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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 23 May 1945

Vol. 97 No. 8

Committee on Finance. - Vote 29—Agriculture (Resumed).

Motion again proposed:—
That a sum not exceeding £656,635 be granted to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending the 31st day of March, 1946, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Minister for Agriculture, and of certain Services administered by that Office, including sundry Grants-in-Aid.
Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration.—(Deputy Hughes).

We have travelled a long way from the day when a Minister of this Government was proclaiming in the streets of Kinnegad that "the British market was gone, thank God". It is a long road from Kinnegad to Volume 97, No. 2, column 654 of the proceedings of Dáil Eireann. I now quote the Minister for Agriculture:—

"That is so far as regards the home market, but then, when it comes to the question of an export market, it must be remembered that the nation requires to have exports, if only to pay for the necessary imports, and, of course, naturally, the farmer would like to have an outside market to take his surplus produce over and above what he can produce for the home market."

"The British market is gone, and thank God," and the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defensive Measures says that it is a great pity that every ship that sails the seven seas could not be sunk so far as Ireland is concerned so that we would not be troubled with the question of exports or imports. Yet we will be told that we on this side of the House have adopted the Fianna Fáil agricultural policy—but we will not be told that, I hope, when I have finished this quotation.

"Accordingly, I think that we can assume that an export market is desirable—"

I wait for the assembled Deputies of the Fianna Fáil Party to swoon—or will they confine themselves to blushing, if they are still capable of blushing?

"—and the question then is how to tackle that problem. It may be necessary to increase exports if we want to import certain articles in order to have a certain standard of living here and, from past experience, it looks as if the greater part of our exports—in fact, any increase in our exports that might be expected— must come from agriculture".

Is that the Minister for Agriculture or Deputy Dillon speaking? The voice is the voice of Esau. But that does not finish it. At column 656, the Minister reverts to this topic.

"That brings us to almost the final point, that is, how to compete in the foreign market."

Now, I invite Deputies to observe this, that throughout his speech the Minister speaks of the export market, the outside market, the foreign market; but never—no, never from those patriotic benches—of the British market. He will doubtless tell us, when he is concluding this debate, what does he mean by the outside market, what does he mean by the export market? He will remember my old friend hurrying through the corridors of the Department of Agriculture with a sheaf of papers in his hand who answered my innocent query as to what he was about by replying "Looking for alternative markets, which I know do not exist". The Minister proceeds:

"We shall have to improve our methods of processing and marketing and, if possible, to reduce our costs if we want to do business on the foreign market."

The Minister who says that is the Minister who put a tariff on artificial manures, a tariff on Indian meal, a tariff on agricultural machinery, a tariff on buckets, a tariff on spades, a tariff on pollard, a tariff on bran, a tariff on superphosphate of lime, and tariffs on shovels, forks, graips, mowing machines, ploughs, rakes and tedders and on tractors and binders. Let me correct myself there—I do not think he put a duty on tractors. The Minister resumes:—

"When I speak of reducing costs, I do not want anybody to jump to the conclusion that I would suggest that wages should be reduced. I should like very much if they could be increased, but I think costs could be reduced in other ways and, in fact, there are certain reductions which we may expect. For instance, in the years to come, I think the price of artificial manures will be on the downward grade for a long time and these manures will be purchasable at a much lower price than at present."

If it is desirable to-day to bring down the costs of artificial manures to the farmer, why was it desirable ten years ago to raise them? Does anyone here deny that, when the farmers were delivered into the hands of the manure ring in Ireland, the cost of artificial manures went up? If the farmers were delivered into the hands of the manure ring, who delivered them into those hands? Was it not that Minister and his colleagues? It is only now discovered that it is desirable to reduce the cost of artificial manures. "They should go down," says the Minister, speaking of the prices of artificial manures, "to at least half what we are paying at present and, as well, there may be an improvement in quality." He proceeds:—

"We shall have a big reduction, I expect, in artificial manures and to the extent to which we import feeding stuffs, they also will be cheaper."

Who made them dear? If it is desirable now that imported feeding stuffs should be cheaper, why was it desirable ten years ago to authorise the millers of this country to make all the feeding stuffs, imported and home-produced, dearer? If that right was given to the millers, who gave it? The Minister and his colleagues. Let me remind Deputies that they will be told by the Minister that there was never a tariff on maize. There never was and there never will be so long as Fianna Fáil is in office, because the millers of this country would not permit Fianna Fáil to put a tariff on their raw material. Maize is the raw material of the milling industry. That can come in free. But when it is converted into the raw material of the agricultural industry, maize-meal, yellow meal, Indian meal, there is a tariff on that and the millers can screw the farmers. If it is desirable to reduce the price of these things now, why did the same Minister encourage the raising of the price of these things ten years ago?

"We shall have a big reduction, I expect, in artificial manures, and to the extent to which we import feeding stuffs, they also will be cheaper."

Mark these words:—

"As I mentioned already, I am not in a position to say what the policy in that regard may be because we must at least extend to the committee which is considering that matter the courtesy of waiting for their report."

There is a mighty change coming in this country. The Minister for Agriculture, addressing Dáil Eireann on the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture, is not in a position to tell the Dáil what the policy will be. He must extend the courtesy to a committee to await what their directions shall be. Who governs this country? Is it the elected Deputies of Dáil Eireann, acting through the Executive appointed by them, or is it a committee appointed by the Minister for Agriculture? Who determines the policy of the Government? Is it the Government itself, or is it some fortuitous body that they established outside this House? I do not think that question requires to be answered, because the truth is this, that with the critical days that lie immediately ahead, the Minister is waking up to the follies of his own policies, but he has not the moral courage to come before Dáil Eireann and jettison the reckless things he stood for. He is "passing the buck" to this committee. He is asking this committee to order him to abandon his own policy and he is seeking an alibi, he is seeking an opportunity to come here and say: "A committee has told me to abandon my own follies and what they say must be done in Dáil Eireann". How different is that from the attitude of other Ministers who, when they do not like the reports of committees appointed by themselves, refer to their work as slovenly.

We are dealing with the Vote for Agriculture.

Quite so, and I am directing the attention of the House to the fact that we are now asked to wait with bated breath for the report of a committee which the Minister thinks it likely will recommend a reduction in the price of artificial manures, a reduction in the price of imported feeding stuffs—a direct reversal of his own policy. Since when has this exaggerated sense of respect developed within the ranks of Fianna Fáil for the reports of committees? Only since they realised that to continue their own policy would be to wreck this country; only when they made up their minds that they had to take and operate the policies impressed upon them by the Opposition here during the past 15 years; only when it was forced in upon them that the operation of their policies has resulted in incalculable loss to the agricultural community in this country and that the only hope of its redemption is to adopt the policies that have been impressed upon them by the Opposition. But they have not the manliness or the honesty to get up and say that they recognise that now, albeit too late. They must set up a committee outside the House to tell them they have made fools of themselves and to provide them with some rags of decency as they beat a precipitate retreat from the impossible position into which they have worked themselves.

I want to ask the House, and in particular the members of Clann na Talmhan, a question. I agree with the Minister when he says that costs of production should and must be reduced. I want to know: are we going to take the taxes, restrictions and quotas off Indian meal, pollard, bran, artificial manures, super, sulphate of ammonia, nitrate of soda, sulphate of potash, muriate of potash, shovels, spades, forks, graips, mowing machines, ploughs, rakes and tedders and binders? I want, in all friendliness, to ask members of Clann na Talmhan: do they want those duties left on or increased, or do they agree with me that, inasmuch as these things are the raw materials and the machinery of the agricultural industry, the agricultural industry is entitled to the same consideration as industrialists are already getting?

I want to ask the Minister, Fianna Fáil and Clann na Talmhan: if the industrialists of this country are given a tariff-protected market, a quota-protected market, in which their finished product is to sell, not at a price regulated by competition, but at a price based on costs of production, plus 7 per cent. on invested capital, and if the farmers are to be made the market in which that finished product is to be sold, whether the farmers think it good value or bad, are the farmers, who must sell their surplus production on the free trade market of Great Britain, to get an equal concession, and no more? Although they are at the disadvantage of having to sell on a free trade market, when the industrialists sell on a protected market, I say that the farmers ask only the same treatment, and no more. Do Clann na Talmhan make the same claim, or do they say that the farmers are to go on for ever paying taxes on their raw materials, to go on for ever functioning as the market, the profitable market, for every industrialist in this country, and to go on for ever selling their surplus production on a free trade market while they continue to pay taxes and submit to restrictions and quotas on the raw material of their labour?

