. Loans are issued for a fixed sum of £10 for silos constructed of reinforced concrete staves or slabs standing on a suitable rigid foundation, and a fixed sum of £20 for silos erected on an approved site and constructed of reinforced mass concrete or concrete blocks. There were only three loans issued in 1940-41.

Next we come to the improvement of the creamery industry. There is a reduction here as compared with last year's Estimate, because we had in mind last year the purchase of two creameries. If the question of purchase should arise during the year, that can be dealt with later by way of a Supplementary Estimate. We have a temporary scheme in connection with farm improvements, and the amount is £26,670. This is to provide for administrative expenses only, and the amount will be recovered from the Vote for Employment Schemes, which Vote will also be charged with the grants under the scheme.

When this Estimate was being prepared for the printer, foot-and-mouth disease had not broken out, and, therefore, the amount under the sub-head covering the Diseases of Animals Acts was much the same as in previous years. Since then a Supplementary Estimate was granted, and it will be necessary during this financial year to take another Supplementary Estimate. It is not yet possible to say what the amount will be, but it will be a considerable sum, probably a sum approaching £400,000, as things look at the moment.

Will the Minister give us a statement on the present position of foot-and-mouth disease?

I was about to do that. It was my intention, having gone through the Estimate, to say something about the position of foot-and-mouth disease. In order to get an idea of the course this disease has taken, I should like to remind Deputies that the first outbreak was on 20th January in County Donegal, close to the Derry Border, where an outbreak had occurred a few days previously. On the 24th January the disease appeared in Laoighis. On the 19th February the big outbreak occurred. It reached Dublin City; a few days later it extended to Dublin County, and from there it spread to Naas, Wicklow and other places. I have already spoken of the early stages of this disease and the general spread from Birr to Dublin, from Birr to Naas and from these areas to other places such as County Wicklow, and eventually to County Clare, County Limerick and County Kilkenny. Leaving aside the present outbreak in Kilkenny, with which I will deal specially, you might get some picture of the course of the disease by giving the number of notifications, the number of cases, as it were. During the month of February there were only one or two each week until the last week, when the number ran to 19. The following week it was 27. During March the highest number was 37. We had 37 in each of two weeks in March. In the first week of April the number came down to 18; the following week it was 11, and in the week after that it was 16. Last week the number had gone down to six. Leaving out Kilkenny, things looked very good indeed, and I felt we could say that we had reached the tailing—off process. There has been no fresh outbreak in any of those areas I have mentioned— I am still excepting Kilkenny—since 22nd April, nine days ago. There certainly has been no fresh outbreak in Dublin.

What about Limerick?

There was one outbreak in Limerick, but there was no fresh outbreak in Dublin and the counties around here, and we were beginning to feel that things looked fairly well in what was a very bad area—that is, the area around Dublin and Meath. The position was extremely difficult in Dublin, because it was so hard to isolate those dairy yards, there was so much communication between them, they were so close together and it was so hard also to disinfect them. It is much easier to disinfect grasslands than to disinfect houses. We had been very careful and we thought we were nearing the end, at least in the City of Dublin.

This outbreak of foot and mouth disease comes from a most virulent type of virus and every possible precaution which can be taken to prevent the spread of the infection must be taken, and actually was taken. We had, however, to look at the other side of the picture. While taking every precaution and being, perhaps, overcareful, if you like, in regard to our precautionary measures, we had to look at the other side of the picture. As soon as we felt it was safe to relax some of the restrictions in order that farmers might be enabled to put cattle out to grass and, if possible, to look after the sale of their stock, we did so.

I can summarise the present position with regard to these restrictions. Licences have been issued everywhere for the movement of animals for immediate slaughter, whether outside the infected areas or not. That has applied for some few weeks. Licences with regard to changing cattle or sheep to pasture will be issued by the veterinary officers in charge, but farmers must satisfy these veterinary officers that they must change cattle for want of feeding from one place to another. There are conditions laid down as to how the cattle may be shifted. Apart from the necessity of moving cattle and sheep to pasture, the movement of cattle or sheep for calving or lambing will be taken into account.

Does that apply to the restricted areas?

Any areas.

Into and out of them?

I understand that licences cannot be got to move cattle from restricted to free areas, even though the distance is within 15 miles.

They can for pasture.

Perhaps I am wrong but I understand that cannot be allowed if an area is scheduled and within a radius of 15 miles.

Inside five miles there is no movement of cattle or of any animals, or even of hay, straw or feeding stuffs.

I was referring to the 15 miles radius.

Outside of that radius cattle will be permitted to be removed to pasture.

I am glad of that. I understood that farmers cannot get permits to move cattle from a restricted area to another area.

From one restricted area to another?

From a restricted to an unrestricted area?

I will look into that matter again. It is hard to follow the regulations, which are changed nearly every day. The next point to be considered was the movement of cows, heifers, and sows for service. What is laid down in the order there is that in the restricted areas, whether five miles or 15 miles, permits will be granted. Within three miles of an outbreak there are special conditions prevailing.

Outside the circuit of three miles the Gárda Síochána, on their own responsibility, can issue what is known as a general permit to farmers. In other words, farmers need not go to the barracks the day they want to bring a cow for service. They get a general permit to move a cow or a boar. Inside the three mile radius they must get a permit from the veterinary surgeons, and, so far, the veterinary surgeons have insisted on cows or sows been carried in some vehicle. I admit that that makes it almost impossible for ordinary commercial cattle to be brought out. It is all right for a highly-bred cow, where a lorry can be hired, but it almost rules out the bringing out of ordinary cows at present. Licences of this kind are not being granted in County Dublin or in County Kilkenny. These are only the two exceptions.

A point that gave us some trouble was the movement of dairy cows to pasture in the City of Dublin and Dun Laoghaire. It is the practice of many dairymen in Dublin City and Dun Laoghaire to house cows for the whole winter, and to put them on pasture, eight or ten miles away, early in May, where they are left until September or the middle of October. The milk is brought in from the pasture. It was looked upon as being a rather dangerous problem to touch, but we felt that we would have to face it, and we have made it possible for these owners to bring their cows out. There are very strict regulations laid down where cows are moved. The owner applies for a permit, giving the number of cows he wants to move and also, particulars of the land to which he is going to bring them. Both cows and premises are inspected by veterinary surgeons. The cows must be moved by special lorries, that are named, and these lorries report back to Marrowbone Lane to be disinfected. In addition, the milkers who go to the cows must be thoroughly disinfected before they go out, and must be provided with two suits of dungarees, which are washed and disinfected twice a week. We hope that with the help of all these precautions we may escape a spread of the disease by having these cows brought out to grass.

It was realised, of course, that it was easy to make standstill orders, but that we ought to be careful not to upset the economy of the country, and especially we did not want to have any disturbing effect on the live-stock industry. Following the stoppage of the export of live cattle, arrangements were made for the purchase of cattle left with farmers in this area through the Dublin Emergency Meat Supply Committee, and that in other areas, outside County Dublin, and part of County Meath, buyers from the Waterford Co-operative Society, Wexford Co-operative Society and from Cork, Roscrea, Drogheda and other places would take the cattle. Large numbers of cattle were taken in that way.

It is hardly necessary to go into the history of these various purchases. In the beginning farmers complained that they were not getting what they regarded as a fair price, or even the published price, but we have now reached the stage when farmers have the option of getting the live-weight price that is published. I think it should please farmers to get the published price if they do not agree to take a certain price by hand. We are trying to remove the restrictions in each case as soon as we can, and for the last week or two these restrictions have been removed from wide areas in County Donegal, all County Louth, a good part of Counties Meath, Wicklow, and Clare, practically all County Galway and part of County Limerick.

It is realised that restrictions with regard to the holding of fairs is a different matter, with which I shall deal. I am glad to be able to say that in some of the earlier outbreaks, for instance at Dunboyne and Donegal, the owners of affected farms have applied for licences to restock and, in certain cases, they have been granted. Restocking is done in rather a cautious way. Owners are advised to buy two or three rather useless cattle, and if they can to get old cows. These are allowed to roam over the farm for a while, and if they do not contract the disease, he is allowed, after two weeks, to buy a few more and gradually to increase the number until he has completely restocked his farm.

Will that precaution be taken in all cases?

Yes, in all cases. The restocking is only commencing now in some of the areas. We have been pressed very hard by some of the farmers, especially in Donegal, where the disease occurred first, to grant permission to restock, and a couple of weeks ago we issued permits to some of them, but they have not used them. They are afraid to go on with it, although they have permits, which, if you like, is a good sign. It is felt in the Department, however, that it is fairly safe for them to start now. As Deputies are aware, these stock owners, especially in the Borough of Dublin, who failed to notify the disease were prosecuted and some of them have already been dealt with by the courts.

What borough?

The County Borough of Dublin. I was asked yesterday by a Deputy why we had been continually appealing to farmers to co-operate, or, as he put it, blaming the farmers for not co-operating. What the Deputy had in mind were the appeals, night after night, to farmers to co-operate. I do not want at all to blame the farmers in general. As a matter of fact, the great majority have given every co-operation in dealing with this outbreak, and were it not for the willing and helpful co-operation of the great majority of stockholders, the various areas affected could never have been cleared up as quickly as they were cleared up.

A very nice way of putting it.

There are, however, a limited number of individuals who have not co-operated, and who have even attempted to conceal the existence of the disease in their stock. Where evidence is forthcoming, these will be dealt with, and some have been dealt with already.

The outbreaks in Birr, Naas and Dublin, and from these, of course, all the outbreaks, were due to a great extent to concealment, and I feel that if the concealment had not been attempted in the early stages, we would have been well rid of the disease long ago. These areas now look fairly healthy, and we have reason to believe that we are reaching the end of the disease in most of the very badly-affected areas, but there is a very bad position arising in County Kilkenny. Within the past 24 hours, eight outbreaks have been confirmed in what might broadly be described as the Tullaroan-Kilmanagh area, and I think there is no doubt that there will be further cases confirmed in that area before we get to the end of it. Even in that district, however, I should like to say that the majority of the sensible farmers are co-operating and see the necessity for co-operating with the veterinary officers of my Department. There are, however, a certain number of people in that area who have set themselves up as leaders of public opinion, who have spread the very undesirable rumour that the veterinary surgeons are carrying the disease rather than curing it, and who have even advised people in that area to use physical methods to resist any visits by our inspectors. These physical methods have been used on that advice. It is impossible for the veterinary people to deal with this disease unless they get the full co-operation of everybody, and it is a pity that the attitude should be taken up in that, or in any other, area. There is no necessity, I think, to say that these obstructive tactics are illegal, will be looked upon very seriously and will have to be dealt with as time goes on, but I do make an appeal to the sensible people of the district to give us all the help they possibly can so that we can get rid of the disease there.

Owing to the very serious position in the district, I have been obliged to-day to make an order closing four creameries — Tullaroan, Kilmanagh, Ballyfrunk, and Mounteagle—and also to prohibit the removal of milk from farms in the immediate vicinity of these creameries. That is certainly a very serious step. We did not take such a serious step anywhere else because we thought it unnecessary, and I think events have proved that it was not necessary in the other areas. In the Limerick district of Rathkeale the farmers, of their own volition, refrained from sending their milk to the creamery for a few days until they felt that things were all right. That showed, of course, a splendid spirit among the farmers, and it is easy to eradicate the disease when you get that sort of co-operation. In this case, however, there was no option because these eight cases confirmed within the last 24 hours were first discovered among young calves and young pigs, which would go to show that the disease is spread by infected separated milk. That indicates a very much more serious case, because if the disease is being conveyed to the creamery, it must be conveyed in the milk of an affected herd, which means that some farmer or farmers are concealing the disease and sending their milk to the creamery. It shows a very bad public spirit in the area.

Has the origin of the disease been traced there?

No, not so far.

Will the Minister say something—I am sure his attention has been drawn to it—about the rumour in Kilkenny that it came from feeding stuffs?

Yes, I will mention that. I propose to deal with two or three rumours I heard. I feel that it is not necessary in this Assembly to comment on the attitude of any farmer who might be concealing the disease. We are doing our utmost, indeed, to trace the disease, and if it is being concealed, to find where, but it is impossible in a fairly big area like that for our veterinary surgeons to call to every farm and examine every beast, and I must appeal, therefore, to everybody in the area to co-operate in every way possible and to show good citizenship by reporting even his neighbour, if he suspects that his neighbour is concealing the disease. This disease is costing the country untold expense, because it is not only a question of the amount of compensation to be paid, which will probably be somewhere between £250,000 and £500,000, but also a question of the consequential losses to farmers all over the country through the closing of the ports and the stoppage of fairs. These consequential losses are enormous and it is very hard to calculate what they might amount to. I feel confident, therefore, that every right-thinking person, inside or outside that area, will give whatever co-operation he can.

Would the Minister indicate what co-operation he has in mind?

By reporting the disease. Firstly, a man should report his own stock if he thinks it is diseased and, secondly, if there is a farmer suspected by his neighbours as being the type of man who would not report his own stock, his neighbour should report it for him.

How are you to keep it out from him?

We cannot keep it out from him, until we get the disease out first. There are various rumours in circulation. Firstly, there is the rumour spread in that area, which caused all this trouble and which gave some support to the people I referred to who advocated resistance to our inspectors' visits, that the inspectors were spreading the disease, the inference being that our veterinary staff had good jobs and were anxious to keep them by carrying on the disease. That is a ridiculous suggestion, when it is examined. Firstly, nobody, I think, would believe that even if they were paid double pay while this disease existed, it would induce them to do any such thing, but the fact is that the great majority of these veterinary surgeons are employees of the Department, and they would have a better time if the disease were stamped out because they would revert to their normal business and their normal hours of work. A small number of practitioners were taken on for the period. So far from these men trying to prolong the job for themselves, I can, in truth, tell you that a number of them have been pressing the Department for release. This is an important time for a veterinary inspector who is in practice. He cannot afford to stay away. If he does, he runs the risk of losing his practice.