Was ever a case more firmly grounded on bare justice than the case I now make? Is there a farmer in any Party on any side of the House who can advance an argument of any merit against the case I now make, because, if there is, I will listen to him with respect and interest? But if the justice of the case I make is incontrovertible, surely farmers, no matter what Party they belong to, will have the moral courage to get up and support that modest request I make on behalf of the agricultural community, bearing in mind that every section of the community in which we live ultimately depends on the farmers and the land they live on and work. Many of us may take different views about what it is expedient to do, but surely there can be no difference of view in this House on a matter of bare justice. I have said again and again that I ask on behalf of the farmers no concessions, no doles, no subsidies, no compliments, that I ask only for justice, and, given that, out of the land of this country they will extract on behalf of the community a national income sufficient not only to give every other section justice, but to give them all that the social services demand, all that the investment of industrial capital in protected industries requires and all the wages that every ancillary service in this country distributes.

As I see it, the farmers offer everything and ask for nothing but justice. Sooner or later they will get that justice, because, if it is denied to them too long, unconsciously the sanction they are in a position to command will assert itself. If the people living upon the land cannot make a profit, subsistence farming is their inevitable end and subsistence farming for those who live upon the land means poverty and degradation for every other section of the community. I do not want to see that sanction invoked against any section of our community. I do not believe there is a farmer, with very few exceptions, who realises the power of that sanction. I doubt if there is a single farmer in Ireland who would wish to use it, but it will not be the will that will bring it into operation, it will not be the desire to hurt their fellow-countrymen which will cause it to work. It will be the inevitable economic consequence of denying to men who work 14 hours a day on their own holdings the legitimate profit to which they are entitled. Give justice before you are forced to give it. All I want is justice, and, if you give it, then annually we can bring the discussion of this Estimate down to a very much less impassioned atmosphere.

I have often said here that the only real natural resource our people have is the land—12,000,000 acres of arable land—but that statement has in some measure to be qualified. To make it wholly true, I should say that this country has only one natural resource, and that is 12,000,000 acres of arable land and the men and women who live on it. Now, the land is good and, given proper treatment, it can produce as much as any land in Europe, but to be properly treated those who live upon it must not only have the will but they must have the way. The way consists of two elements: the equipment wherewith to do it, and the knowledge as to how that equipment may best be used.

Is it not a fantastic thing that in this country, if you want to learn to be a bookkeeper, a shop assistant, a doctor, a lawyer or a stockbroker, there are ample educational facilities for everyone who wants to apply, but if you want to be a farmer, and if you want to get the education requisite to be a good farmer, you must go to a T.D. and implore him to go to the Minister for Agriculture, or to one of the privately operated agricultural colleges in the country, and crave as a privilege the right to learn, simply because we have not got the accommodation in our schools to deal with the boys who want to learn there how best to run the land? Now I know that a lot of disillusioned people will say: "Our experience has been that 90 per cent. of the fellows who get into the agricultural colleges do not want to work on the land at all; they want to qualify as inspectors in the Department of Agriculture and then go around in gaiters and knee breeches for the rest of their lives telling their neighbours how to work their land." In the very restricted accommodation which we have, it may well be that an undue percentage of the persons presenting themselves for admission may have had that ambition, but had we in every county an agricultural college to which the sons of farmers might go without incurring undue expense, I venture to prophesy that within a decade 90 per cent. of the boys attending those colleges would be boys whose fathers intended them to inherit the holding. You cannot reasonably expect that a boy from a small holding in the County Donegal will contemplate with equanimity travelling to the County Galway to embark on his agricultural education there when he knows that his parents badly need his labour.

Deputies should bear in mind that, unlike the secondary school, there is not much use in sending a boy to an agricultural college unless he is able to do a certain amount of agricultural work. You cannot take children out and set them to plough and harrow and do husbandry of that kind. They are not physically fit for it. You cannot teach practical agriculture on a blackboard. If the pupils are not able to go out and do the job themselves under supervision they might just as well stay at home. In fact, they would learn more at home. If boys are kept at home attending the national school until they are 14 or 15 years of age they can familiarise themselves with the use of the land and with the use of agricultural implements. A boy with that amount of practical knowledge of farming will then be well fitted to get a proper education in an agricultural college. Therefore, the boy at present who thinks of going to an agricultural college realises that for a couple of years he must deprive his father of a not inconsiderable measure of labour on the land, labour that would help his father as his father advances in years. That is one obstacle. Secondly, there is the obstacle of expense. It will mean that the father will have to pay fees at the college for two years for the boy and provide him with clothes and the other things that he will need while he is living away from home. The more remote a place is from your own home the more formidable an enterprise it is going to be. But if the boys of Donegal had an agricultural college in Ballybofey, if the boys in the County Mayo had an agricultural college in Castlebar, and if the boys in the County of Roscommon had one in the town of Roscommon, then I think that while the enrolment at the start might be a modest one, in 12 months' time, in respect of very many of the colleges, we would be obliged to extend the living accommodation which we had at first designed. You would have taken the first effective step to remedy the bugbear of Irish economics and of rural life, and that is the chronic inability of our community to increase the volume of agricultural production. The only way we can do that is by enabling those who live on the land to get more out of it than they have been getting hitherto.

I know the small farmers of this country and, by and large, they are working harder than any other sections of the community. It is because their best effort is not oriented in the most efficient direction that their work is not producing the maximum which the land is capable of yielding. I want to give them that capacity. I do not care what it costs; it will repay itself ten and 20 fold in the time that lies ahead. I put it to Deputies that it is vital that we should get it now, when we have passed through a world revolution, when the whole economic pattern of the world is in flux and is about to crystallise. In that situation, should we allow ourselves to be placed in that new pattern in the position of an antiquated backward State? It will take herculean efforts to change our situation, but if by acting now we set up a standard of agricultural education in this country sufficient to permit every individual living on the land to get the education requisite to make him as good a farmer as his natural gifts enable him to be, we are not going to perform a miracle —we are not going to get everyone to take advantage of it—but with the passage of every year, we are going to get more and more to realise the value of that education and to imbibe it.

I have not to argue that in this House, because if there is anything that we have as our very second nature it is a passion for learning. There is not one of us who was reared in the country who does not remember the reverence with which the learned man of any village was looked upon. He was the natural leader, not by virtue of superior riches or of superior physical prowess, but because he was a learned man. There is that deep-seated instinct in our people, and I think that the colleges I have in mind would satisfy it. I am proud to say that, in the constituency which I have the honour to represent, the ecclesiastical authorities of the diocese have made available for the boys of the County Monaghan what I want to see made available for the boys in every county in this State. They have established an agricultural college outside the town of Monaghan to which an increasing number of boys are going every term, although it has been established no more than 18 or 24 months or perhaps a little longer. Surely, it would be reasonable, prudent and conservative finance to provide such colleges in every county in Ireland. Some may ask, why have one in every county in Ireland? First of all, because I believe that the accommodation will be required in a very short time, and, secondly, because you are face to face with the situation that the college which caters for a very large area of the country may, in some measure, defeat its own purpose because those of us who know rural Ireland realise that there is an astonishing difference between the types of agriculture that should properly be practised in comparatively adjacent areas. Deputy Hughes frequently talks of the necessity for soil survey. I think Deputy Hughes attaches too much importance to that scientific operation. It often surprises me to hear a man who is, perhaps, the most practical farmer in this House, dwelling so often and so long on what often looked to me like the plaything of a scientist who is more interested in solving abstruse questions than in growing potatoes.

Some practical farmers in the country recognise the need for soil survey.

I admit that every individual on his own farm, if he finds his best effort failing to yield the results he might reasonably anticipate, would be well advised to call in the agricultural chemist and see if there is not some explanation along those lines for his failure to succeed, but I think it infinitely more important that we should teach the people who live upon the land to use the land they have got than to establish elaborate soil surveys designed to alter the whole constituent of the most important material of all, the clay. Give us then schools where boys can learn to do the job. That done, at least ad interim, until an educated generation has come out of these schools, give us demonstration farms throughout the country where those who are already working the land——

Let them show a balance sheet.

——may see in practice——

We are waiting for it now.

I miss Deputy O'Donnell's customary courtesy.

You will get it. Let them show a balance sheet on their demonstration farms.

Give us demonstration farms where farmers, who have not had the advantage of the education I aspire to give the rising generation, may see recent discoveries and methods put into operation under the conditions under which they themselves have to work. I agree that this may not be necessary after a generation of farmers has been raised in this country who have had access to the full scope of agricultural education in their youth, but ad interim, until that is achieved, the farmers of this country do most urgently need that. I urge the House to distinguish most carefully between demonstration farms and the experimental farm. The experimental farm is a most necessary institution. It is the farm where everything which prima facie may be good, is tried out. If, out of these experiments, 30 per cent. prove to be profitable, such an experimental farm has amply justified its establishment. But the demonstration farm is the farm where the 30 per cent. which has been proved on the experimental farm to be satisfactory could be put into operation under the eyes of the farmers, where they can come and see the work done, where they may take part in the operation, so that, going home, they can carry out the same plan on their own land.

In the technical schools all over the country you have attached to every one a demonstration plot where the pupils are brought out and made to do in that plot the daily chores requisite to keep it fertile and productive and are advised to go to their own homesteads and there mark out a plot in strict proportion to the plot on which they work at the school, and carry out exactly the same operations they have been shown now to carry out on the miniature plot at the school. Let no such compulsion be used with regard to the demonstration farm of which I speak. All I want is that similar facilities will be available to farmers throughout this country on the demonstration farms I advocate. Ninety per cent. of the farmers of this country are progressive and desirous to learn and will repair to these places to pick up any additional information which will help them to make their way.

That done, I want a third reform. Let us open our eyes to the codology of ploughing contests. I see respectable boys exhorted to turn out in various centres and trot after a pair of horses with a plough, applauded to the skies by the Minister for their marvellous skill. Look here, we are not playing at agriculture in this country. You might just as well hold nailers' contests and teach the boys of this country to become nailers and applaud them for throwing handfuls of handmade nails into a bucket. It might be an admirable thing to do. The nailer was a skilled craftsman but his trade is dead; it is antediluvian. He cannot now sell nails made by hand in competition with nails made by machinery.

You cannot obtain from the land of Ireland agricultural produce cultivated with a loy in competition with agricultural produce cultivated with a Fordson-Ferguson tractor. Let us dismiss from our minds that machinery is conceivable only on the big holding, on the 20-acre field. There never was a want yet in the heart of men that there were not found others ready and willing to supply it. What we want in this country is agricultural machinery suitable for work on small holdings in confined spaces. The first step in that direction is the Fordson-Ferguson tractor, developments of which I have no doubt will rapidly manifest themselves, not only in this country but in most of the countries where small holdings are the rule throughout the whole of Europe, and which will enable the individual farmer or smallholder to do in three days what, with a pair of horses, would take him close on three weeks to do. There are 26 statute acres of land in the parish where I live that have been ploughed and harrowed in four days. For part of it two tractors were working. With a pair of horses, I imagine the same operation of ploughing and harrowing would have taken close on three weeks. The boy who ordinarily drove a pair of horses and a plough, and a pair of horses and a harrow, could drive that tractor without the slightest difficulty and, had he been in a position to do so, his productive capacity would have certainly been more than doubled. You can well imagine that it might have been multiplied by a very much larger factor.

I want to put within the reach of every farmer living on the land of Ireland the machinery which, as an instrument in the labour that he is at present expending, will give him a return three or four times greater than he is at present getting, and not only give it to him, but to us, the community and the nation. We can do it in either of two ways. We can either make the machinery cheap enough to enable the individual small farmer to buy it or, if that way should appear to be too heavy a burden on the community as a whole, we can establish in every parish a unit of agricultural machinery sufficient to enable all the work that machinery can do in that parish to be done on a contract basis. Before I pass from that, I note with satisfaction that artificial manures will be made available to our people at the lowest possible price. The land is starving. May I say to Deputy Hughes, when he talks about a soil survey, that until we have provided for the land those constituents which the land is crying out for, such as lime, super, nitrate and potash——

What about the quantity required to correct the deficiencies?

Give them abundance to begin with. It will be hard to poison the land, provided sane men control it, with super, potash or nitrate. Let us begin by giving them abundance. Thereafter we can go into a survey to discover what quantity of magnesia, etc., must be added in microscopic quantities to the main requirements of super, nitrogen and potash. If the Deputy is in doubt about what any particular field requires, let him send for me and, in ten minutes, I will tell him from the state of the grass or the cereal crops standing upon the land a pretty good prescription to deal with the immediate needs. If he wants to go further to measure the requirements of the land, to weigh them to the fraction of an ounce, then, by all means, let us embark upon a soil survey, and I have no doubt that we will get that pretty balance which will rejoice the heart of every scientist in Europe. Basic slag, super, sulphate of ammonia, nitrate and sulphate of potash will solve 98 per cent. of the deficiency conditions of the land of Ireland.

What about lime?

The Deputy has apparently forgotten that basic slag has a proportion of that valuable constituent. If Deputy O'Donnell will come and spend a couple of weeks with me, I will instruct him in these matters of agriculture and make him as good a farmer as I think he would wish to be.

"And still he gazed and still the wonder grew that one small head could carry all he knew."

The Deputy can speak after me. I do not like instructing the Deputy in public; these things are better done in private.

I am afraid you would be a sorry farmer if you were living by farming.

There are a few minor matters I want to mention. I observe with satisfaction that the Minister has become a convert in the sere and yellow leaf to live stock. He now rejoices to see an increase in the number of pigs in this country. Who could ever believe that the Minister for Agriculture, who had reduced the export of bacon worth £2,000,000 a year to this country, down to an acute shortage, would come before this House and be heard to declare that he rejoiced to hear that there were more sows than there had been in the years gone by? I will not dwell upon that except to say that I welcome the Minister's support of those policies for which I have consistently striven. I rejoice to hear the Minister, who reduced the fowl population in this country by millions, sing pæans of praise when he has to report the return of the first million of the many that he banished from the land. Do Deputies remember when every port in Ireland was congested with our exports of eggs? Do Deputies remember what Government was in office when full egg cases were one of our chief exports? Let us rejoice again that the Minister for Agriculture has discovered a virtue in exporting eggs. If the Minister brings the cost of production in these three branches of agriculture down, he can step back and the farmers of this country will do the rest. We will have in three years an immense surplus of each of these to export of a quality for which we need not hang our heads in shame in the presence of any competitor in the world or any market, however luxurious it may be.

Again I ask the Minister a question I asked last year and the year before. Why does he retain control of the price of barley once he has made the growing of wheat compulsory? I was always of opinion that you could not take the control off the price of barley so long as the growing of wheat was voluntary, because if you allowed barley to rise to the market price, no sane man in this country would have grown wheat. That used to be the excuse for keeping control of the price of oats and barley. The result of keeping control of the price of oats was that a situation arose in which there was none at all. I asked the Minister to take the control off oats and we would have an abundance of oats and so it came to pass. I pressed the Minister that he should take the control off the price off oats, but I warned him that he could not do that unless and until he made the growing of wheat compulsory. Because he made the growing of wheat compulsory and, contemporaneously, took control off the price of oats, the result is that we have an abundance of oats, and we have, not a sufficient quantity of wheat, but as much wheat as the Minister, in his judgment, thinks it is possible with reasonable husbandry to grow in this country.

We have kept the control on the price of barley. For whose benefit? So far as I know, only one interest in this country has been served by retaining control of the price of barley while wheat is a compulsory crop, and that is the brewing interest. I beg of you to go to the stock exchange and read there the quotation for brewery shares the day before the price of barley was controlled; read there the price of brewery shares, 12 months later, because this House gave to the brewing industry a present of over £1,000,000 per annum out of the pockets of the farmers who grew barley. What on earth was the purpose of doing that? I do not know what the price of barley is in England, but I do know that, at a time when Messrs. Guinness were paying 70/- a barrel for malting barley in Great Britain and converting it into stout and selling it there, we compelled the farmers of this country to deliver barley to the maltsters at 35/- a barrel, and it was converted into malt and brewed into porter and sold for the same price in the same market as the porter manufactured from British barley at 70/-. That was done with the consent and approval of Dáil Éireann. I asked the question before and I ask it again: Why have we, the elected representatives of the people, entered into a conspiracy to subsidise the brewers at the expense of the growers? I admit that so long as wheat was a voluntary crop, it was necessary in order to prevent people from growing wheat in preference to barley, but from the day we made wheat a compulsory crop and the Minister stipulated for the maximum acreage he thought practicable to sow with wheat, why did we continue that restriction? Take off the control on the price of barley and in two years we will have in this country sufficient barley for the brewing industry and a very considerable contribution to the foodstuffs of this country. We could have had that for the last two years and every grain of it that grew would have yielded a profit, not only to the men who grew it, but to the feeder who used it and to the community as a whole.