Not one of them wants to remain on the job.

They are pressing the Department for release, and some of them will have to be released.

Have the clergy been asked to use their influence in connection with this matter?

I do not say that they have been appealed to by circular but they have been appealed to generally. The second rumour was in regard to feeding stuffs. Deputy Curran put a question last week regarding a certain case respecting which it was rumoured that a possible source of infection was cotton cake. We investigated that and it was impossible to establish that it was due to that cause. The cotton cake had been in the place where the outbreak took place for three months.

Was it being fed to cattle for three months?

I assume it was. It was there for three months, at all events, and a good deal of cotton cake came from the same source and the other farmers were not affected. I do not think that the suggestion regarding cotton cake holds at all. Another rumour was that a man from County Clare, who came there to build a school, had possibly brought the infection. It is true that a man came there from Killaloe—a good way from where an outbreak occurred. However, he came three months before there was any outbreak of disease in the country and he had not been back to Clare in the meantime. It is easy to understand how these rumours arise. A person might quite honestly say that there was a Clareman there and somebody else would add to that statement. It is not at present possible to get any good clue as to how the disease was brought down there, but it seems that there is some infection in the Tullaroan and Kilmanagh area which we have not tracked down. Other Kilkenny cases may be due to that. If it is there, it will certainly be found in time. It is very foolish for any farmer to attempt to conceal this disease and hope to get away with it. He will, probably, have to pay a fairly stiff fine and suffer the loss of compensation if he conceals the existance of the disease in any way.

Have you a proper cordon around the area?

We have a very much bigger staff in that area than anywhere else because we were able to withdraw staff, to some extent, from Donegal, Clare and other places. We have a very much bigger staff, both of veterinary surgeons and Gárdaí, in that area than we have anywhere else. We are fairly confident that we can surround that area and keep the disease there, but I am afraid there will be many more cases in that area before we finish.

Would the Minister explain the working of the Purchasing Board which deals with fat stock in Dublin?

In what way?

There is dissatisfaction all round, and I should like him to justify the board and its practice. There is a shortage of meat in the city, and a surplus of fat stock outside the city. There is also dissatisfaction with the prices given. Would the Minister explain the working of the system?

Many of us have representations to make on that score.

I should like to hear the Minister on it in the first instance.

In my respectful submission, it is better to have the whole thing out now than to have the Minister giving one story and each of us getting up and telling him it is incorrect in the course of the debate. I have representations to make to him on the subject, and I have no doubt that Deputy Belton has, too. When he has answered our representations, perhaps he will so far indulge us as to answer a few supplementary, specific questions before the debate concludes.

Before dealing with the general question that arises on this Estimate, I should like to follow the Minister in regard to foot-and-mouth disease. In the course of his introductory remarks on the subject of foot-and-mouth disease, he said that every precaution must be, and, in fact, has been, taken. To be perfectly honest, I do not agree with him. I do not think we are going to get anywhere by conveying to the public the impression that we are sticking our heads in the sand and denying to ourselves that any mistakes have been made. I am quite certain that many mistakes were made in the initial stages of this outbreak. I was equally certain, right from the beginning, that the matter was one of such gravity that we should all be much better employed communicating with the Minister and his staff as quickly as we could when we detected an error than making public speeches.

The truth is that we have not had an outbreak of this disease in this country for a great many years, and to find a staff that was familiar with all the perils of foot-and-mouth disease must have been no easy task. In England, the disease is virtually endemic. You may have an outbreak in Gloucestershire, and later be confronted with an outbreak in Yorkshire. You can send all the expert men you had at work in Gloucestershire right on to Yorkshire, and you can in that way have a highly-skilled body of men, who are familiar with all the dangers surrounding outbreaks of this character, constantly dealing with this disease from the word "go", and taking all the precautions that experience and wisdom in dealing with such outbreaks would dictate.

I think that the Minister will agree with me that it is only very recently the services of certain Army disinfecting units have been called into commission. I think that it was Deputy O'Higgins who directed the attention of the Department to the desirability of employing these particular disinfecting units. Deputy O'Higgins did that without making any hullabaloo about it, and I think the Department considered his representations, appreciated the value of the suggestions made and these units are now contributing to the better control of the badly-infected areas. I am sure mistakes were made at the beginning of this outbreak, and I am equally sure that, if mistakes were made, we have learned from our experience. The men who are now grappling with this disease are better equipped to grapple with it than they were in its initial stages. Let us also bear in mind that, over and above the men whose daily duty it is to grapple with the disease, the public are better educated. In the early stages of this disease there is no doubt that our people, unfamiliar with its dangers amongst them, may not have been as co-operative as they ought to have been. Now everybody realises the immense danger, and I imagine that the Department are getting very much more substantial co-operation than they were getting earlier on.

There is no doubt that this Kilkenny outbreak will cause consternation because it is very, very bad. It is very dangerous, and it is hard to understand how an outbreak of this violence could manifest itself at this stage. Suffice it to say, in any case, that any person who advises people in Kilkenny to conceal the existence of the disease, or to withhold their co-operation from the officials of the Department, who are trying to control it, are, in fact, public enemies. We can all excuse people who are misled in the early stages of a crisis of this kind and offer unwise advice for the want of wisdom and prudence. But, when men know the trouble to which the people have been put, and the sufferings the people have had to go through in order to eradicate the disease from other areas and, with that information in their mind, not only forbear from co-operation with the Department, but advise their neighbours to withhold co-operation, such men are either mad or criminal, and I think they should be dealt with on that assumption.

Every week when I go down the country I see in the province of Connaught the sufferings that people there are going through owing to their inability to dispose of cattle they had ready for sale six or eight weeks ago. They have no feeding stuffs for them, no grass to give them and, in some cases, they are selling stock at half their true value because they have no food with which to feed them. In another centre of the country that dilemma has been protracted by the folly and irresponsibility of individuals, happily few in number, who fail to appreciate the position and who will not co-operate with the authorities in stamping out the disease. I want to say this deliberately and in public, that, if I were living in Kilkenny and knew of foot-and-mouth disease upon my neighbour's farm, I would go and inform the Guards forthwith, and if tomorrow foot-and-mouth disease manifested itself on my neighbour's farm in County Roscommon, I shall inform the Guards forthwith, and I would expect my neighbour to do the same if the disease manifested itself on my land and I failed to make a report myself. I would do that in the knowledge that, far from doing an injury to my neighbour, I was doing him a service in protecting him from the consequences of his own folly. So grave is this development that, in my judgment, there is not only an obligation on the stockholder whose own stock is infected to notify the authorities, but a grave obligation on every citizen of the State who may get knowledge of an outbreak on a neighbour's place to go and warn the Guards that the place should be inspected as there is danger there.

Naturally, in a time like this, rumours will spread that the veterinary surgeons who are liable to find themselves from time to time on infected premises are carrying the disease to uninfected premises. I am satisfied now that there is no danger whatever from that source, as I am quite satisfied that the veterinary surgeons are now taking all proper precautions to ensure that if they come in contact with the disease they are adequately and effectively disinfected before they approach any other herd to inspect it or come in contact with it in any possible capacity.

There may be people in the country still who say that the policy of eradication and slaughter is wrong. If my voice carries any weight with them, I want to tell them that they are quite mistaken. In the present state of veterinary knowledge, the only hope for the live-stock industry is the policy of slaughter. If we allowed ourselves to waver for one week on the slaughter policy, we might establish foot-and-mouth disease in this country on such a scale that the live-stock industry as we know it would be ruined for a decade.

The only hope of preserving the live-stock industry, which I regard as the foundation of the entire agricultural economy of the country, is to pursue the slaughter policy ruthlessly, whatever the cost. Though we may have to spend £400,000 or £500,000 in this year, if we look back on the fact that we have not had a serious outbreak for nearly 30 years—1912 was the last big outbreak, although we have had minor outbreaks since—we are paying an insurance now for virtual immunity over the last 30 years. If you divide 30 into £500,000, the rate of annual premium is something like £20,000 a year. But, if you compare £20,000 a year with the loss this country would sustain if foot-and-mouth disease was established as an endemic disease in Ireland, you would be astonished to discover that, whereas we have spent at the rate of £20,000 a year to keep the disease at bay, it would cost us in the order of £4,000,000 or £5,000,000 a year, if not more, to tolerate the permanent existence of foot-and-mouth disease as an endemic disease amongst the live stock of this country. No sane man would withhold an annual premium of £20,000 in order to run the risk of losing an annual sum of from £4,000,000 to £6,000,000. Therefore, there should be no doubt in the mind of any reasonable man that, in the present stage of veterinary knowledge, the slaughter policy is right and the Government are entitled to the support of every decent citizen in this State in prosecuting that policy vigorously until the disease is eradicated from the whole country.

Deputy Belton referred, by question to the Minister, to the operations of the meat buyers. I think the meat buyers behaved very badly, to put it quite plainly. God knows, in this country we ought to have reached the stage when we can find five men who would not proceed to rob their neighbours the moment they got their neighbours into a tight corner.

Why should they be allowed?

I do not believe they should be allowed. But, I can see myself falling into the same kind of error into which, I think, the Minister fell, and that is that when your country is confronted with a gigantic crisis and everybody knows it is and you go to five apparently decent men and say: "Will you give us a hand out of this difficulty," you expect those men to throw off their coats and to help you to bear the burden in the same way that you are trying to bear it yourself. You turn back to your particular task confident that these five men will play fair and you discover seven or ten days later that they have gone on the rampage and are trying to make hay while the sun shines.

You have to go out after them and put on all sorts of controls and checks in order to stop the abuses that you hoped five decent men would never commit. Maybe the Minister and maybe most people are too optimistic about human nature. I suppose we all are. I suppose, being optimistic about human nature, we are liable to get disappointed from time to time as we go through life, not only in our neighbours but, not infrequently, in ourselves. Perhaps Deputy Belton and myself, if we had the setting up of a committee of five to buy meat, and could make a fortune by doing everyone out of a halfpenny per lb., might find ourselves labouring under a very serious temptation.

We did not get the chance. That is the whole problem.

I do not suppose that Deputy Belton or I, or the Minister for Agriculture, would ever make that mistake again. I think the position is somewhat better than it was.

Ask the butchers of Dublin.

I am primarily concerned with, I make no disguise of it, the fellow that has the cattle to sell. I have met very few rich farmers, but I have met plenty of butchers that were in a comfortable way of business.

They are all poor now, butchers and farmers.

One can depend on the butchers to put up a good show in their own interests. So far as the cattle are concerned, things are better than they were. The Minister is fully alive to the abuses that have been in operation. He is willing and anxious to hear any suggestions that will effectively secure for producers a fair price for the cattle they have to sell.

What right have they to buy by hand and be charging 53/- a cwt.? That is still going on.

I would be delighted if Deputy Belton would give specific cases of abuses of that character to the Minister. If he does, he can depend on me to give him all the help I can in getting these specific cases investigated to the last degree of inquisition, and of getting substantial justice done, if injustice has been done in the cases he knows of.

Let me say a word now about the Roscrea gentlemen. They were invited to go out and buy up old cows and bulls and grade C cattle suitable for canning. On that representation, they were allowed to fix a price suitable for that class of cattle. The boys were not out long until they were buying grade A fat cattle at the price which they maintained they were paying for old cows. Unfortunate people who had no fodder, no grass and no means of carrying cattle that they had been feeding all through the winter, were constrained to sell their cattle to the Roscrea buyers at the price of old cows. The Roscrea boys took the cattle to Roscrea, had them slaughtered and exported as dressed meat, and, so far as I know, were paid for them on the basis of being first-class dressed meat on the British market.

They were told by the Taoiseach that they would be slaughtered in any case.

Whatever the Taoiseach may have said, I think that was a disgusting scandal. I think it was a mean, dishonourable and unpatriotic thing to do. I think the Minister ought to go to the Roscrea Meat Company and investigate the several transactions that it had with farmers and see if, retrospectively, we cannot get some kind of substantial justice done, or at least the lesson taught to the people of this country that if their co-operation is asked in a time of crisis, and if they are not prepared to give it generously and honestly, they ought not to pretend to give it at all. They ought to be taught that they will not be allowed to masquerade as public benefactors when, in fact, their purpose is to act the part of highway robbers, plundering their own neighbours.

They have given it up.

Let me say this, that I do not mind so much the kind of robber who cuts my purse and leaves me bleeding in the gutter, but when he comes back to me afterwards and says that he made no profit out of it, that makes me mad. I believe the latest gag is that having gone out and robbed and plundered those men, the Roscrea boys say: "We made nothing out of it," the fact being that, having robbed their neighbours and plundered them, the police got after them in the person of myself and of certain others who knew what they were up to. The boys say: "We are making nothing out of it, and will not do it any more," because they know the police are on their track. What pick-pocket ever picks pockets if he sees a Civic Guard standing behind him? He will turn around and tell the Civic Guard that he is the most honest man in Dublin and that crime does not pay.

On a point of order. Are not the Deputy's remarks, as applied to individuals, disorderly according to the rules of the House?

No. The Deputy's objection is not sustained.

Different rulings for different people.

What I am saying is that the Roscrea buyers did not pay a fair price to the men from whom they bought the cattle, when we remember that the farmers had nobody else to sell to. I say that the manner in which they victimised them was cruel, oppressive and dishonest.

The whole trouble was in creating the monopoly. None of us will want to pay £20 for a beast if we can get it for £15.

I told the Deputy a moment ago that if he and I were faced with the same temptation as the members of the meat committee in Dublin he might find it difficult to overcome it, and I seem to have been right.

My reply is that the opportunity of doing that should not be put in our way.

I do not know that, if I were Minister for Agriculture and found myself in a tight corner, I might not say to Deputy Belton: "Will you give me a hand and go out and buy cattle in places where they are plenty." I would not believe that he was going out to capitalise on that critical situation in order to line his own pocket.

I would not tell the Minister that I was giving 53/- a cwt. for first-class beef when I was only paying 43/-. Why does not the Minister get the balance sheet?

My complaint about those Roscrea fellows is this—it is what exasperates me—that, having done what I complain of, and having been caught at it, they are now saying that they will not do it any more. The fact is that they will not do it any more, because they have been caught.

They are still doing it.

Deputies should address the Chair and not carry on a conversation in the manner in which they have been doing.

As regards the Roscrea fellows, I doubt if they are still doing it, because I think they realise that the game is up, and that they have stopped it. I doubt, too, if the big five in Dublin are doing it on the same scale that they were doing it, because I think they are being compelled in the majority of cases, to pay something approaching the real value of the cattle. I most strongly urge on the Minister that his precautions to prevent any recrudescence of that scandal should be redoubled, because God knows the farmers of this country have enough to bear in the general hardships that have been brought on them by this disease without being robbed and plundered by those who hold themselves out as being their friends. My advice, then, is to give all the help we can to the Minister for Agriculture to get control of this foot-and-mouth disease. My conviction is that now effective measures are being taken to combat it. My ardent hope is that we can refrain from acrimonious controversy about the matter until we are satisfied that it has been controlled. When we are satisfied that the disease has been effectively banished, we can then enjoy the post mortems as much as we want to. In the meantime, it is up to all of us to place any information that comes within our grasp in the hands of the Minister so that it can be acted upon. So much for the foot-and-mouth disease. I have abstained deliberately from describing any interviews or representations that I have made to the Minister because I do not believe it is going to do any good to be discussing these matters here.

There is another matter that I want to make reference to. The Minister this evening spoke of a grant that has been made to the Dungarvan Co-operative Creamery Society for the production of a dried milk infant food. Could anything be more admirable than that plan of promoting home industry, instead of asking the women and children of this country to pay an inflated price for dried milk or baby food behind a sky-high tariff? The Minister says to the society: "We will give you £1,400 a year, and you are to sell this product to our women and children at a lower price than they could buy the British product."

What is the result? No consumer suffers. The Dungarvan Co-operative Creamery Society produces a most excellent article which compares very favourably with the British article, and, as a result of the subsidy, the full amount of which we can ascertain with certainty every year, the Dungarvan Creamery is able to sell its product cheaper than the British factory can do. Every year we can take up this Estimate and know to a penny piece what that subsidy is costing us.

Compare that with the system obtaining in respect of agricultural implements, manures and many of the other things which our people have to buy behind tariff protection. We never know what the tariffs are costing us. We never know how much more it costs the farmers of this country to buy from one year to another implements on which there is a tariff. There is no place you can go to and discover how much the tariff on spades, on agricultural machinery, on manures and feeding stuffs is costing the community here, with the result, due to that human weakness of which we have already been speaking, that people operating under these high tariffs proceed to plunder the public, just as the committee of five, to which reference was made, and the Roscrea fellows, have plundered the public. The Dungarvan Co-operative Creamery Society in this matter is not tempted to plunder the public. It cannot do so, and not being tempted it is not, in fact, doing it. It is finding a ready market for its products. It is able to give its products to the public at a lower price than the foreign competitor. By increasing its own efficiency, the society is turning out a better product, with the result that Dungarvan is getting what it wants, the consumer is getting a cheaper article, the industry prospers and the only person who suffers is the taxpayer, to the tune of £1,400 a year. He knows what it is costing him and that it is spread over the whole community and not piled up on the backs of the restricted class who happen to buy the particular commodity and which it is desired to produce in this country. Why should we not apply that system to shovels, graips, spades, mow. ing machines, harrows, tractors and ploughs? Why should we not say to the man who manufactures them: "We will give you a grant—a subsidy—on each particular article you produce individually and let you sell them in competition with the foreign article, and the grant will meet that competition and protect the consumer of the article you produce from any possible exploitation which might take place if you had a tariff instead of the subsidy you are getting."? I invite Deputies to reflect on that.

I pass now to the more controversial aspect of this Estimate. Where is the Grow More Wheat policy? This is the 1st May. Throughout this whole season, from last October down to to-day, I have not uttered a single controversial word in public on the agricultural policy of the Government, as I felt that there was nothing more important during the last six months than to secure some common action and that it was better to have certainty and a clear course before the agricultural community than a tumult of controversy. I left a fair, free field to the Government to make their case and to the people to do what they thought the Government wanted them to do. Now, seeing that the season is over and that it will not make any difference to the harvesting of the wheat, I would ask: "Where is the Grow More Wheat" policy now?

For nine long years the Fianna Fáil Government have been thumping the tub about Grow More Wheat and the argument was: "We know that it is costly to grow wheat, that it will cost £3,000,000 a year, but think of the day when transport across the Atlantic Ocean will break down and when the Grow More Wheat policy will render us independent of external supplies. Self sufficiency! Is it not a small premium to pay to secure, in the hour of distress, self sufficiency wherewith to feed our people?"

That is right.

That is right! I wonder if the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defensive Measures thinks it is right. He is out in America trying to buy boats and wheat, to circumnavigate the mines and aeroplanes and to bring wheat from Canada in the month of May.

The Opposition is responsible for that.

I was waiting for the Deputy to say that, and I wondered if I could rouse him to it, and at last I have landed him. The Taoiseach himself took to the hustings and said last March that it was not due to any Opposition, it was due to the fact that the weather went against them. Do Deputies not remember that? Do Deputies not remember those words used by the Taoiseach at a meeting addressed by him, when he said:

"The weather went against us and we are not going to get the wheat."?

I was certain that some of the tulips over there would give me a chance to bring that out. The Taoiseach himself has brought the vindication of the warnings I have been giving in the last nine years. I said:

"There is all this precious codology about Grow More Wheat, but what will happen is that a false sense of security will be created and when the dark cloud begins to cover the horizon that false sense of security will deter you from investing the money necessary to secure a sufficient store of wheat. When the crisis comes you will find that the Grow More Wheat policy will not save you and then you will be trying to get food for the people and explaining to all and sundry that it was not your fault."

If it is not the Government's fault that we are in this mess, whose fault is it? If the Government had spent one-tenth of the amount of money spent on the "Grow More Wheat" codology, in the purchase and store of wheat in this country, we would now be in a position where we could tell Herr-Hitler to go to blazes. Is that not true? But the Government would not do that. It was "Grow More Wheat!" And in the one year when you were to gather your harvest, after all the expense of the last nine years, the weather went against you and it left you high and dry, and the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defensive Measures is out in America trying to buy wheat, and telling us that he has bought vast quantities of it.

At what price? More than 50/- a barrel.

I do not know. The point I am making is that, after ten years of self-sufficiency, ten years of "Grow More Wheat" codology, and £30,000 of money spent on the campaign, here is the day when that expenditure ought to show its result, and the net result is that the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defensive Measures is out in Washington trying to buy wheat, and trying to get it back to our people across the Atlantic Ocean. Now do Deputies realise why I told them that "Grow More Wheat" was codology?

Last January I saw that, the codology having broken down, there was still a chance to save the day. I, accordingly, prepared a memorandum and brought it to the Taoiseach in his own room. I said to him: "I am not going to say one word in public about the wheat scheme, because the spring wheat has yet to be sown, and I have no desire to confuse the public mind as to what is the right thing to do at the present time. The right thing to do is to prosecute vigorously the policy laid down by the Government for the best utilisation of the land. This is no time for argument upon the question—public argument. But here is a scheme that will save you from the consequences of your own folly: on every acre of stubble land in Ireland a survey ought to be conducted, and wherever the stubble land could be used for the production of barley, we ought to persuade the farmers at any cost to grow it, leaving the stubble land unsuitable for barley, and lea land for the growing of oats, because you can grow oats on nearly any lea land in this country if you try hard enough; it is not on every land you can grow barley. Tell the farmers now that you will give them 2/- a stone for barley, and that you do not care whether they produce 1,000,000 barrels or 5,000,000 barrels, and that you do not care whether they keep it or sell it. If they want to sell it, you will give them 2/- a stone, and if they want to keep it they are free to do so.

"Go then to the British Government and say to them: `You are importing, and must continue to import millions of hundredweights of barley.' " The pre-war imports of barley into Great Britain from across the Atlantic were 19,000,000 cwts. Doubtless they have reduced that import very considerably since. "Say to them this: `We are not asking you for anything for nothing. We are not asking you for any concession. We have got a strictly business proposition to make to you. We will supply 25 cwts. of barley for every ton of wheat you will give us. We will fix the price afterwards. You pay us for the barley and we will pay you for the wheat but, volume for volume, we will give you 25 cwts. of barley, to be paid for by you at the ruling price; we will take in exchange from you 20 cwts. of wheat, to be paid for by us at the ruling price.' We will make a profit on the bargain because Irish barley-growing land can produce barley at current prices at a profit, I believe, but in any case it would be well worth our while to give the farmer 2/- a stone for barley and sell it at the best price we could get to the British, provided we got the wheat in return. If they sold us 300,000 tons of wheat on that exchange basis, we could save the British 75,000 tons of shipping and we would pay them for the wheat. No compliment at all. But, by giving them the extra volume of barley, we would save them 75,000 tons of shipping—the one thing they especially want at the present time."

While it is true that on the restricted area where wheat was grown in the early stages of the "Grow More Wheat" campaign the yields were very high, it is also common knowledge that as we pushed out the area under wheat into the marginal land in this country the average yield was bound to go down. The average yield per acre of the land of this country of barley is in the order of 20 to 21 cwts. The average yield of wheat will be down to about 16 cwts. this year. If we had taken half that marginal land that has been put under the low-yield wheat and left it under barley we would have an average of 20 cwts. of barley per acre for that land and we could have swopped it with the British at the rate of 25 cwts. of barley for 20 cwts. of wheat. By our exchange, we would have saved shipping for the British and secured a supply of Manitoba wheat for our own people and we would make a profit on the growing of barley on the land where it was produced.

And paid for foreign wheat 50/- a barrel. Is not that your price?

We would not get it at all.

While you only give 40/- for home-grown wheat.

I think that the Deputy will agree with me that the whole thing is to get wheat.

Agreed, but why not give 50/- to the Irish farmer to grow it, which you are now offering to the British farmer?

Deputy Belton must not interrupt.

I am talking of the situation with which we found ourselves confronted last December or January.

So am I.

It was the situation in which there was a limited quantity of Spring wheat in the country.

Why was it limited?

What is the use of arguing about the misdeeds of Fianna Fáil for the last nine years when our people are confronted with hunger next year? I have been talking about the misdeeds of Fianna Fáil for the past ten years, but it does not seem to make much impression on the public. What I am concerned with now is to protect our people from hunger, not to conduct a controversial argument with de Valera as to whether his policy was right or not.

I went to the Taoiseach and put that proposal before him, and I am as certain as I am standing here, in the situation in which we found ourselves last January it was the most effective way to get wheat for our people.

The Deputy should be sent to Grangegorman.

I was told it would not work. The time will yet come in this country when it will work because it will have to work. I invite Deputies to brood well on those words of the Taoiseach: "The weather went against us." Those were his words. Not that anyone grudged his co-operation, not that anyone withheld his help in growing more wheat, but he said we could not get the wheat in because the weather went against us. And he was perfectly right.

He did not start in time.

Well now, go and argue that out with the Taoiseach. I am quoting what the Taoiseach said, and I am asking, in the light of that public pronouncement, what about "grow more wheat" now? Codology it was 12 months ago; codology it was 10 years ago, and codology it is now. But it is a dear, cruel codology on our people. I am dealing with that now because there is ample time between now and the autumn and next spring to mend our hand and guarantee to our people sufficient bread. We can do that if we drop the wheat codology and approach Great Britain, with no appeal for concession, with no demand for some benefit, but on a strictly business basis, that we will save her shipping if she deals with us for wheat. Remember, she has got to bring in wheat or barley. She is bringing both in in vast quantities. It does not matter a hoot to her whether it is wheat or barley that is in the boat so long as she is able to land at Liverpool the particular kind of grain she wants. Let her send the wheat to us when she wants barley and, for every ton of wheat she sends, we will land 25 cwt. of barley at Liverpool. There is the way to protect our people from a shortage of wheat hereafter and to secure for our people an ample quantity— 300,000 tons—of No. 1 Manitoba wheat which, added to the 200,000 tons that can be produced here, would secure our people from all possibility of dangerous shortage of bread.

Listen, Sir. I do not deny that I am making my case as strongly as I can, but I am not arguing—and I do not want to argue, because it would not help to argue—that one side or the other should have a great political triumph in this matter. I am quite prepared to say that in a time of crisis such as this we should not embark upon any radical change in our present policy. Let the wheat that is being grown in this country at present go on being grown, but let the difference between what we can produce ourselves with safety and what needs to be imported be looked after at once, so that we will never be haunted by the spectre of hunger in this country again.

In that connection, I asked the Minister again and again to guarantee prices for barley and oats, and I am quite certain that if, last January, the Government had gone out courageously and announced a guaranteed price for barley and oats, we would now have a far larger amount of these cereals than we now have. It is all very well to tell the farmers to grow more oats and to grow more barley because it is the patriotic thing to do, but it is unfair to expect people to be patriotic in such things when it is a matter of actual existence. It must be remembered that the small farmer is too near the border of hunger to be thinking about being patriotic. He has to live and keep his family, and if he cannot see any prospect of converting into cash, directly or indirectly, the crops that the Government say it is his duty to produce, there is no use in asking him to grow these crops.

Will the Minister give us some information as to how to avoid the ramp that we had last year in regard to this matter? Having in mind the people who had not proper storage facilities for barley and oats, we begged the Minister last year to guarantee a fair price for these crops and he absolutely refused to do so. Then, he announced that the millers would give 8/- for oats and 10/- for barley. What happened?