"Compulsory Wheat" became a kind of shibboleth in this country. It is now blown sky high as an economic or a sane form of husbandry in peace time. Everybody in this House agrees that, with the shortage of shipping, we had to do in this war what we did in the last war, we had to grow as much wheat as we could. Bearing in mind that everyone was prepared to lend a hand—the supporters of the Government, the opponents of the Government, those who stood in the middle position—and that everybody lent a hand, we still imported 250,000 tons of wheat in the last few years and without those imports our people would have gone short of bread. Yet, when everybody was doing it to the best of his ability, under compulsion fixed by the Government and at a fancy price of 50/- a barrel, the wheat produced was inferior wheat as compared with No. 1 Manitoba, and was sufficient only to supply the needs of perhaps two-thirds of our people. Remember that that was done at 50/- a barrel and that, before the war, wheat landed at Dublin stood at a figure far below that.

What is to be our policy in regard to that post-war? Are we going to produce upon the land of Ireland those commodities which the land is fitted to produce in greatest abundance or highest quality, or are we going to do what the Minister spoke of—to try to grow oranges on the land of Ireland? The Minister for Agriculture himself, speaking here in introducing this Vote, said that—

"there are those who may argue that you could grow oranges, but that would be neither an economic nor a sensible thing to do."

Is it not a matter of degree? If you admit that it is utterly uneconomic and is not the best policy that the land should produce wheat, why should you grow wheat if you are not going to grow oranges? Is it not time we turned our minds to that matter and made up our minds that we would grow on the land of this country that which the land is best fitted to produce, that of those commodities produced here we would eat our fill and exchange the surplus for wheat, oranges, pineapples and tea, the things we cannot grow here economically, profitably, or even well?

I attribute the Minister's reference to the growing of oranges in this country to the dawning of a realisation of his own past economic faults. If he travels from oranges to wheat, the public good will thereby be greatly served. We have a great opportunity ahead of us and we have within our reach all the materials wherewith to exploit it; we have the land, we have the people, we have the brains; we have the resources wherewith to provide education, we have the markets of the world from which to draw those raw materials which we believe we can turn to better advantage, or as good, as any other people in the world; and we have at our door the most valuable market in the world, which no other nation in the world can take from us, since we have the unique capacity of delivering perishable products in a fresh condition. Are we worthy of the trust the people put in us, if we fail to seize that opportunity? If we do not seize it, God only knows when the opportunity will be offered again.

We are now happily at the end of the great war all over Europe and each country will be planning its economy for the years to come. We will be engaged in considering our policy for future years and in doing so I hope that all of us, on every side of the House, will approach it, not in the spirit of making cheap points against one another, but in the spirit of trying to arrive at some conclusion for the general betterment of the country. It is agreed without any great argument that agriculture is our chief industry and that it behoves us on every side of the House to consider what practical steps we can best take to further our economic policy as soon as we have decided on it. This country differs a good deal from other countries, in that there is no other small country which has such a variety of types of agriculture. For instance, in the South of Ireland we confine ourselves to dairying; in the central and south-eastern counties to a large extent it is tillage; in some of the districts in Leinster it is devoted practically or entirely to fattening or feeding of stock; and if we go to the West of Ireland we find that Galway is the centre of the sheep-raising industry. There is in no one district an attempt to combine the various types of agriculture.

This practice has grown up during a century and, perhaps, it is all to the good. Experience probably taught the farmers in various districts what particular type of agriculture was best suited to them. The farmers in Limerick, North Cork, Tipperary and part of Kilkenny decided from experience that dairying and cattle breeding better suited their land than any other form of agriculture. The farmers in Wexford and the Midlands found they could not get along without a very large area of tillage, while the farmers in the very poor lands around Galway found the land was not suited for tillage or dairying and developed sheep raising to a great extent, so that Galway eventually became one of the best sheep-raising counties in these islands. I think over one-third of the sheep of Ireland were at one time raised in the County Galway. We have a greater diversity in the matter of agricultural production in this country than in any other country. When we are considering what our policy will be, we shall have to arrange it so that it will not react to the disadvantage of the various districts.

Deputy Dillon, towards the end of his speech, referred to general tillage and to corn production. It is necessary that we should know what our future policy will be in regard to those items, whether we will continue, as a definite policy, the compulsory growing of wheat, or whether we will allow agriculturists to get back to the old groove and grow what they consider suits them best. We have also to consider what our exports will be, whether they will be composed of the products of an intensified tillage campaign, or a composition of grain and other agricultural products. We shall have to consider whether we can do these things on a greater scale or whether we will develop the export of live stock and live-stock products. That is what we should concentrate on instead of trying to make cheap political points at one another's expense. Anything I say in this debate will be helpful rather than critical.

I believe, and great numbers of people in the country also believe, that our general agricultural prosperity is centred in the production of live stock, and by that I mean cattle, primarily, and their products. I represent a dairying district and possibly I may be biased in advocating an extension of the dairying industry and the products of the dairy farms. It is better to consider this matter dispassionately and without bias. I think I am justified in saying that the prosperity of this country depends on the success of the dairying industry. Our most important exports in the past came from the cattle breeding districts, the dairying districts, and consisted of live stock, butter, milk in its various forms, bacon, poultry and other items of agricultural production. These things were largely the responsibility of the dairy farmers. Our largest export hitherto has been cattle and, unless there is a revolutionary change in our agricultural policy, the export of that type of live stock will remain our largest export.

If we are to continue as an exporting country and make it possible to import the things we cannot economically produce here, it is desirable that we should make every effort so that the numbers of our live stock are increased to the greatest possible extent and that the quality will be of the high standard of past years, when it was regarded as probably the best in the world. Speaking as the oldest Deputy here, with a long experience of agriculture, I have come to the conclusion —and this is borne out in conversations with various persons in the cattle industry, whether buyers, producers or middlemen—that the position of our live-stock industry is not as we would like it to be. We have heard various arguments in the course of conversations with different people concerning the position of the cattle industry. Take dairying as one example. We are asked why we are short of butter and why we do not produce the quantity of butter we used to produce; why we do not produce enough butter for our own people apart altogether from surplus quantities for export.

The West of Ireland stockbreeders deplore the present quality of our cattle. They say that it has declined. These matters are discussed among the farmers. As the oldest Deputy in this House, I am definitely of the opinion that our live stock has depreciated in quality. I believe that that depreciation in quality is to a large extent responsible for the shortage of milk and butter. I believe it is also responsible for the shortage of first-class stock in the market either for export or home consumption. There are one or two reasons for this. If I am right in my contention, it behoves us all to lend a hand in remedying the situation. I have experience of agriculture for at least 55 years. I remember the period when there were no creameries in this country, when the farmers in the South of Ireland made their butter at home, packed it into firkins and exported it or sold it for home consumption. I remember at that period the production per cow in Limerick and Tipperary was about three firkins of butter, about 210 lbs. a cow. The production of butter in proportion to the milk was about 1 lb. to the three gallons. We have not advanced from that position; rather have we gone back.

The principle of cow testing was advanced as a solution. I have said time and again in this House that cow-testing is a good practice and if properly worked would help greatly in solving the problem of improving the yield of our cattle. Up to the present, unfortunately, it has not given the results one would have hoped for. From the figures given in the Interim Report of the Committee on Post-Emergency Agricultural Policy, we find that, over a period of 20 years, the average production of milk per cow has remained almost steady. There has been practically no increase in 20 years, notwithstanding all the efforts of the cow-testing societies. Something is wrong, and I suggest that my contention in this respect is correct—that, on the basis of the stock we have, an improvement is not possible.