What happened was that the small men, who had no storage facilities, had to sell their oats and barley at whatever price they could get, but the "warriors" who had storage facilities were able to buy the oats and barley for 8/- and 10/- respectively, and these were sold back subsequently to the farmers for 20/-, either for seeds or in the form of maize-meal mixture, during the last 12 months. Surely, this House will not permit that outrage to be perpetrated again on the small farmers of this country? It must be remembered that this thing did not affect the big farmer, because he was able to hold on to, and store, his stocks of barley or oats and wait for prices to rise, but the small farmer had to keep his oats and barley without proper facilities and see the rats eating them away, and then, after selling his oats and barley at 8/- or 10/-, he had to pay 20/- for the same oats and barley, either in the form of seeds or maize-meal mixture. That is something that human nature, simply, will not endure. I put it to the Minister that that gross scandal should not be allowed to recur

That brings me, Sir, to the question of pigs and cattle. What is the Minister going to do about pigs and cattle? We passed through this House, with a great flourish of trumpets, two separate Pigs and Bacon Acts, and the prime purpose of those Acts was to fix a price for pigs, so as to ensure that a price would be forecast for pigs which would enable farmers to conduct their business profitably. What has happened? What has happened is this the curers, when it suited their own sweet will, refused to take the pigs, thus making the matter of the minimum price ineffective. Then, when the curers wanted pigs, they proceeded to pay 10/- and 12/- over the price fixed by the Minister, and the Minister, in my opinion, in the most weak-minded way, knuckled under that and, in defiance of the law, came into this House, bleating that his price was a minimum price, when we all knew, when the Act was going through this House, that he had stood most firmly on the thesis that the fixed price under the Act would be a fixed price, and not the minimum price. Let me recall to Deputies why a fixed price was agreed upon. The danger is that if you do not have a fixed price which everybody must pay, then, when it suits firms such as Denny's or O'Mara's, they fix a fancy price in order to deprive the small fellow of supplies, in the hope that they will eventually knock him out of business.

But they have not knocked them out of business.

No, thank God! Happily, we were able to save a great number of them, and the small fellows are still there and exercise a most useful competitive influence against the big fellows. Do not let anybody imagine that because Henry Denny, or O'Mara, or anybody else, can pay excessive prices they are doing that out of love for the pig producer. They are only doing that in order to smash the small fellow, to drive him to the wall; and when they have driven him to the wall and have him down and out, then they can put up whatever price they like. I put it to the House that that is the kind of thing that has been permitted by the Minister for Agriculture, and I want to say this: that the present Minister may not be always Minister for Agriculture, and that when certain curers seek to create a monopoly in this State, they are paving the way for the day when men will give notice that that monopoly will be acquired by the State for the benefit of the public at the price which the public thinks it is fair to pay. And let no monopolist, who sets out on the path of exploitation of our people with the sanction of the Minister, come in here and raise a wail to high Heaven, when his monopoly is taken away from him, that he has been cruelly or unjustly treated.

This Government has given a monopoly to many of these people, and when the day comes that that monopoly will be taken away from these people, if I have any say in the matter, I hope they will get it "in the neck", in the same way as they have been giving it "in the neck" to the unfortunate small producers of this country and small manufacturers. This Government, thank God, will not always be here, and neither will these monopolists, who have been a scourge to our people for the last ten years, be here.

I heard a great deal of to-do last year and the year before about the ensilage of grass and the pitting of potatoes for the feeding of pigs. I think that those are both lines of development along which this country could profitably travel, but I do not think the Department are developing either of these lines in the way they could be developed. I do not understand why. I believe that there was some attempt made last year to develop grass ensilage, but it seemed to me to be a half-hearted, lame-duck kind of development. There was no great encouragement to anybody to try these things for themselves, and I think that was a great mistake. I suggest to the Minister that, in so far as these silos are available to us, without resort to outside supplies, we should try, with renewed energy, to promote such schemes as the ensilage of grass this year, because I believe that we will stand very much in need of concentrates next year, and we might look to ensilage, quite reasonably, to take the place of these concentrates.

I have also heard a great deal of talk about the desirability of boiling potatoes and putting them in the pits in a boiled state. Those who, I presume, are entitled to judge, tell me that that is the most economic way of dealing with potatoes. I am open to conviction on that, but I know that it has been the practice of our people to keep their potatoes in the pits and boil them when they are required for feeding. As I say, I am open to conviction, but I do not know which is the better way. It seems to me that whether the potatoes are boiled three months before they are used, and then stored in the pits, or boiled on the occasion on which they are being used, does not make much of a difference, so long as they are properly pitted and so long as they are of the proper variety. I think they can be used to good advantage, without embarking on this proposal which I have heard advocated so strongly in many quarters.

I want to say that I know that in the large grain-growing areas farmers are familiar with the use of straw as cattle fodder. They have always employed it, and they understand how to work it into a cattle ration but, in many other areas in the country, the use of straw as cattle fodder is comparatively unknown. There is no doubt whatever that oaten straw and barley straw can constitute very valuable fodder for cattle, particularly in a year when the hay crop is not as bountiful as it might be. I would recommend to the Minister that steps should be taken to prepare a suitable leaflet which would contain suggestions to farmers as to how best oaten and barley straw may be used for the foddering of cattle. For instance, whether it be a "pisherog" or the truth, it is popularly believed in my part of the country that if you feed turnips with straw to cattle, you run grave danger of causing dry murrain amongst them. I do not know whether that is true or not. I have seen cases of dry murrain which were attributed to that cause, but not infrequently one discovers on investigation that the attribution of cause is very far removed from the truth. It would, however, be of material help if some simple directions were given by way of leaflet as to the best method by which straw can be employed as cattle fodder.

We come now to the problem as to how feeding stuffs prepared from home-grown grain, and such imported grains as we can lay hands on in the coming year, are going to be produced. All of us know that for the last three months the millers of this country have been buying beet sugar pulp at 10/- per cwt., grinding it up into the maize meal mixture, and selling it at £1 per cwt. That, in my judgment, is not fair. Secondly, I do not think it is a rational thing to be selling to the farmers of this country meal mixture, the analysis of which nobody knows, because you cannot possibly make any kind of balanced ration if you do not know what the constituents of the meal, in fact, are. I, therefore, suggest to the Minister that he should seriously consider co-ordinating all cereal supplies that may come on the market. I am not suggesting that we ought to go into the farmyard of every farmer and commandeer his stack, but I am suggesting that where grain comes on the market, there should be some centralisation with a view to getting a standard meal mixture suitable for cattle, a mixture suitable for pigs and a mixture suitable for calves, each of which would be made up of ascertained constituents, and which would be sold at a reasonable price, bearing in mind how they have been made up.

If we think it worth while to have one kind of artificial manure for turnips, a different kind of compound manure for beet, and another brand of manure for potatoes, surely to goodness it would be worth while taking similar precautions to secure that the ration secured for pigs would be different from that designed for cows, and that both of these would be in some way different from the ration that would be suitable for young calves. If it is possible to do that in the case of manure, we should be able to do it also in regard to feeding stuffs. It is quite true that there are individual farmers who prefer to purchase super-phosphates and use them in combination with farmyard manures or seaweed. Similarly, you will find a farmer who prefers to use his own oats or barley with the mixture of other feed produced on his own land, but those who buy feeding stuffs from the shopkeepers ought to have the same facilities for getting the article at a reasonable price as the man who buys compound manures and who undertakes to mix them himself.

We turn now to the question of what is being done to grow turnip and mangold seeds for next year's sowing. The roots that produce the mangold seeds that will be required for next spring should be down now; in fact, the crowns should be growing now. If this war is to go on for a protracted period, we shall find ourselves without any root crops at all next year or the year after, unless steps are taken now to grow seed. Surely it would be a reasonable insurance to grow in this country the mangold and turnip seeds we may require for sowing next spring 12 months? Even if it were wasted—and there is no reason why it should—there would be no serious loss, whereas as if we find ourselves this time two years without any seed at all, and unable to get any from America or any other source, it would be a very serious disaster for this country. The expenditure involved in getting people to grow this seed would be comparatively trivial, and even if the world supply were open to us in 1943, there is no reason whatever why seed imported from abroad would be anything better than the seed we grew ourselves. It is true it might be cheaper, but that difficulty could be overcome by a suitable subsidy to bring the price of the home supply down to the price current for the supplies from abroad. If my judgment is worth anything, I do not believe that the price of seed two years from now will be any lower than at present; so, therefore, I think we should take time by the forelock and make some provision to grow turnip and mangold seeds in this country now.

I have put before the Minister a suggestion for utilising the male fern as a specific for the cure of fluke in cattle and sheep. If we get an outbreak of fluke amongst cattle and sheep without any tetrachloride or male fern to counteract it, we may incur serious losses in our flocks and herds. The Minister may remember the great outbreak of fluke in Wicklow about eleven years ago, which was in the nature of a major catastrophe.

It affected cattle and sheep all over the country.

Wicklow was one of the very bad fluke areas, and even with the considerable supplies of male fern available, considerable losses occurred. If we had not got male fern, I do not know what would have happened. This male fern is grown in every shady ditch. All that is required is to assemble the unit, to get the fern pulled, the root cleaned and desiccated, and the alcohol extract made.

You are not converted to the need for alcohol factories?

I am not. I am talking about the male fern. If we had not got male fern at the time of that big outbreak of fluke, the cattle and sheep of the country would have been decimated. So far as I know, we have none now and cannot get it. I apprehend that if we have a wet winter there will be a disaster.

The native male fern is all right.

It is. Though the content may not be uniform, when you make the alcohol extract it is easily standardised.

I think they have succeeded in standardising it.

The next thing I want to refer to is the fowl population. I do not know what success has attended the day-old chicken scheme this year, but it is of vital importance. It is too late to do much about it this year now. The scarcity of oats in the country at the present time is making it quite difficult for many people to carry on their fowl, and I want to appeal to the people in this country to struggle through at any cost, until the oat crop comes in, with as many fowl as they possibly can. If they are constrained to reduce their flock, then let them go out and kill the old hens instead of slaughtering off the pullets. The slaughtering done amongst the hens in this country during the last ten years would frighten one to think of.

Now we have got an immense opportunity of building up the fowl population of this country again, and recapturing the egg and dead and live fowl export industry, but, in order to do it, we have got to get through the next three or four months, when suitable feeding stuffs will be scarce and dear. Many a woman is reluctant to throw oats to the hens when it is worth 20/- in the market. It will take some little effort on the part of us all to persuade the farmers of this country that, even though oats are dear at the present time, taking the long view, a modest ration of them is well spent in keeping the fowl flocks going until the new harvest comes in. There never was a time when it was more vital to preserve the fowl flocks of this country. I urge on the Minister that such publicity as may be necessary to bring that home to our people should be embarked on without delay. One of the most effective forms of publicity would be to tell the people now that the price of eggs will be 15/- or 20/- next July, August, September, October, November and December, and to take steps to redeem that promise. In fact the ruling price might be higher than that which we forecast, but, even if our price were a little higher than the world price at the time we come to sell the product, it would be well worth our while to pay the little difference in this period of emergency in order to deter the people from slaughtering their fowl or allowing them to die.

What is our position going to be in regard to artificial manures next year? There is no use in anybody quarrelling with the Minister if he is unable to get African phosphate rock. We may be able to get some. I understand that we have some little tubs of boats which can make their way to the North African coast in fine weather, and we may be able to get some in that way, but I think it would be foolish to depend on such supplies as will be obtainable from there, because I expect that the battle of the Atlantic will become very much more intensified in the months which lie ahead. Adolf Hitler will sink as much of our supplies as he can lay his claws on, as he has been doing for the last two years, and as he is doing at the present time. He is not going to be any more scrupulous about our ships than he has been, and just as he has been sinking our wheat and petrol he is going to sink our manures in the spring.

But, Adolf Hitler notwithstanding, we have got to get manures for our crops. We have been talking a lot this evening about mineral exploitation. Will the Minister undertake to extract from the Clare deposit the maximum quantity of rock that can be got out of it, and to install whatever machinery may be necessary to reduce that rock, however hard, into a form in which it can be spread upon the land? We have to bear in mind that, no matter how much we grind the rock, if the soluble phosphate is not there the land will not get any benefit from it. But there is some soluble phosphate in the Clare deposit, and low-grade as it may prove to be— I do not know whether it is low grade or not, but I understand it is not as high-grade as the African phosphate— it will be better than nothing, and we certainly ought to have it. If we use it in conjunction with slag and lime and such potash as we can lay our hands on, it will be better than nothing. I am told that sugar beet requires a great measure of potash. I do not know. I know that potatoes and flax require potash.

It is perfectly right, in times when there are alternative sources of supply, to pay due regard to the economic considerations in regard to exploiting a domestic product, but where the choice lies between potash or no potash then we ought to go and take whatever potash we can get, wherever it comes from, and at whatever price, and use it. There is the seaweed on the shore. There are the unemployed standing in thousands along the west coasts of Donegal, Kerry, Clare and Galway. It has been our perennial problem to provide works for the congested areas of the western seaboard. Why in the name of God do we not send those fellows out to collect the seaweed? I am not suggesting that you are going to get potash as cheaply as from the potash combine. I do not believe you will get it at what, in normal times, would be called an economic price, but you are going to protect the land from potash exhaustion. If we found ourselves halfway through the season with some unknown disease striking a root crop, whether it be potatoes, beet, turnips or mangels, the crop being materially injured or even lost, and we then suddenly discovered that it was due to potash poverty in the soil which we did not know about, would we not look very foolish saying that the reason why we did not put out potash was because we thought that kelp was too dear? Surely it is better to have the fellows gathering kelp than to be incorporating them in the Construction Corps at the Curragh or paying them the dole?

I put it to the Minister that that is something which ought to be put in hand at once. I think it was the Minister for Lands who announced blandly a few days ago that after a great struggle he had made up his mind to pay £5 10s. Od. for kelp. Of course that is the one way not to get potash. That is daft; £5 10s. od. was always a bad price. It is just the very lowest penny at which, in normal times, you could persuade a fellow to go out up to his middle in the sea to gather kelp. Observe the amount of the saving; it is going to be about £8,000. Why, in the name of God, do you not say: "I will give you £7 for it. We will get whatever iodine we can out of it. It is not worth much but we will get whatever there is, and we will use the balance for potash manure"? Surely that is more sensible than saving £1 10s. on kelp and doing without any potash at all? Think of the employment you are going to give. Think of the advantage of having the potash. Think of the many benefits which will accrue from a courageous line in that direction, and think of how silly we will look if, in order to save a few pounds, we go without potash, and leave 50 per cent. of those fellows on the dole.

I would like the Minister to tell us has the Industrial Research Council been consulted as to whether it is possible to produce nitrogenous manures in this country? I believe that some of the nitrogen fixation plants are very complicated and elaborate structures, and it simply may not be possible, in the circumstances in which we find ourselves, to get the necessary machinery. But there may be some more simple process, and I should like the Minister to give us some forecast, because my experience this year has been that it is quite impossible to get the people to put out super if they cannot get sulphate of ammonia with it. I am one of the unfortunate ones who this year did not get any sulphate of ammonia. Many merchants got supplies of sulphate of ammonia and so did farmers who applied for it before December, but the British closed down completely after December and you could not get any at all. In my area we cannot persuade people to put out superphosphate of lime if they have not got sulphate of ammonia. I sympathise with them, because they use super almost exclusively for potatoes and they feel that if they put out super without sulphate of ammonia it will not pay them. I consider that the production of some kind of nitrogenous manure is of vital importance in the coming year. This year we had compound manures, which contain a high percentage of nitrogen. We were not too badly off this year, although the position was bad enough, but next year the position will be truly desperate.

Why does the Minister persist in refusing to give a bounty on slag? Any load of slag that I could lay hands on, I bought it. Is it not an excellent manure if we cannot get superphosphate? It is difficult to understand why slag carries no bounty and super is getting the full bounty. What sense is there in such a policy? Our purpose is to get phosphates on to the people's land. Why should you have a prejudice against phosphates in the form of basic slag any more than in the form of superphosphate of lime? There ought to be much greater quantities of basic slag made available. Doubtless, the British will use large quantities of it, but, if individuals amongst us can get a few hundreds of tons of basic slag out of the British, why should we find, when we get it after great wangling, that we are penalised for having gone out ourselves and got the phosphates that the Department of Supplies failed to get? That is the present position and it ought to be ended. If you are going to give a bounty on manures, then give it on all manures, on basic slag as well as the others.

I think the drainage scheme—that is, the scheme whereby men get subsidies for making drains on their own land and cleaning existing drains—is a grand thing. I have been impressing that on the Board of Works for the last five or six years. They saw the light eventually, even though they were some years late. Perhaps it is better late than never. I must say that it is a tedious job educating the Fianna Fáil Party. I suppose I must regard it as my vocation. I must assume that I have been called into the world for that purpose. Sometimes, like all saintly men, I experience spiritual aridity, and these periods of spiritual aridity are relieved when the Government adopt some excellent scheme such as this one. But, as usual, they had to spoil it by providing that a man's valuation has to be below a certain figure and he has to be primarily engaged in agriculture. Whether the land belongs to a shopkeeper, a parish priest, a doctor or anybody else, if it wants improvement and if men want work, what does it matter who improves it or who pays the men to do the work? A particular man may own land at the moment, but he is not going to have it for all time. He will die some day, but so long as he lives you cannot improve his land because the Minister refuses to give a grant owing to certain little regulations.

What was the grant designed for? Was it designed to please a farmer or to get his land improved and men employed? I thought the grant was intended primarily to improve land and employment. So long as the work is done, it should not matter who employs those men. I think we should remove those regulations and, wherever there is a scheme for the improvement of land and the employment of men, let that scheme be made eligible for the grant. Judge Wylie says he is going to relieve unemployment if the banks will lend him money free of interest. We could all relieve unemployment if the banks would do that for us. I ask that farmers should get this concession free where their main object is to employ men.

The Minister will recall that this spring the gravest dissatisfaction arose with regard to the supply of paraffin oil for tractors. Might I suggest that tractor owners, who are eligible for paraffin, should be invited to provide storage for their allocation of paraffin now and, if they are prepared to take delivery now, let the Minister say that between this and next September he will be sending dribs and drabs, whenever he can get supplies, so that, when the harvesting season begins, tractor owners will have sufficient paraffn to keep their tractors working without any further reference to the Department of Supplies? Certain tractor owners may say: "We have no place to store paraffin and we cannot buy it now." If they say that, the devil mend them. They have to realise that in times like these one cannot deliver paraffin at five minutes' notice, and if they are not prepared to make a little concrete shed where they can put two or three barrels of paraffin to keep the tractor going in the autumn and spring, then let them not be whingeing if they cannot get it when they want it. They had good reason for a grievance this year and I want to avoid a similar position next harvest and spring.

I should like to touch on the question of supplies of petrol for people who use it for the purpose of irrigating market garden crops. Some people who have large areas under glass irrigate crops of lettuce and tomatoes at certain seasons of the year, using water which they pump up from an adjoining river. I remember that last year a man came to me. He had a whole series of hot-houses full of tomato plants. There had been a long period of drought and he was unable to get these plants watered. The tanks which were ordinarily available for watering them by gravity had gone dry, and his only alternative was to pump water, by means of an emergency plant he had, from an adjoining river. He could not get a supply of petrol to work the pump but, fortunately, I was able to get him enough to keep the pump working until normal water supplies were again available.

There is that aspect to be considered, and also the aspect of protection against frost. Some hot-houses require to be heated through the medium of paraffin for a short period. They may be suddenly confronted with a sharp frost, and it is necessary to keep them at a certain temperature. It would be folly to allow such establishments to be destroyed for the want of a very small supply of oil fuel. I suggest some little reserve might be left in the hands of a county committee's agricultural instructor, or some other official, who, when he was satisfied there was an emergency, could dispense sufficient of the fuel to keep individual market gardeners in a position properly to carry on their business.

A matter arising under the subheads E (3) and F (3) refers to veterinary research. Why in the name of Providence do we not spend more money on veterinary research and on the equipment of the Veterinary College? I do not profess to pass judgment on the staff of the Veterinary College, but the college itself is a miserable institution for want of modern equipment and facilities. Veterinary research in this country is a disgrace. We depend mainly for any therapeutic work on what takes place in the way of research in France, Great Britain and America. Surely if it is worth while to start an Institute for Higher Studies and for the study of mathematics, it ought to be worth while instituting higher studies in mastitis in cows. Important as mathematical physics are to our people, as well as to the people of the whole world, I think the study of mastitis in cows is a subject that is quite as important. We must be on the verge of a specific for that condition. Mastitis in cows is primarily caused by streptococcus. It is not the same as streptococcus infection in human beings but it is the same class of creature. There is for human beings a specific now available which in 99 cases out of 100 will effect a cure. It must be a very small step from that discovery to determine the proper drug to control mastitis in cattle. If we could do that many of the cows lost in this country would be saved. We know that it is the best cows get mammitis.

Surely that is something worth doing and worth pressing for at once. There must be many of the finest veterinary specialists in the world now looking for jobs. Many of the finest were German Jews. We ought to be able to find throughout the world research experts who in collaboration with our own men could press along a particular line of research which would be most suitable to this country. As far as cattle are concerned two of the most urgent problems to be dealt with are mastitis and catarrhal vaginitis. In large areas of the country cows are brought to the bull, five, six, seven or eight times before they are got in calf. This scourge is a plague. If we could estimate the loss that our people suffered as a result of that situation it would astonish this House. In a tiny minority of these cases it is due to contagious abortion but in the vast majority of cases it is due to catarrhal vaginitis which is, apparently, caused by a filterpassing virus. Our efforts should be directed to the detection of what that virus happens to be. The discovery of proper treatment is a formidable problem but it is one in the solution of which this country ought to be able to take part, because our name is associated with the cattle industry.

I agree with the Minister that it is disheartening and incomprehensible how a country which professes to be a dairy country could continue to allow cow testing societies to be as small in numbers as they are. Would it be unreasonable—and I say it after full deliberation—to suggest that if creameries come to this House and say they want a substantial subsidy on butter exports, they should be told that if they are going to get that subsidy they should, at least, satisfy us that suppliers who were bringing milk to their creameries were keeping none but economic cows. We should say to them: "Do not ask us to subsidise the production of butter from 250 gallon cows. It does not matter what way the world price goes, you will never have economic production of butter on 250 gallon cows." At the other end of the scale I say: "Do not think you will ever produce butter economically from the 1,200 gallon cow." What is wanted is a useful 600 to 800 gallon cow. Is it unreasonable to say to the co-operative creameries that they should require suppliers to belong to cow-testing associations attached to the co-operative societies to which they belong? Where there is a cow in a herd that does not come up to scratch they should point out that it ought to be got rid of, and one got in its place which would produce from 500 to 800 gallons of milk or, if the supplier were unable to replace that cow, that it would be better to sell the uneconomic animal and put the money in his pocket. I think the Minister would be justified if he represented to co-operative creameries that the time had come when they should co-operate with him, as well as with one another, in securing that an average milk yield which was subsequently exported as subsidised butter should reach 500 gallons, and that the aim should be to reach 800 gallons.

The next question I wish to refer to concerns the judging of bulls. What is the use of setting a standard for dairy bulls which require them to be as fat as mallow when they walk into the judge's ring? What small farmer who takes such a beast home, when he buys him with the premium attached—the animal having lived on the fat of the land for the previous six months— could maintain and feed that animal? If he does not do so the bull is likely to die from hardship. If the animal was brought into the show in a hardy and healthy condition, when it went to a small farm it would continue to thrive. At the present time it is mainly convalescent. If a cow goes near it for the first month that is enough to finish it off. That class of bull is so paralysed by change of diet and circumstances that all it can do is to keep alive, not to talk of doing its duty. I put it strongly to the Minister that judges at shows should attempt to relate the quality they expect in bulls more to what they deem to be required in a healthy bull that is in good condition, rather than an entirely fictitious standard of show-ring contour. I am certain that that could be done if a reasonable body of cattle judges came together and accepted a given standard of perfection, aiming at that rather than insisting on the standard of overfed animals that seems to hold sway now.

Under sub-head C we provide for the publicity in which the Department engages. Surely we could make the leaflets a little less indigestible? The material in the leaflets issued by the Department is excellent if one has the fortitude to wade through them, but fortitude is required. At the same time the Department of Agriculture in England is producing similar leaflets in the form of books that would tempt one to buy them. They contain pictures and illustrations and are such that a boy would delight in reading them. I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that as school books they would be universally popular. If we cannot publish such books, why do we not come to an agreement with the Department of Agriculture in England, seeing that their leaflets are suited to our circumstances, to sell us their productions in bulk? Supposing their annual output is 20,000 or 30,000 leaflets, if they printed 30,000 extra for us, the cost of the 60,000 would be much cheaper and we could buy at a bulk price. In the way I suggest, we could distribute the leaflets I refer to. Everyone would benefit, the British as well as ourselves. These leaflets are immensely important and it would be a pity if young people were deterred from reading them by their present appearance.

We are supposed to be reorganising the creameries for the last 15 years. Legislation was introduced by the late Mr. Patrick Hogan on the representation that for a short interregnum the Government would take over the creameries, but would be uneasy until they had passed them on to the farmers, after being reorganised. They have been hatching on that for the last 15 years, and the plain truth of it is that some extremely able men are running the creameries, and they are doing so good a job that they do not like to be pried away from it. I do not think it is any question of self-seeking, because I think they would walk into just as good jobs to-morrow morning if their creamery job were taken from them, but that they like the business of running these creameries, and think they are doing it "swell", and that nobody else could do it any better. That is not the purpose for which the creameries were first put in their hands. They were put into their hands to reorganise and then to restore them to the co-operative societies. Are you going to do it or are you not? If you are going to leave the creameries in the hands of these decent men at present running them, get up and say so, but do not have the unfortunate farmers persecuted and annoyed, waiting and hoping that these creameries will be given back to them, and never getting them.

There is one group of farmers in North Cork—I think they are interested in the Shelbourne group of creameries, and Deputy Meaney is familiar with their problem—who are clamouring to get back the group of creameries they used to have, and which, I understand, have now been reorganised and are ready for transfer, but in respect of which there is some difference about the price. The Department wants £5,000 or £6,000 more than these poor men can afford to pay. Surely it ought to be possible, after the years that have rolled by, to have arrived at some accommodation in the matter? If you want the creameries to go back into their hands, is it not better to be easy about the price instead of sticking out for the last penny? It is not a recurrent matter. It is a matter of making a bargain and winding up a piece of business. Why do you not give them back their creameries and let them paddle along for themselves? Of course there are wiseacres who say that they ought not to take them back, but I was brought up to believe that good government was no substitute for self-government. These fellows want to get back their creameries and let them "stand the gaff". If they want to do that, I think they ought to be allowed to do it. If they "bust" themselves, it is their own funeral. They are doing it with their eyes wide open. I think the Minister will recollect the group of creameries I refer to because I have been in correspondence with him on the matter.

I take it that there will be no shortage of butter this year. That was one of the Minister's minor gaffes this year. He let out too much butter and we had a butter shortage which was something approaching an absurdity in this country, but let us not dwell on that if we can have a guarantee that it will not recur. What about cheese? I hear on all sides that the British are very short of cheese. Every pound of butter we send to England is subsidised. Could we make cheese here at a price that would enable us to sell it profitably in Great Britain? I must say that if you like that kind of Kraft cheese and the other kinds of manufactured cheese which are made at Mitchelstown, they are as well made there as anywhere else, and I understand that it is that kind of cheese that is largely consumed in Great Britain by the working men. Could we not develop that trade, and, if so, could we not do it more profitably than the butter trade?