I am arguing that our live stock have deteriorated in quality in the last 30 or 40 years and I blame primarily the policy pursued over that period of introducing into the dairy counties, and into the country generally, non-milking stock of the Aberdeen Angus, Hereford and, to a lesser extent, other breeds. The Irish Dairy Shorthorn Breeders' Society has done a good deal to advance the breeding of the Shorthorn beast, but though one would think from its name that this body would confine itself to the production and improvement of the Shorthorn type of cattle, we find that it lends itself to the introduction of these other breeds. I have seen some of these breeds sold at the annual sales of this society. One goes to the premier shows in this country—the R.D.S. shows—and it is lamentable to see sold almost as many bulls of the Aberdeen Angus and Hereford breeds as Shorthorns.

This is a very small country—its entire area would not constitute a district in some of the agricultural countries of the world—and it is not possible to have a number of varieties such as Shorthorns, Hereford and Aberdeen Angus without these various breeds mixing. You cannot breed Aberdeen Angus in Kilkenny, Shorthorns in Limerick and Herefords in Waterford without finding in a few years that the cattle from these three counties are mixing, and I believe that is what has happened. The Shorthorn type of animal which we old people knew has disappeared and we now have a type which is not altogether a pure Shorthorn—a type produced by the intermingling of these various breeds in the last 30 years.

One finds evidence of that at fairs and markets. I remember going to the auctions of dairy stock in Limerick and Tipperary and being almost horrified by the scarcity of really high-class Shorthorn cattle. One sees 100 head of dairy heifers for sale, not 20 per cent. of which are of a really suitable type. You see there a number of what I call scrub heifers in calf—some all colours of the rainbow, some with white faces and some showing black noses and black inside the ears, while others show the characteristics of other breeds. What we have is a mixture of all breeds in one and one does not know exactly what type of cattle one is breeding from.

I defy anybody to walk into the dairy cattle market in the City of Dublin and define the breeds of 90 per cent of the heifers and dairy cows exposed there for sale. It cannot be done, because they are a combination of all breeds and we have now arrived at a position at which, in the last 20 years, we have come down from the cattle which gave 600 gallons—if I am right in that figure, as I believe I am—to cattle which give less than 400 gallons. The Irish Dairy Shorthorn Breeders' Society and the cow-testing societies have done their best to remedy that state of affairs in the last 20 years and evidently they have failed because production has remained steady. There has been no great increase from 1922 to 1943. I have the statistics here before me and they show that production varied between 500 gallons, 550 gallons, 570 gallons in one year and 528 gallons in the last year. These figures are not in respect of the production of average herds but of cow-testing societies' herds, based on the working of these societies over a number of years. It has failed to give the increased production we all hoped for. One reason probably is that the farmers have not kept the best type of heifers, but I think the main reason is that the heifers were not there for them to keep, that we destroyed the breed of dairy heifers by inbreeding outside stock like Aberdeen Angus and Hereford.

Another evidence in favour of my argument is that not alone has our average milk supply gone down in the last 40 years, but the type of Shorthorn one sees in the market has deteriorated. Whether that was advisable or not is another matter, but if we are to continue dairying as the primary industry, it behoves us to select a particular breed which we believe will be the best. It has generally been assumed, and the contrary has not been proved, that the Shorthorn offered the best solution of the problem of combining a fairly good milking breed with the production of excellent live stock. That is why I am more or less confining myself to the question of the production of high-class Shorthorns rather than the cross-breeds we have been producing for the last 20 or 30 years.

Anybody who is familiar, as I am, with the markets, must see that the number of really high-class Shorthorn cattle offered for sale at fairs and markets or at the big public sales in Dublin has deteriorated to a very great extent. In my middle age—I need not go back to my youth—the farmer went to a fair in October or November and probably bought 50 young cattle—yearling cattle or cattle a year older—in one day. Probably he could get the requirements of a big farm in one day. Take the average high-class Shorthorn yearling that, in the month of May, any good judge of cattle would stand over, and that a lot of farmers would like to see on their farms. This is the middle of May. I believe that, if a man to-day wanted to buy 100 really first-class quality yearlings of the Shorthorn type, he would probably have to attend 20 or 30 different markets before he would succeed in picking them up. I think I am justified in saying that. I remember that, 45 years ago, the Dwyers of Roscrea, who at the time were the largest buyers of Shorthorn stock in the country, or the O'Connors of Charleville, could buy between them at one fair over 1,000 yearling Shorthorn cattle. I say further that every one of those yearlings would, in the opinion of any expert, be regarded as first-class quality stock. In fact, for years these two exporters made a name for themselves in the high quality of the yearling Shorthorn stock that they were able to send to the Scottish market. It was a type of stock that could not be improved upon. We are not producing cattle of that quality to-day.

I am of opinion that the policy pursued of introducing black cattle and the Herefords, and a cross between all breeds was not the best solution. We have now to consider our policy for the future—whether I am right in my view or whether the general practice of mingling the breeds was the right one, or, further, whether there should be a compromise between the two points of view. So far as the dairying districts are concerned, we should decide as to whether our policy should be to return to the breeding and selection of purely Shorthorn stock, and then confine the breeding of Aberdeen Angus to another part of the country, and the breeding of Herefords to some other part. We have to consider whether such a policy as that would be suitable in a small country. We have to consider the policy pursued by generations of our farmers of confining ourselves to, and developing, the breeding of Shorthorn cattle, or, alternatively, of going in for a purely milking strain and breeding Freisian cattle. I do not think anyone would suggest such a solution as that, in view of the fact that we have to depend to such a large extent on the export of our live stock. It remains for us to decide whether, in the dairying districts, we are going to produce Shorthorn cattle or breed a mixture of Shorthorn, Aberdeen Angus and Herefords. I direct the Minister's attention to these points. I believe that our best policy would be to stick to the Shorthorns and to develop its milk-producing capacity on the lines indicated by the cow-testing societies and the Irish Dairy Shorthorn Breeders' Society. If that policy is not pursued, then the great work done by these societies will be rendered practically useless.

On the question of tillage in the future, Deputy Dillon spoke on that and, as most Deputies know, I have been rather in agreement with his views on the policy of wheat production in peace-time. I may have been wrong in that. We all make mistakes. Still I believe that I was right. In approaching the question now we ought not to be out to score cheap points off one another. We ought to put our heads together and try to arrive at some agreement as to what is the best policy for the future. I may be wrong in thinking that it will not be easy to get farmers to continue in wheat production five or ten years hence. At any rate, it is important that the farmers should know what our future policy is going to be, whether there is to be a continuance of the policy of compulsory wheat growing, or whether compulsion is to be withdrawn as soon as it is conveniently possible. I think myself that farmers should be allowed to get back to whatever tillage policy suits them best. I believe that the midland counties, Wexford and other counties where, at all times, it had been customary to do a good deal of tillage, ought, in the future, to be able to carry on a greater percentage of tillage. If we are to develop our export trade in live stock, then the tillage counties will find a profitable output for their production. The most profitable output for the produce of our tillage land in peace-time will, I think, be found in the feeding of first-class cattle. That is the policy that I believe ought to be pursued. It is not likely that we shall ever be able to export cereals. I think that our most profitable export will be found in cattle, pigs or other animals. I think that we can continue and increase our tillage if we get back to the position that we have a successful industry in the export of our live stock. The most profitable thing, in my opinion, for farmers is to feed their grain and root crops to live stock on the land and export them in that manner.

The one great problem with farmers, no matter what branch of agricultural activity they are engaged in, relates to distribution and transport. The farmer is flabbergasted at the difference he finds between the cost at which he is forced to sell his produce and what the consumer has to pay. The fact that there is such a difference may be due to a lack of co-operation amongst farmers themselves. In a number of instances it may not be possible to get all the co-operation that is desired. As regards this difference, there is one sole exception, and that is in regard to dairy produce. I believe there is less disparity between the price which the farmer gets for his butter and the price which the consumer eventually pays for it than in the case of any other agricultural commodity. I think there is less profit for the middleman in that one item than in any other item than I can think of. That is due to intensive organisation and co-operation in dairying. We have an organisation controlling the manufacture and the sale of butter in this country and we find that the producer gets a fair crack of the whip; he gets a fair proportion of the price of the article. That does not apply to most other articles of agricultural production. That is due to the fact that there is not a proper method of distribution. That will come about, I suppose, only by co-operation. I hope co-operation will be achieved.