I am always talking about the enforcement of the Noxious Weeds Act. I go out and cut my thistles as best I can. Coming back from the operation, I see my neighbour's field with thistles four feet high, each crowned with a crown of seeds all set to blow over my wall into the very place in which I have been labouring to cut the thistles for his protection. That is very discouraging, and I put it to the Minister that the enforcement of the Weeds Act ought to be more vigorously undertaken. The poor Local Security Force are asked to do so many things that I am reluctant to ask them to help us in this matter, but I do say that the Minister ought to look around for help, from the Guards, the Local Security Force or any others, to try to enforce the Weeds Act, most especially in so far as it relates to thistles, because so far as I am concerned that seems to be the most noxious weed commonly distributed. Buachalláns are a great nuisance, too, but, if you keep your land in fairly good heart, they never get a serious grip of it.

There is one last matter to which I want to refer. We are giving loans for the erection of farm buildings. Does anybody here know what happens to a farmer who is fool enough to avail of such a loan? The minute he puts a new farm building on his land, the rate collector arrives with far greater rapidity than Clanricarde's bailiff ever dared to arrive. The old landlords had some sense of decency. They had a kind of noblesse oblige feeling and that you did not “rear” into a man's holding at once to raise the rent on his own improvements. Not so the rate collector. He arrives on his bicycle the day after you have put the last slate on the house.

Can the Minister prevent his arriving?

Yes, indeed he can, by using his influence. I am not allowed to advocate legislation, and the best I can do is to advocate the use of personal influence. I suggest that the Minister ought to go to the Government, or to his colleague the Minister for Local Government, and say: "Look here, this scheme for farm buildings is being aborted by the way in which you are levying rates on these improvements. Give these people at least a ten years' remission of rates on buildings built under my scheme." If he does that, he will do more to promote the erection of out-offices on the small farms than all the grants he could ever imagine.

If I were asked to-morrow what amenity is rural Ireland most deficient in west of the Shannon, I would say out-buildings. If I were asked what puts a heavier strain on the farmer's purse than anything else in the West of Ireland, I would say the inadequacy of out-buildings wherein to feed his stock in winter. There is more hay and fodder wasted by scattering it about wet fields than by anything else; whereas, if they had a decent shed, with a rack in which they could put hay or straw and allow the cattle to eat it in shelter, the price of the shed would be recovered in four or five years. Those sheds will not be constructed if they believe they are going to draw the rate collector on to their land by doing so. Abolish the valuation on new farm buildings for the first ten years, and we shall do really valuable work for the country. I make no apology to the House for detaining them for some time in dealing with this Estimate. It is the most important Estimate in the Book of Estimates, and I fix them with full and fair notice that, so long as I am a Deputy, I shall regard this as my field day, and nobody will put me down.

Some time ago I happened to pay a visit to the Cork Mental Hospital, and, while, there, some of the quieter patients held a Dáil meeting. One of them fancied himself as Minister for Agriculture, and I honestly can say that he would make a better Minister for Agriculture than the shadow Minister who has just sat down. I suggest seriously to Deputy Dillon's Party that, for his own sake, they should take him in to the next Party meeting and skin him. If they do, they might get somewhere sometime. I am thankful for his speech tonight, however, because I won £1 as a result of it. I bet a friend of mine, a Fine Gael county councillor in my county, that Deputy Dillon would not stop for six months without attacking the growing of wheat, and now I shall be able to go down next week with the Official Report and draw my "quid". What that friend of mine said was: "I do not think he would be such a lunatic as to do that"; but still, the lunatic was there.

Deputy Dillon seems to think—I do not know what kink or curious idea he has about it—that, in the middle of a war, you can get wheat from Britain. Anybody reading the public Press two days ago could have read that the British Government had made an order prohibiting the use of oats for anything but human consumption. They have no oats there to feed to their live stock; it must all be used for human consumption; but that is where Deputy Dillon says he is going to get his wheat. He seemed to be rather angry when I said: "Why not get mangold seed from them?" My honest conviction is that they must be trying to eat mangolds because they used to be able to send it across, but this year they have not done so. I do not know where Deputy Dillon got these brain waves, but that Deputy has done more damage to the agricultural community by the statements he has made here in the past couple of years than this country's worst enemy could ever do. He spent week after week and month after month attacking the scheme for feeding home-grown oats and barley to our livestock. He was on his feet here morning, noon and night doing that. As a result of Deputy Dillon's efforts, we were, last year, back something like 100,000 acres of oats and barley. I make Deputy Dillon a present of that. With the idea that we would get plenty of maize in to feed our live stock, he succeeded in abolishing the admixture scheme. As a result of the uncertainty of the market created by that, farmers refused to grow oats and barley. If the farmers had the oats and barley to-day which Deputy Dillon prevented them from growing, they would find very good use for it. We increased our acreage under wheat every year since we introduced the policy of wheat-growing but we are not going to succeed in getting the 600,000 acres we require. I believe that the land of this country could grow our full requirements of wheat and keep on growing our full requirements during ten more wars such as the war which is proceeding now. I believe that firmly.

I desire to make a few suggestions to the Minister. The first farmer I propose to deal with is the hero who refused to till. I say frankly to the Minister that the wrong policy has been adopted with him. There is no use in waiting until the month of March for an agricultural inspector to take over land from those gentlemen. I spent a couple of days last week down on the estate mentioned here last night—the Foley-Turpin estate— looking at the unfortunate county surveyor with three tractors trying to turn up 200-year-old bawn to grow wheat or oats. We know that is lunacy. We all know that he will hardly get much more than the seed out of it. If the land had been ploughed last October or November it would yield from ten to 12 barrels of good wheat to the acre. The cure for that position of affairs is simple. The Minister has now a list and he knows every man who refused to till his quota of land this year. Next October, let these lands be entered upon again and ploughed or set for tillage. The man who refused to till his quota of arable land in the nation's need this year does not deserve any sympathy and will not get any sympathy. Instead of entering on these lands in March or April, enter in October, set them for tillage and get rid of the problem.

My second suggestion is concerned with credit for wheat seed. Wheat seed alone cost the Irish farmer this year close on £2,000,000. In 50 per cent. of the cases the farmer had not the ready money and he had to get it by some means or other. Surely it should not be beyond the ability of the Department of Agriculture to devise a scheme by which the millers would issue credit notes to the farmers for seed wheat or issue the seed wheat to the farmers and keep the merchants out of it, because the merchants, after the manner in which they dealt with the farmers this year, deserve no quarter whatsoever.

But for them, you would have no seed wheat.

The individuals who profiteered, as I proved here—nobody was able to contradict the figures I gave— deserve no quarter from anybody. The only thing to do is to close their doors. There should be no difficulty whatsoever in getting sufficient storage for all the seed-wheat we require, in taking in that seed-wheat at harvest time at a fair price to the farmer and in giving it back to the farmer who cannot hold his own seed-wheat, for sowing purposes, at a reasonable price. There is something wrong in the system by which seed-wheat bought at £16 a ton is sold at £25 and, in the finish, at £30. These two proposals, if put into operation last October, would have given us our full acreage in wheat this year. It was only yesterday morning that I spent three hours "badgering" around Cork, looking for seed for one unfortunate man.

For wheat?

For oats.

Did you get it?

But for the merchant, you would not have got it.

It was not from a merchant I got it. We had to go down to Grain Importers. If the Minister does not do that, he will have a worse position next year than this year. He will have farmers getting about double the amount they require in the line of seed wheat. The farmers who can afford to do so will get double and, perhaps, treble what they require, and it will not go into the ground and may not go into consumption at all. If we want to conserve supplies next year, we ought to take very definite steps in that regard. These are the two principal matters about which I am anxious. I know that the land can produce all the wheat we require for the next 20 years—sufficient to provide even white bread for every individual in the country—on condition that the Minister becomes a little less of a gentleman and a little more of a Hitler, that he lays down the law and sees that it is carried out, that he makes up his mind definitely he is going to get the wheat grown and goes about it in the proper way. If there is any gentleman who is not prepared to plough his proportion of land take his land off him and get shut of him.

A Deputy

Quick work.

Yes, quick work. Every nation that has progressed has to do quick work like that. We have been listening to a lot of nonsense for the last couple of hours. I could only find one good point in the whole of Deputy Dillon's two hours' speech, and that was his reference to item N (4)—the livestock breeding scheme. I suggest to the Minister that if there is any other way of spending the money provided for under that item he should spend it in that way. The late Minister for Agriculture, Mr. Paddy Hogan, speaking from the Front Opposition Bench made a statement that should be cut out and hung up in the Department of Agriculture. He said:

"I enforced the Livestock Breeding Act, and after six years of that Act as it has been enforced I can say this much that we may get very fine looking cattle, we may get splendid looking bullocks for the export market, but it will be very hard to find a decent milch cow in this country if that Livestock Breeding Act is carried on for a few years longer as I have enforced it."

These words are to be found in the Official Reports for any Deputy to read, and what he said has been borne out. Deputy Dillon talked of the 250-gallon cow. Where did that 250-gallon cow come from? When a Department's inspector sees a decent dairy bull known as a double dairy bull, because that bull has not all the qualities of a Hereford dairy bull, it will be refused a licence. No bull will get a licence except a beef bull. You might as well try to put in a herd of Aberdeen Angus as a dairy herd; you would be just as lucky. There is no such thing as a dual-purpose animal in this country. You will never get it; it is only waste of time to look for it. I tried it and I know it. I bought bulls at Cork Show with pedigrees the length of my arm, and I know what I got out of them.

What did you get?

I never got anything better than a 400-gallon cow, and I paid from 35 to 50 guineas for some of these bulls. Then I bought a herd of "magpies" and I have them since— 750-gallon cows.

Are you getting more milk than from the dairy Shorthorn?

I would not keep a dairy Shorthorn or any kind of Shorthorn, because the dairy Shorthorn is only a mongrel bred from a mixture of a Hereford and a beef bull. They are being run by the Shorthorn breeders— three-cow farmers who are trying to run the dairy herds of this country. We should do away with that scheme. This is only a waste of £3,280. When farmers, out of their best milking cow, bred a bull they did better. My experience in this matter was very bitter. I learned in a very bitter school. I went over to a neighbour of mine who had a three-year-old heifer with her first calf. He showed me her milk record. She was giving over 600 gallons of milk. I bought the bull calf of that heifer. I fed the animal fairly well and two months afterwards I brought him down to the local licensing centre but he was rejected. Out of four bulls which that person had taken to the centre two were passed and two were rejected. He told me that I could have whichever I liked of the two that were passed, but that its progeny would not give 250 gallons of milk and never did. That is what we are paying £3,280 for, and it is time to stop it. Next year I bought a premium bull, and I have one since, as I said I was going to have milk anyway; I was not going to have mongrels.

That is one item on which Deputy Dillon has put his finger. Apparently it is the only thing he knows anything about, as otherwise his statement was hopeless. In view of the difficulties of the situation at present, the position of the country generally, and the difficulty of getting anything that has to be conveyed in ships, to suggest that we ought to drop growing wheat and import foreign wheat, that we ought to send barley to England and get back wheat instead of it from people who are preventing oats being used for livestock consumption, is talking nonsense. They might give us wheat if we send over a couple of hundred thousand men to Greece. If England would give us wheat, why does she not give us coal? The mangel seeds we require would only amount to a few tons and would fit in a much smaller space than the wheat. Why do we not get mangel seeds from England?

As to the agricultural farms, I do not see where the income from these farms is shown. Surely, this land is yielding something and turning out some kind of a profit. There was a loss of £2,000 last year on the Clonakilty Agricultural Station. One of those farms should be picked out as a sample farm for all of us. It should be run for a year and should be able to show some bit of profit with beet at £3 a ton and wheat at 40/- a barrel. That should be possible since those farms have student-labour free.

In conclusion, I hope the Minister will consider the two suggestions I have put up in connection with the wheat policy. I am anxious that he should give them a trial. In cases where farmers do not till their farms this year, and it has to be taken over by the Minister or dealt with otherwise, the land should be entered upon next October and tilled. I think it is a waste of good money at this time of the year to be ploughing land that has not been tilled for 300 years and putting seed into it. Between now and next September the officials in the Department should be able to produce a scheme whereby farmers would be able to get their seeds on credit so that the county councils would not be pestered, as they have been by these unfortunate men looking for credit.

The scheme that I put before the House for submission to the millers' association early in 1939 would have succeeded in doing what I am now asking, but apparently the powers that be were so anxious at that time to protect the individuals who were profiteering in wheat that the scheme could not go through. I suggest that this year nobody be allowed to make one penny piece as between the price the farmer receives and the miller pays for the wheat produced on the land. I have spoken here more than once about some of those "get rich quick" heroes. I have given their history to the House. I suggest now that they should go out and earn an honest penny and give up sponging on the honest farmers of this country. Unless something is done on the lines I have indicated, I do not believe that we are going to be successful in our wheat scheme this year, the scheme on which the life of this nation is depending from day to day.

Over many years I have listened here to debates on agriculture. The speeches made this evening by the Minister for Agriculture and Deputy Dillon were the two worst that I have ever heard delivered in this House on this important subject.

We are going to hear one now, I suppose?

I hope you will, and if you do not know enough to learn, then you will have my pity rather than anything else.

The Deputy will not be to blame anyway.

The Minister's attempt to cope with the foot-and-mouth disease was an absolute failure. He tried to shelve the blame on to the farmers who, he said, would not co-operate. We had shoals of leaflets issued asking for co-operation, although the Minister had the power in his own hands to deal with the outbreak in the way that any infectious disease should have been dealt with. I am sorry I did not hear all of the Minister's speech, but I heard that it dealt mainly with the foot-and-mouth disease. It was only a section and, though important, is probably not the most important section. Deputy Dillon thought fit, at the present time when the nation is almost crying for bread, to condemn wheat-growing as a national policy in this country. I cannot understand how any man with a knowledge of the country that Deputy Dillon has could approach the question in any possible way that could lead him to such a conclusion.

We may differ in the manner of doing certain things in certain circumstances, just as I do not agree with the Minister for Agriculture in the manner in which he dealt with wheat growing or the foot-and-mouth disease; but I am quite satisfied that, as far as he could do so, the Minister has done his best regarding the disease and regarding wheat-growing. I agree with the effort in the wheat production direction, so that it is not on any ground of principle that I differ with the Minister regarding wheat, but rather on the manner of handling it.

When, on the 5th or 6th January, there was a motion before the House to induce the farmers of this country to grow sufficient wheat to satisfy our bread requirements, that meant a white loaf. I hope to deal with the importance of a white loaf before I am finished. That motion asked for a 50/- price for the Irish farmer for wheat. Deputy Dillon, who was here in this House then, did not vote for or against that, but brought up some kind of a policy here which he had then suggested, and handed with his own hand at that time to the Taoiseach, to the effect that we grow some millions of tons of barley at a guaranteed price of 2/- a stone or 32/- a barrel. At the weight of a wheat barrel, namely, 20 stone, that would be a guaranteed price of 40/-. He proposed to exchange that with Britain for wheat, and give 25 barrels of barley for 20 barrels of wheat. Bringing that down to a money rate, it would mean giving the British 50/- a barrel for wheat; yet he has not voted for 50/- for the Irish farmer to grow wheat.

Has he any guarantee that, even if we had barley to spare, the British would exchange wheat for barley at any price? He did not say he had, and, as a man of ordinary intelligence, reading the newspapers and reading of the scarcity of shipping and the shipping dangers, I am quite sure that he has no guarantee that the British would supply wheat at any ratio of exchange for barley. I do not follow his logic either, when he told us that people were killing off their hens for want of corn. People are reducing the pig population of this country. I heard of one part in the South of Ireland where young sucklings could be bought at a shilling apiece, because there were no feeding stuffs; and at that time he was pressing the Government to fix the price of feeding stuffs—to fix the price of a commodity that is too scarce. Where is the logic in that?

In my opinion, the great pity is that we have not more wheat sown this year. The great loss is that we did not make our standard the white loaf. What would that mean? It would mean that we would have the white loaf to keep up the health of the people. It does not matter whether experts say the brown loaf is better. The people have been accustomed to a white loaf. I have said here, where I am standing now, during the debate I have just referred to that, if it were possible after next harvest for a miller to mill flour of 70 per cent. extraction and go into a free market and buy wheat, the Irish wheat crop would fetch £5 a barrel. At the present time wheat flour is sold in this city at 6/- a stone. Who is buying it? Tradesmen, carpenters, bricklayers, tailors— the working people—are buying it: they will give any price for a white loaf. That should have been our standard. What would it mean if we had a sufficiency of that? It would mean that we had 200,000 tons of feeding stuffs for our live stock that now has to be thrown into the flour. I agree with Deputy Corry that, properly handled, we are well able to grow all the wheat that this country requires and we should have set that as our standard.

The question was raised as to why the wheat drive was a failure. It was inevitable that it should be a failure. Everybody with any experience of growing winter wheat knows that you must have it green over the ground on Christmas Day. Now and again, you could be lucky and hit a good patch of weather and with a choice piece of land have everything running perfectly. Every farmer knows that in this climate things do not run perfectly and, if you are lucky in hitting a good patch of weather with a suitable piece of land, you may have a very good crop sown around Christmas or even after Christmas but when the severe weather comes after Christmas—either rain, frost or snow—that is the weakest time. Then the wheat, though hardy has to pass through its period of germination and we know that it takes longer to germinate. The young birds may come and eat the seed, no matter how it is dressed. Even if it has been saved from the young birds and it comes on perfectly clean and pure, the cold weather may prevent it germinating. That is not the time to have wheat germinating: that should happen before Christmas.

The wheat campaign was neglected; it was taken up too late and could not succeed. At the time the campaign was on here in this House—it could only be in this House, as it could not be on a farm, since you would need an aeroplane to get into some of the land ready to receive the wheat—that campaign was kept up to a nauseating extent. It was a case of "grow more wheat" at a time when you could not put a plough into the land. However, I do not think that there was wheat seed to go round, and I am entirely against this criticism of merchants who carried stocks of seed without any guarantee as to being recouped if something happened that these seeds would not be required. Who would pay them? Would anybody rise in this House and sympathise with them? Not one. I have no interest in selling or buying seed, but the merchant who carried the baby was entitled to compensation and got it by putting his price on the seed wheat. Why did not more keep seed wheat? Why did not more keep seed oats? They had not the foresight, or were not prepared to take the risk, and those who took the risk were entitled to compensation.

The Taoiseach has been threatening the farmers that the problem of food will mean that they may have to kill off their live stock. That looked inevitable and perfectly logical. That is what it is coming to. As I said, I was not in for the whole of the Minister's opening speech, but I inquired and learnt that he did not say how much wheat we had sown. We had over 300,000 acres last year. I wonder if we have any more this year? I doubt if we have. This problem of tillage was not tackled in the right way. I said so on the 6th December, 1939, when a motion to annul the tillage order was being debated in this House. I repeated that statement on the 12th December, 1940. I repeat it again now. What did the whole food problem come down to? It was not one which could be met by the Department of Agriculture, the Department of Local Government and local bodies wasting time and money promoting little allotment schemes to grow potatoes and cabbage of which we always have enough in this country. The solution of the problem of the food supply for the nation, for man and beast, was the production of an adequate supply of wheat, oats and barley. I leave beet out of it because that is a matter which is dealt with in another place as a separate entity. The problem was wheat, oats and barley.

I agree with the Minister in compulsory tillage. In time of emergency such as we are passing through we must have a certain percentage of tillage. But what should dictate that percentage of tillage? It should be dictated by the food that we require. It should be dictated by the area that we require to produce enough wheat to give the nation bread, enough oats and barley to give some human food and food for our livestock. Was it not a simple matter of arithmetic? How much arable land did it require to produce enough wheat? You might perhaps take oats and barley as one crop. How much land would it require to produce sufficient oats and barley to give us that little bit of human food that we get from oats and sufficient feeding stuffs for our live stock population? Was that not the problem? It takes 5 per cent. to grow sufficient wheat. I agree that that figure is accurate enough. I am quoting the Minister for Agriculture, who is there in the Front Bench, that it takes 5 per cent. of our arable land to grow sufficient wheat. Is there any way in the world to get a sufficient supply of wheat except by putting 5 per cent. of the arable land under wheat? Is there any other way of doing it? What is the object of the Minister's order that one-eighth last year and one-sixth at the beginning of this year and, I think, at the present moment, one-fifth of the arable land must be under tillage? What was the use of compelling a man to break up his land if you did not insist that he would use that extra land to produce the food of which there was a shortage? I suggest the Minister made the first mistake and the Government made a mistake in corroborating what the Minister had done by making a kind of jumbled order to till one-fifth or one-sixth or one-eighth of the arable land of the country.

Taking first the question of food, the Government should fix its policy on the basis of the amount of wheat we require. Do we require sufficient wheat to give us a white loaf represented by a 70 per cent. extraction? If we do, how much land will it take, with an average yield, allowing a little margin of security? It is a simple sum in arithmetic to work out that. When you have done that, make your order. If 5 per cent. of the arable land is required to produce that wheat, then 5 per cent. of the arable land must be put under wheat. The Minister made his mistake there. Is he to be wise after the event? I can point to the records of this House for December 6th, 1939, when I made the same case for compulsory tillage. I made the same case for compulsory tillage on the 12th December last year.

Now, of course, when the Minister did not insist upon getting all the wheat that was required to provide us with white bread, which should have been done by putting an adequate area under wheat, when he failed in providing the nation with a white loaf and with an adequate supply of wheat, there is no use in the Taoiseach coming along and saying the farmers did not respond, or the Minister for Agriculture saying that some people were not co-operating with him in stamping out foot-and-mouth disease. He, as Minister for Agriculture, and the Taoiseach as Head of the Government, had the reins in their hands and it is not for them to blame anybody for the mistakes for which they are blameworthy. The fact of the matter with regard to wheat is, that the Minister took no effective steps to have an adequate supply of wheat grown in this country. There is no law which compels any landowner in this country to grow one grain of wheat, which is the staple food of the nation. Surely, the Government cannot claim to have done its duty by the people in this emergency when they did not take steps to make it compulsory for the landowners to grow wheat to provide the nation with bread.

What was the problem before them with regard to oats and barley? We may, to a great extent, neglect the amount of oats that has been normally consumed as human food. If we still had the white loaf, that amount would remain fairly constant. What problem was before the nation with regard to oats and barley as feeding stuffs for live stock? Normally, pre-war, with freedom of trade—I have not abstracted the figures — but the position was roughly this: half our feeding stuffs were imported. So that, with the blockade, we lost one-half of our feeding stuffs completely and that had to be made good by growing barley and oats. By the shortage of wheat, whereby we were forced to use all the wheat without any abstraction of bran and pollard, we lost 200,000 tons of bran and pollard feeding stuffs. We had to grow an increased amount of oats and barley to make good that amount in order to provide feeding stuffs for our live-stock population. In addition, we would have to grow oats and barley to make good the inroads on existing stocks arising from the shortage of wheat for bread.

We shall have to grow that much extra. I should say that, from the figures for last year, we should grow in order to make the position secure, or reasonably secure, for man and beast, 2,000,000 acres, between oats and barley this year. About a month ago we were told by the British Minister for Agriculture that, owing to the shortage of feeding stuffs in Great Britain the British will not take the same amount of store cattle as they took last year or as they normally took. Therefore, we cannot expect a market for our store cattle, and if we are to rear the calves to stores, or even to a somewhat further stage, we cannot get at the store cattle market because it is not there. The only thing we can hope to do, in order to get rid of them with any hope of profit, after rearing them up to the standard of good, warm stores, is to keep them a little longer and put them into better condition, but if we have not the oats and barley we cannot get them into the proper condition.

Now, what is to be done? The Taoiseach, speaking during the weekend, foreshadowed the position that is coming next winter: where the cattle may have to be killed off. That is the position of agriculture at the present time. We are not growing sufficient wheat, in this year, to give us the bread we require, or sufficient other cereals to give, so to speak, bread for our live stock, and we may have to raid the live stock feeding stuffs in order to supplement the human bread ration. The Taoiseach said, in Tullamore, that the farmers will have to use their corn for human food rather than feed it to the live stock, and that, if necessary, the live stock must go. That is the position of our agriculture at the present time. I should like to hear that refuted or contradicted, but I fail to see how, from any quarter, it can be contradicted. Yet, the Minister comes here and asks us to give him £930,000 to run a Ministry which has put this country, agriculturally, on the rocks. Is not that the position? Orders have been issued, making it a criminal offence to use wheat for any purpose except food for human beings. I do not disagree with that, but surely the Minister for Agriculture and the Government know, or at any rate ought to know, that there is no grain crop that takes so much out of land as wheat. I understand that the Government have made orders that brewers using barley should give back some of it, and that more was allowed for it than the fixed price for wheat.

They allowed £2 a barrel, but if the Government had guaranteed a price for wheat which would give us a sufficient quantity of wheat, the position would probably be very different. If there were a question of a man putting 10 per cent. of his arable land under wheat and 5 per cent. under other crops, the cute farmer would not sow any wheat this year, but would sow barley and oats because, from the prices that would be ruling, these crops would bring in a far better price than wheat at £2 a barrel. I told the Government last December that, at the price of 37/6 a barrel they had not a hope in the world of getting an adequate supply of wheat grown. When the price of 40/- a barrel was guaranteed I told them that they would not get an adequate supply of wheat at that price either, because farmers knew—at least, those of them who had any foresight—that the best thing that could happen to them would be to leave the price open, because the Irish householders will buy a white loaf if they can get it. The Irish farmer knows that, and he knew that if there was no interference with the price, and 500,000 or 600,000 tons of wheat were to be produced, he would get the top price for it.

The Minister has to make an order now, however, not to use wheat for any purpose except for human food. Is it not an extraordinary state of affairs where such an order has to be made? I can see the Minister for Industry and Commerce waxing eloquent, on political platforms, with that for the theme of his speech, and I can quite imagine him informing all his hearers that I should prefer to give wheat to animals rather than to human beings. It is an extraordinary position, however, that such an order has to be made, because it is elementary agricultural economics that the most profitable way to dispose of any crop is for direct human consumption. The most profitable way to dispose of wheat is to dispose of it for direct human consumption. Just as in the case of milk, which, if it is marketed directly for human consumption, will fetch a higher price than if it is used for any other purpose, so wheat will fetch a higher price when it is marketed for direct human consumption.

So it is with wheat. In a normal market, and given freedom of trade, it will fetch more for the purposes of flour than it will for animal feeding, but by the Government's bungling and incompetence in existing circumstances, as a result of their action in fixing 40/- as the proper price for wheat, it is possible for farmers to feed wheat to pigs, hens and cows, and get more for it indirectly in that way than if it were sold for direct human consumption. Oats and barley must be fed to live stock in order to produce human food, and oats and barley will fetch a relatively higher price than the price which the Government have fixed for wheat. The area under wheat this year is very little if anything more than half that required to give us a white loaf. The Government is entirely responsible for the shortage of wheat with which we are being faced. I give them credit for ensuring that roughly half our requirements of wheat was grown last year. The Government are entitled to full credit for having raised the area under wheat from 20,000 or 30,000 acres to 300,000 acres. I entirely approve of that policy, but it is extraordinary that, with that jumping-off ground of half our requirements, knowing that aerial and submarine warfare was getting more intense, and that the difficulties of getting shipping were increasing, the Government did not take steps to have an adequate area put under wheat and sown in time. I wonder how we stood for seed wheat? I do not think there is any surplus of seed wheat in the country. There is not a surplus of wheat in any part of the country I know. I had correspondence with farmers from all over the country, and I was informed that nowhere was there any surplus of seed wheat. If we have only about half our requirements sown in wheat, is it not quite obvious that there was a shortage of seed wheat to meet our full requirements? I do not think that the Government can congratulate itself on having seen to the provision of seed in the matter of wheat.