Another factor affecting prices is transport. I venture to say that in some respects the transport problem in this country differs greatly from the transport problem in any other country. Delays in transit of many articles of agricultural production are deplorable. Reference has been made to it frequently in this House. Questions have been asked. I hope, now that transport has been reorganised and that the Government have assumed a certain responsibility for it, better arrangements will be made for the transport and distribution of agricultural commodities, that an effort will be made to expedite the transport, not only of live stock, but of all agricultural produce, from remote districts to the central market, Dublin, and that transport costs will be reduced as much as possible. That would help production in the various counties.

I should like now to refer to the matter of veterinary treatment and animal diseases. This country has suffered more severely, particularly in respect of dairy herds, from the prevalence of certain diseases than most other countries. Many small farmers have sustained tremendous losses, apart altogether from such diseases as contagious abortion, mastitis, and mammitis. I have at certain times appealed for the expenditure of more money on veterinary research. I am glad that the Minister announced on this Estimate the expenditure of an additional sum in veterinary research, but even that is not sufficient. Ten times the sum already spent could be usefully spent on veterinary research. We, as an agricultural country, depending almost solely on agriculture for our exports, should set a headline to the world in veterinary research. We have the brains. We have in our colleges students as clever as any students in any country in the world. They should be given a chance to develop in their own country. In the last 20 years many brilliant students of the colleges here have been forced to leave this country to seek employment elsewhere because there was no opportunity for them here. We could produce the greatest veterinary scientists if there were an inducement to remain here. We should pay them well. I do not mind what initial salary a good scientist is paid. If we have not got them, let us import them. Let us get the best brains the world can produce, to start veterinary research here. Whatever the cost, it will be cheap in the end. Let us keep the best brains that our universities can produce until we set up eventually a body of veterinary scientists equal to any in the world. Any expense under that heading would be justified and the country would benefit enormously by it.

As I have said, my interest is mainly confined to the dairying and live-stock branches of the agricultural policy. I have directed the attention of the Minister to what I believe are the reasons for the decline in milk production and in the type of cattle generally in the country. It is necessary that that matter should be considered and I dare say the Minister has considered it. It is only by pointing out, in this House, with good will, what we believe are the defects in our agriculture and suggesting possible means of remedying them that we can get anywhere. I have tried to be as helpful as I can in the debate.

I was interested in Deputy Dillon's speech more because he started off in Kinnegad than for any other reason. He preached the usual policy of buying in the cheapest market and selling in the dearest market. Possibly that principle operated reasonably well up to a certain point. When we came to 1929, 1930, 1931, 1932, we found that that policy had begun to have reactions. This Government decided then to make a change in that policy. That was due, I am sure, not entirely to politics but to the fact that economically a change had to be made. Undoubtedly, there was a certain amount of policy involved and, reviewing it, I think that policy has been most valuable. At present, when the war is almost over, everybody in the country is paying compliments to the farming community. Having paid compliments to the farming community, it is natural that we should pay compliments to the industrial community also. The farming community and the industrial community have given us excellent service. We have been absolutely dependent on them for the last six years and it is not easy to say for how many more years we may be in that position. If Fianna Fáil had not decided on giving a fillip to production on the land immediately they came into office, what would our position have been during the last six or seven years? Suppose we had continued the policy of buying in the cheapest market and selling in the dearest market, what would have been our position when the war started?

It is true that we were faced with producing our own foodstuffs and that we had very considerable difficulty. Many counties, such as Meath and Westmeath and other counties, were not accustomed to tillage and the farmers found themselves very severely handicapped. They had neither the machinery nor the necessary horses; in fact, they had not even the population. They had an enormous task to face and they certainly faced that task. We had not even fuel. A few years before the war turf was derided; everybody looked upon it as a foul smelling thing. Coal, when it was introduced about 1800 or so into this country, was called sea coal. It was also looked upon as a foul smelling thing. At the same time, if the Government had not made a great effort to lay some foundation for the production of fuel in the line of turf, what would we have done?

Suppose our manufacturers did not get the assistance of tariffs, how would we be off for boots, clothes, and the other things that we, in a limited way certainly, enjoy to-day? Would we have those things to clothe us and to comfort us? I believe we would not. Therefore, the framing of an agricultural policy is something that outside circumstances compel us to do. Even to-day, if Deputy Dillon had his way, he would destroy all the industries we have with the exception of the few that existed here before and that had survived the collapse; except for those few industries he does not seem to be inclined to permit a single one. I certainly will not agree with him on that point. I think that this country, in fact every country, is entitled to and must have its own industries. In the early stages of these industries costs of production must be high. There is not the technical knowledge or the proper machinery to produce in competition with foreign countries. I hope in the near future that our industrialists here will be able to export a considerable quantity of goods and be able to supplement the agricultural industry in providing purchasing power for our raw materials. It is then that we will begin to realise fully, apart from the position which arose during the war, the value of those industries to our people and to the economic position of the country as a whole.

When we come to the question of tariffs on imported foodstuffs, implements, machinery and artificial manures, my candid view is that during the last six or seven years we have certainly depleted the fertility of the soil and a good many of the assets created by our forefathers in the land have disappeared. We must at once proceed to try to restore these. Consequently, my view is that the cheaper we can get artificial manures and the more of them we can get the better for ourselves. So far as our live-stock industry is concerned, I believe that the importation of Indian corn, even in the manufactured state, should receive some consideration. I believe that it would be a considerable asset and that its price should not be increased by means of a tariff; in other words, that it should be allowed in free of any tariff, although it might be advisable to control the quantity. These are some of the things that are essential to us in the future.

There are other difficulties the farmers have to overcome and those difficulties are created by want of capital; not so much capital to purchase stock or buy seed, but capital to erect proper out-offices. We spend quite an amount of money here in subsidies. I have not succeeded in calculating the exact amount of the subsidies and other bounties we give to agriculture, but I know that they amount to a very considerable sum. We have the Farm Improvements Scheme which, I think, it was originally intended to develop. If that were developed in the direction of providing farmers with better pigsties, better fowl houses, better cowsheds, and better yards with better drainage, I think that a reasonable amount of capital could be given for that purpose to the farmers. At present in a county like Meath it is extremely difficult for most of the farmers to store corn; they have not proper storage accommodation. Unfortunately, the farmers who suffer most from that want of accommodation are those who live in the houses recently constructed by the Land Commission. They have not a single place in which to store oats or other foodstuffs for their live stock. They have to store them in the kitchen or the parlour or even in the bedrooms. I always considered that that was an extremely shortsighted policy. Some steps should be taken, either through the Land Commission or through the Farm Improvements Scheme, to provide facilities for these men for the erection of lofts, fowlhouses and pigsties. The Minister will say that that is the job of the committee of agriculture. The committee of agriculture give, say, one-third of the cost. They have expert opinion as to the way these buildings should be erected; they have a stereotyped plan and the instructors supervise the work. I notice that there is no expert there to attend to drainage or anything else. Even if as much money were not given, if there were expert advice as to how and where they should be erected and how the locality or the yards should be drained, it would be of enormous advantage. That would be capital which the farmer could not disturb and, if it were properly done, it would always be giving interest to him on the money expended. That is one of the greatest difficulties he has, as where there are disorderly farms with poor outoffices and poor sheds there is depression created in the young people and they have no courage to work. It will be worse still if we provide electric light in those places. In fact, it would be ridiculous to put in electric light as, unfortunately, many of those sheds are unfit to house animals of any description.

If the Minister for Industry and Commerce were talking to industrialists, I am sure he would agree at once that, if they had not a suitable factory laid out by an expert according to a definite plan or if the machines in the factory were not of the latest type, the industrialists should not go on with the project. However, the industrialist does not need even that advice as he has the capital. The farmer has not the capital and there is no use in instructing him as to what he should do or how he should sow, since he has not the means at home to handle the crops properly. The Minister would be well advised to consider the many bounties which are given and see what the results are. We spend a lot of money on agricultural education, but I do not know if any Deputy can point to any definite results from that education. The farmer's son feels that unless he can go out to be an instructor himself there is no future for him. He is depressed when he sees the machinery he has to handle on the farm, as in the school he has had to handle fairly modern machinery on well-equipped farms. I think this matter was considered some time before the war in connection with the present Farm Improvements Scheme.

There is a good deal in what Deputy Bennett said about our live stock. No matter what Deputy Dillon says, we will have to export. I have often noticed in fairs that, after 11 or 12 o'clock in the day, there are some cattle left which do not seem to be able to attract a customer. After some time they are purchased at a very low rate and find their way to a local farm. In another two months they appear again, and if the farmers of that locality do not purchase them, farmers of some other locality do, because they are cheap. They wander into another district and hover about and are finally a total loss. I think this is due to the unlimited crossings we have had. Although one likes to see the dairying stock of an extremely high character and the high-producing cow of 700 and 800 gallons, I doubt if we had not the same type of cow long ago which produced as much, only that we did not know about it, as we had no test at that time. It is rather difficult to get such a cow now.

In those days, the cows produced excellent calves and most of the small farmers did their best to have calves produced in the winter months or in early spring, as they were more valuable at that particular time, since they needed only one winter in the house. They were strong and healthy and disease was not apparent. They were certainly bought freely in those days and there were not so many "culls" left at the fair. In fact, "culls" were the exception. From the dairying point of view, one could argue that, when they had good calves to sell, they got a good price for them, but when they have calves to sell to-day the price is not very encouraging. It is extremely low for the calves of the older type of cow, the good Shorthorn, which were sold, fattened and exported, as there was an excellent price on the British market. That gave us extra purchasing power in the British market.

It would be well if, in the dairying districts, they could get a better type of cow to produce a better calf, which could be utilised, fattened and exported, so as to produce the purchasing power in the country. That does not appear to be occurring and the cows have deteriorated rapidly in the dairying districts. In some districts in Meath, you will notice that if dealers happen to bring in calves they hover about and are uneconomic. Cow testing does not seem to have produced the desired results. I have an open mind on that, as I do not know very much about it. We have one cow-testing association in Meath, the only one we were able to develop up to the present. If the high producing cows are of a type that will produce beef within a reasonable time or produce store cattle fit to produce beef, then we could have it to a large extent both ways. At present, the uneconomic cattle I speak of are an utter loss to the community and so something should be done to put the matter right.

Since the war started we have exported something like 60 per cent. of the farmers' produce, mostly in cattle, as the grain he produces is almost entirely for the home market, which is unquestionably the best market for the farmer. The home market demands other things for its development. It needs more economic transport in order that the industrialist here may be fed cheaply, and so bring down his cost of production, and so that the farmer by his produce may be able to buy more of the industrial goods. It is the farmers' produce that determines what he can buy. Our system of transport was, and is still, so expensive that it prevents that. We have some 600,000 people in Dublin, and it is true that greater efforts are being made to feed them now than hitherto. The milk business has developed, but when one considers that it takes nearly a whole day to get milk from Athboy to the City of Dublin, there seems to be something seriously amiss with the transport methods.

When one goes to look at the vegetable market in Dublin and sees the stale vegetables exposed for sale there, when one sees the carts in the afternoon carting out leaves of cabbage and bits of turnips and a certain amount of clay, one wonders what type of organisation they have there. When one realises the demand there is for vegetables and considers that there are farms within 30 miles of Dublin quite capable of producing the most magnificent vegetables, one wonders why they have no means of selling them or getting them into the city market. The question of transport is a very important factor. If the transport question could be solved, I believe we could then remedy many of the farmers' difficulties. If we had a satisfactory system of transport, the farmers would have an opportunity of realising to the full the value of the home market. As yet the farmer is unable to realise it, because he is not able easily to get at it.

No doubt many Deputies heard complaints last year about the price of seed wheat—oats is a different thing. There were certain difficulties arising, but the price of seed wheat at £4 5s. or £4 10s. was a very high price indeed —entirely too high. Whether that was due to transport or distribution or something else, it reminded me of the position of vegetables in the Dublin market. Take potatoes as an example. What happened to the potatoes? A farmer was paid so much for them in the country and when he saw them later in a Dublin shop window he never thought he could grow anything so valuable. But he did not get so much money for the potatoes. Something of the same nature has happened in the case of seed wheat.

Wheat grown in County Meath gave an average return of six and a half barrels to the statute acre. It cost anything up to £15 or £16 to complete that wheat crop and sell it to the miller. I mean by that the wheat in its condition after the threshing. If that is the case, there was very little profit, if any, left, and if the farmer got only 52/-, which was very likely the case—it was not always 55/- —he was tight pushed. Last season was an extremely bad one, but, notwithstanding that, wheat turned out to be the easiest crop to save. At the same time the farmers, knowing how they fared last year, would have a considerable objection if they were to pay the high prices for seed wheat that they had to pay last year. I am sure the Minister will examine that matter and see if it could not be sold more cheaply.

The seed wheat this year was extremely good. I happened to get an extremely good sample of spring seed wheat. It is as good as I have seen since this war started and it is giving as good and even better results than I have seen for some years. So it may have been well worth the high price. Last year the bulk of the spring seed wheat was not worth much. I mentioned 6½ barrels to the acre. That was the average. What was that due to? It was due to the fact that there was indiscriminate laying-out of land in order to grow wheat. There was no attention paid to the type of land that could grow it. There were acres sown that gave no result at all. There are belts in the County Meath that should be well known to the officials of the Department. They are well known since 1800. Anyone who wanted to read the reports of that particular period could get all the belts mapped out where wheat could or could not be grown. It was a pity that something like that was not done. It was not fair to force a man to grow a crop in the bad belts.

I do not want people to imagine that County Meath produced only 6½ barrels to the acre. That was the average and that small yield was due to the unsuitable ground. The return on suitable land was much higher and was entirely economic and gave a good profit. To look at the average figures one might be inclined to believe that there was a total loss. That was not so. If the type of seed wheat given for next year is of good quality it would be well worth £4 5s. 0d. The price appears high, but if it gives a good yield it would be well worth the money.

I will conclude by saying that the person who held that the policy of this Government was wrong, that we were wrong in 1932 to start on such a policy or that we did injury to the country by doing so, will now surely have realised his mistake. Now that we have reached this stage, I think everyone will realise that that is not the case. Every one of us, no matter what his political line of thought may be, must realise that we are extremely lucky people to have a Government that decided on such a proper policy. It certainly saved us in the last six years and we may have to call on it to save us for the next two or three years.

It will be our duty, for a considerable time to come, to send all the food we can spare to starving Europe. Consequently, our Government must waste no time in directing and inducing farmers, large and small, to increase production. Not only do we want increased production of our staple foods, but we also want a higher standard of efficiency. In order to secure those ends it is very desirable that the Minister should tell us what his post-war agricultural policy is. We want to know what steps are being taken to stem the decline in those very essential foods, milk and butter. For a number of years that decline has continued in an alarming manner; so much so that the return of milk to the creameries now is one-third less than it was five or six years ago. That is a very serious position, and among the contributing factors may be mentioned the scarcity of foodstuffs for cattle and the scarcity of artificial manures for the top-dressing of grassland.

Two important factors to be considered are, first, the uneconomic price paid for milk to dairy farmers and, second, the difficulty of providing milkers for the dairying farms. There is no mistake, the dairy farmers, as well as all the other farmers, have done all in their power to help the nation in its hour of need. I hope that neither the Minister for Agriculture nor any other Minister will persist in blaming the farmers for the shortage of milk and butter. It is not their fault.

As to the position with regard to milkers, that, as some of our dairy farmers here can certify, is due to the fact that milkers are not available. There is a certain antipathy on the part of people about working on Sundays and Saturdays, on holidays, on Christmas Day and every other day for 365 days in the year and I believe that will continue until such time as the Agricultural Wages Board decide to grade agricultural workers. It is obviously unfair to expect a man who has been ploughing perhaps from 8 o'clock in the morning until 6 o'clock in the evening to turn in and milk cows. If a skilled ploughman, or a man skilled at any other type of agricultural work, has to milk cows, he should get extra pay for it, and I believe the Government should seriously consider the desirability of inducing workers to milk cows before and after their work on Saturdays and Sundays. I have known many herds reduced to one-third, and even half, because of the difficulty of getting milkers, and I think some bonus should be paid for the work, either by direct Government encouragement or by abatement of rates. Until something in that direction is done, I am afraid the great problem of milking cows will continue to be the nightmare of the dairy farmer.