As regards foot-and-mouth disease, the Minister made a very grave statement here on the 20th March, that there was danger of the disease becoming endemic. I wonder is the position any better to-day? In February, I urged the Minister to make an order calling off Leopardstown Races. My constituents from all parts of County Dublin pressed me to use whatever influence I had to prevent the holding of that meeting. Yet it was held.

Following that meeting, we had statements repeated on the radio night after night, that the human being was the most potent carrier of the disease. The origin of outbreaks was traced to men who had been working in an infected area who got jobs elsewhere in an isolated place. The herd there became infected afterwards. I think "vets" who had been fighting the disease in Dublin were quite satisfied that human beings were very potent carriers of the disease. I accept their view as I accept the view given over the radio. I think it was that growing belief which prompted the Department to exhort the people to avoid all meetings from which the disease might be transmitted to various parts of the country. For that reason apparently, race meetings which were announced to follow Leopardstown were called off. There was a race meeting in Rathkeale and I have had many communications from people around Rathkeale suggesting that the disease was brought into that area by race horses.

There was a fair there the day after the race meeting.

I am giving you the information I have.

It is not correct.

I have it from men who are big men in the cattle business in Limerick and elsewhere. People wrote to me, some that I knew and some of whom I never heard before, and assured me that the disease was carried there in that way. They even gave me the names of the men involved. I cannot say whether that information is correct or not, but I am giving it as I got it. Anyway the Department was satisfied that the most effective means of stamping out foot-and-mouth disease was to call off race meetings, and they called them off.

From and after to-day I understand that race meetings will be held, under certain conditions. What has happened, since the meetings were called off, to convince the Minister that they can again be held with safety? I read in the papers where a case was made about the importance of horse breeding, the necessity for racing to promote horse breeding, the employment it gives, and so on. I agree with all that. We all agree with that. Nobody wants to stop horse breeding. Nobody wants to stop horse racing. But if horse racing was a danger, as was certainly in the minds of the Department of Agriculture and of the Minister until quite recently, as shown by their actions and perhaps even by their words, what has now influenced them to restart it when the disease is as rampant as ever?

I should like to refer to the case of a dairy farmer who complained bitterly to me about his position. His house and dairy yard stand on four acres of land at one side of the road. He has a milking plant there. He is in an area not so very far from where cases of foot-and-mouth disease have broken out. His grass land is on the other side of the road from his yard, and he cannot drive his cows across the road, even though he is prepared to provide a bath of disinfectant through which the cows must walk when leaving his yard and when coming back into his yard to be milked. He put this question to me, and I now put it to the Minister: is it not safer for that man to drive his cows, through a foot-bath of disinfectant, across the road to be milked with his milking plant, than, as he put it himself, to bring in milkers who may have been at a dance the night before and brought the disease back next morning from the people with whom they mixed? The Minister knows that cows accustomed to being milked with the milking plant will not stand in the field for any man or woman to milk them. What is the danger in crossing the road in that case? A veterinary surgeon told me that when driving my cows out of my yard to the pasture, I should have a little channel through which they would walk, and keep nine inches of liquid disinfectant always in it. He said they could never pick up the disease off the ground while I did that I should like to put the case of that farmer to the Minister, as he put it to me.

If both are evils, is it not the lesser evil to drive the cows across the road under the conditions I have mentioned? I may tell the Minister that that case is not my own. I have solved my own problem by making my pasture into meadow and my meadow into pasture. It is not my own case I am putting up, nor is it even a case of a farmer in my own constituency. It is the case of a farmer much nearer the Minister's constituency than my own. I should like to know what the Minister thinks of that case.

I do not think the Department did everything they might have done or that they should have done. On the 20th March, in this House, the Minister sounded a grave note of warning. He was, one would almost think, hoisting the white flag. Deputy Dillon came to his assistance in his speech here to-day, and used a lot of soft soap in his praise. The Minister has said that there was a falling off in the disease in various parts of the country, but that the place which was causing alarm was Tullaroan district of Kilkenny. It is only right and fair to support the Minister in his statement that every veterinary officer, every inspector and every official on the job is doing his best to stamp out this disease. As to the suggestion that the disease is being spread by inspectors, I join with the Minister and Deputy Dillon—if my opinion counts for anything among those who believe that—in appealing to the people to co-operate with the Department in stamping out this disease, and also in reporting any symptoms of the disease that they notice. I should like this House to consider the toll which the disease has taken of the cow population of the City of Dublin. The cow population of the City of Dublin was about 6,000 milch cows. Between 2,500 and 3,000 of those cows have been slaughtered. What a terrible toll that is! A week or two ago—I think it was in reply to a question of mine—we were told that £229,000 was paid in compensation. I am glad that the Minister admitted to-day that that is only part of the loss. It is only part of the loss to the people who lost their cows. But what is the national loss? Look at the way the country is corked up at the present time. There are thousands of store cattle, thousands of springers, and a considerable amount of fat cattle that would have been exported and would have made way for the younger generation of live stock which is coming along. They are all there now, and fodder has run out. The farmer has on his hands cattle which should have been disposed of in the fairs and markets in the last couple of months.

This is 1st May. March and April are the months when the stores are usually disposed of. They have not been disposed of this year. They are there eating the grass on land that should be kept over for meadows. It is inevitable that fodder for next winter will be scarce. There is hardly a market for those store cattle at the present time. What will be done with them? If, in some magic fashion, the disease were cured and we had a clean bill of health, what would we do with these store cattle? We have no feeding stuffs with which to fatten them. The British will not take them because they also have not the feeding stuffs with which to fatten them.

Going back to deal with the foot-and-mouth disease, on 19th February it was discovered in the abattoir. Certain orders were issued, but still there was free ingress and egress in the case of every cattle yard around Prussia Street. Anybody could come or go as he liked. Soon after that there was a debate here and Deputy Giles suggested that cattle dealers, jobbers and tanglers should be interned for two or three months until the disease was cured. That was treated as a joke, but how very sound it was can now be realised. Was it not the tanglers and the jobbers running to and fro, in and out of cattle yards around Prussia Street, who spread the disease over the whole area?

On the 19th February an order was made and on the following day I could be told that the disease came with one lot of cattle from Birr fair. That was traced and the Department had that knowledge, and I challenge contradiction on that. They had that knowledge on the night of 19th February. The man who brought the cattle from Birr fair was known. I am not saying that he did anything wrong. He might be quite innocent. I am not trying to pillory anyone, but I do say that the facts were known to the Department. Why were not those cattle isolated and why were not those in touch with the cattle segregated? Why were not the necessary measures taken at that time?

Deputy Dillon said we had not an outbreak since 1912 and therefore we should be excused. He said we were not in the same position as Britain. where the disease is more or less endemic and where they had trained staffs to deal with it. I am sorry Deputy Dillon is not here. I must say that I think that is a gross reflection on our veterinary officers and schools. I do not know much about the veterinary course, but I am aware that there is nothing known to veterinary science that is not taught here. I think the Minister for Agriculture, who has done a medical course, knows that that is quite true. To apologise here along the lines followed by Deputy Dillon is, in effect, saying that our veterinary surgeons and the officials instructed by the Department to stop this disease were incompetent. I do not subscribe to that. My own view is that the veterinary surgeous did not get a sufficiently free hand. My view, and the view shared by many, is that you have too old a school dominating the veterinary services in the Department. If younger and more active men got more freedom in handling this disease, I believe it would have been stamped out much sooner.

The Minister appeals to the people for co-operation. Copious literature has been handed round in connection with that appeal. I got a bunch of leaflets the other day pointing out the duty of the public. One leaflet sets out:—

"The position has now become so serious as to be a matter of grave national concern.

Each fresh outbreak of the disease means further dislocation of the country's valuable live stock industry with consequent heavy losses to all concerned.

The Department of Agriculture are doing everything possible to stamp out the disease, but they cannot hope for speedy success if the public do not assist.

Stock owners can help:

(1) By reporting at once any suspicious symptoms to the nearest Gárda barracks.

(2) By keeping away from other herds and by instructing their employees to do likewise.

(3) By keeping other persons away from their herds and lands."

Why did not the Minister make an order providing definitely for all those things and making it an offence if anybody acted contrary to his regulations? I asked the Minister on the 5th March last certain questions when I was speaking on the Vote for Agriculture. I said:

"So seriously did we regard this matter at the meeting of the board of health yesterday that we requested the Minister for Agriculture and the Minister for Justice, acting on the advice of our chief veterinary officer that humans are potential carriers of this disease, to order that no human being should be allowed to walk on grass land, except those whose business brings them there, that it should be made a criminal offence and that the Guards should be directed to take action in any such case.

"Dr. Ryan: It is a criminal offence already."

I say it was not a criminal offence then, nor is it now a criminal offence. The Official Report goes on:

"Mr. Belton: What is?

"Dr. Ryan: To walk on any person's land.

"Mr. Belton: Because of the prevalence of foot-and-mouth disease?

"Dr. Ryan: Yes. The Deputy should read the orders made."

I should like the Minister to explain why he told the House on the 5th March that it was a criminal offence for unauthorised persons to walk across grass land when it actually was not. The Department are now appealing to the public to co-operate by keeping other persons away from their herds and lands. The Minister misled me on that occasion. I was so misled that when the Guards found people in my farmyard, my hay shed, and came to me to know would I prosecute, I said: "No, you must prosecute," and they told me that they would not, that they had no authority to do so. I quoted the Minister for Agriculture, and I showed the sergeant this statement, but he replied: "That does not matter; here is the order and here are the orders we have got. We cannot prosecute, but you can prosecute for trespass." I said: "I am not concerned over trespass. The only thing in my mind now is the danger of spreading foot-and-mouth disease to my dairy herd and my other live stock."

I have no doubt the Department are quite serious about this thing and are anxious to take effective steps to stamp it out, but I cannot understand why they did not take that necessary precaution. I am sure they realise now how effective such a precaution would have been. They have sent bundles of these leaflets all over the country, pointing out what the farmers should do, and to-day the Minister appeals for the co-operation of farmers and stock-owners. He said that they are getting co-operation from the bulk of the people. I hope so, but I do not think he should be satisfied with that.

The Minister can vest himself with all legal powers necessary to prevent the spread of this disease. It is agreed that the most potent carriers were people walking across land. That is more dangerous now, as cows are out on grass and are no longer housed. For that reason unauthorised persons should not cross grass land. If the Minister refuses to make an order stopping that, what justification has he to prevent a man from driving his cows across the road to be milked? They could not pick up the disease on the road. Is it not far more dangerous to have people, perhaps from places where there are infected herds, walking across land, and no charge preferred against them except for trespass? The Guards cannot interfere with them. By his neglect to make such an order the Minister has made it incumbent on owners to put up notices warning trespassers to keep off land owing to the danger of spreading foot-and-mouth disease. It is not known what attention will be given to these warnings. I put up notices and I must pay a tribute to my neighbours by saying that while I was annoyed with trespassers in the past, I have had no complaint lately. If the Minister made an order such as I suggest it would be the most effective means of checking the spread of the disease.

I will not now deal with the selections made for the purchase of meat in the City of Dublin, except in a general way. Why did he find it necessary to include the Borough of Dun Laoghaire, with a population of 50,000 or 60,000 people? He has made it incumbent on 30 or 40 butchers in Dun Laoghaire to go to the Dublin abattoir for meat. That case has been put before the Minister by the unanimous voice of the people of Dun Laoghaire and by the Borough Manager and Town Clerk. There has been no outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in Dun Laoghaire, or within four or five miles of the borough, yet butchers who have built up trade according to the localities in which they carry on business have to go to Dublin for meat. I suppose some of the highest-class of meat trade is carried on in parts of Dun Laoghaire, while in other parts the trade is of the poorest. Those who do not know the borough believe that all the rich people in Dublin live there. It will be news to them, as it was to me, to learn that the poor rate in Dun Laoghaire, per head of the population, is higher than similar rates in Limerick, Cork or Waterford. The butchers have built up a class of trade to suit their customers, and without any reason they are now forced to come to the Dublin abattoir and buy meat at 1/3 per lb., while those who buy the animals, and sell the meat to them, can pay pretty well what price they like for them. It may be the case that a butcher in a certain part of Dun Laoghaire who sold cow meat may have to buy heifer meat. Very often he gets fresh meat that would mature by hanging.

What are butchers paying for heifer meat?

I cannot say. It might be 1/3. The greatest complaint is that the butchers have to queue up there every morning.

The price they pay is 11d. not 1/3. Is not that a big difference?

I will check up on that.

The Deputy should have checked up on the figures before he made the statement.

I am not so sure that the Minister is correct in his figures.

I am sure.

That may be as correct as the other order the Minister told us about. The butchers have to go to the abattoir nearly every morning. Will the Minister contradict this statement, that most mornings they have to return without meat.

Very seldom.

Their statement to me is that they have to go home most mornings without meat. I know the case of one butcher who wanted eight sheep and ten lambs for the Easter trade, and got one sheep and one lamb, when, as a matter of fact, every sheep farm in County Dublin is glutted with fat lambs. Why were not sufficient lambs, sheep and mutton available for the Easter trade?

There were more lambs sold during Easter week than during the same period last year in the City of Dublin and Dun Laoghaire.

Does the Minister suggest that there is not a glut of lambs on farms in County Dublin and Kildare?

It is very hard to get suitable lambs.

Are not suitable lambs available?

There are some, but there is not a glut.

Why were not sufficient lambs killed for that week?

They were killed.

How could that be the case when one butcher who wanted eight sheep and ten lambs got only one sheep and one lamb?

The Deputy knows that butchers could never get sufficient sheep and lambs at Easter.

They always got them at Easter.

I know that for the last four weeks there were more sheep and lambs killed in Dublin and Dun Laoghaire than was the case in any year within the last four years.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported: The Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Wednesday, 7th May.
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