Last year, there was some annoyance amongst farmers because their oats crop was not economic. The bottom fell out of the market in the harvest of the year and my suggestion to prevent a repetition of that serious position is that farmers should be encouraged to build suitable granaries for their barley, oats or wheat, and that the Minister should arrange for the extension of the Farm Improvements Scheme to the building of such granaries or silos—or lofts, as we call them in the country districts—for corn. It would help the farmer to secure his oats and barley against the weather and against the ravages of vermin, such as rats. I hope the Minister will give consideration to that suggestion.

I should like to point out also that farmers generally are not pleased with the terms they are getting for the growing of beet. The price is based on a fictitious sugar content of 17.5 per cent. That is a sugar content which very few farmers get and why any Government should allow it, or any company like the sugar company should ask for it, is incomprehensible. Another grievance of the farmers is that there does not seem to be any consistency about the tests for sugar content. A man may take a lorry of beet to the factory to-day and find his beet when tested yielded 16.5 per cent. He may take a lorry of beet from the same field to the factory to-morrow or the day after and find that he gets a test of 15.5 per cent., 14.5 per cent., or even as low as 12 per cent. That is a matter which calls for very close inquiry because it is a great source of annoyance and loss to farmers.

With regard to the price of beet, wheat and milk, we are glad to notice that the Minister has acknowledged the principle that a stabilised price for these commodities is very essential. If farmers are to be encouraged to produce all they can from the land to feed the nation as we want them to feed the nation and to provide something for starving Europe, it is very desirable that every encouragement should be given to them. Money spent on the encouragement of production, although some people may decry subsidies, is money which will reproduce itself an hundredfold, because, as the Minister and every intelligent person know, if the farmer has money, it will percolate to every section. The shopkeeper, the carpenter, the mason, the blacksmith—every section of the community benefits; whereas if the farmer has not a decent income, if fairs and markets are bad, the position is at once felt by every section of the community.

The Government, therefore, should be generous towards any claims or demands put forward for the encouragement of farmers in their various activities for the production of food for the country. The farmers' capital is the fertility of the soil, and we all agree that the fertility of the soil must have been reduced in recent years. The farmer, therefore, is producing out of capital and it is all the more essential that he should receive encouragement by way of subsidies and grants of every kind.

Another matter of great concern to the farmer is the shortage of labour. It is a growing concern, and I believe it will continue until we provide proper housing conditions for agricultural workers. There is at present an appalling shortage of suitable houses for agricultural workers, and any Deputy who is a member of a board of health or county council will readily appreciate the position. If a labourer's cottage becomes vacant, it is my experience and the experience of others that there are ten, 12 and maybe more applicants, all deserving, for it. Houses in which young men with their wives and families have to live have been condemned by the medical officers of health, but these families have to continue to live in them. The result is that they are not contented. They are always restless because their social conditions are very poor indeed.

My suggestion in that regard is that the Local Government Department Scheme for assisting agricultural labourers to build houses should also be made available to any farmer who wishes to build houses for agricultural workers. I remember that years ago in my district, and, I am sure, elsewhere throughout the country, there was a labourer's house on every big farm of 40 or 50 acres. They were poor, perhaps, but they housed the labourer and his family and there was a big population in the country districts and plenty of workers for the land. The man who lived in the house attached to the farm was rooted, as it were, in the soil. He grew up with the farmer, was in sympathy with his wishes and aspirations and was most loyal to him. He spoke of the farmer's cattle and horses as "my cattle" or "my horses".

All that has changed now, and not, I am sorry to say, for the better, because the agricultural worker at present has no such security. He may work for me this year and for somebody else next year, but if he had his house and his land, with the security of a home in which his family could be reared, he would have a sense of responsibility. He would know very well that he would have various perquisites from the farmer, and that no matter how bad the times might become neither his family nor himself would be allowed to go hungry. His children and himself worked for the farmer, and his wife helped in the milking of the cows. The conditions were very much happier than they are to-day. There is now too much unrest, and I think the cause of that is to be attributed to a large extent to the shortage of houses.

I would ask the Minister that, in any future schemes for the provision of houses, he would use his influence to see that where the farmer wishes to build a house for his agricultural worker he will be entitled to the free grant which is available for agricultural workers who undertake to build houses for themselves. We know, of course, that many labourers are not able to build, but I know some who have done it. They had a little money laid by, and they used it for the purpose of providing themselves with houses. That, however, would not be possible for young agricultural workers starting out in life, even though they were to get the free grant of £80 from the Government. It would be an encouragement to farmers to build houses for their workers if they were given this free grant. I believe that in that way the great nightmare from which so many farmers suffer—the scarcity of labour—would be removed. After all, it is very disheartening to a farmer to see his crops doing well and to have at the back of his mind the dismal prospect that when the harvest season arrives some of them may perish for the want of labour to save them. I hope the Minister will take that matter into his consideration, the desirability of having more houses built for farm labourers. I am aware that there are a great many labourers' cottages throughout the country. They were intended originally for agricultural labourers, but at the present time they are providing accommodation for many who are not engaged in agriculture. It may be that those in occupation of them are in great need of housing, but while that is so I suggest there is an urgent need to do something of a permanent nature to provide housing accommodation for those actually engaged on the land.

I hope the Minister will be able to give the House some information as regards the provision of artificial manures during the coming season. Farmers are in great need of them. They realise, of course, that everything possible has been done by the Minister and his Department to get supplies, but they hope that this year the Minister and his officials will redouble their efforts to place substantially larger quantities at the disposal of farmers than it has been possible to do in recent years. These artificial manures are urgently needed to restore the fertility of the land and to increase its productivity. I hope the Minister will be able to do something to obtain increased supplies of tea and sugar for the coming harvest season.

Is not that a matter for the Minister for Supplies?

I would urge on the Minister for Agriculture to use his influence with the Minister for Supplies so that extra quantities of tea may be made available for farmers to help tide them over the harvest season. Tea is a popular beverage, and particularly so since it became scarce. Farmers have long strenuous days and the cup of tea is the one thing that helps to revive them. I hope that, through the good offices of the Minister, the Minister for Supplies will do something special in that direction for the farmers during the coming harvest season.

The Deputy can make a direct appeal to the Minister for Supplies on that particular matter when the Minister's Estimate comes before the House.

There is another matter that has been touched upon and that is, agricultural education. Much success has attended the efforts made through the county committees of agriculture and the agricultural colleges to disseminate agricultural education through the country, but still their efforts do not go far enough. Some time ago the members of this Party urged, by way of motion, that demonstration farms should be established throughout the country. I still believe that their establishment would be the real remedy for this great defect in our agricultural education. So conscious are our farmers of this necessity that, in many parts of the country, co-operative societies have bought farms and are working them in conjunction with the creameries. Very practical work is being done on them for the edification and instruction of the boys in the surrounding districts.

I am sorry that the Department cannot see its way to apply that form of instruction generally through the country. If a man wants to be highly skilled in any particular line of work he has to receive a certain amount of technical education to engage in it with profit to himself and the industry he is employed in. The only man that seems to be without any particular education for his job is the agricultural worker. I think that, even though our demand for the establishment of demonstration farms was turned down, the Minister should reconsider the whole situation because there is no doubt but that there is a great dearth of knowledge on many aspects of the farming industry. One result of that is that, in many cases, the costs of production are very much higher than the results warrant. I hope the Minister will reconsider our proposal to have demonstration farms set up throughout the country so that our boys may get a proper education for the doing of work for which this country has been specially endowed by Providence, namely, the production of food from the land.

In that connection I would like to say that side by side with stabilised prices something should be done in the matter of costings. The farmer is the one man who is not paid according to the cost of the commodity that he produces. The industrialist, when he lays his plans for the starting of an industry, finds out what the machinery is going to cost him and what the wages of his workers will be. Having ascertained that, he allows himself a decent margin for profit and depreciation, and then fixes the price of the commodity that he is to produce. He must get that price. The farmer is in a different position since he must take what he gets. For that reason, I think it is desirable that we should have a costings board which should be set up by the Department of Agriculture. Perhaps the most suitable place to get their costings would be from the agricultural schools. We have the Albert College at Glasnevin and various colleges throughout the country. While it would be rather exacting work for farmers to keep costings, still I believe that, in many districts, it would be possible for the agricultural instructors to meet and to help farmers working on those lines.

In that way we would be able to find out, for instance, the exact cost to the producer of a gallon of milk in various districts. To my own knowledge, the cost of production varies according to the milk yield of the cow and the capacity of the farmer to feed the cow. It may cost 1/7 a gallon to produce, if the yield is between 200 and 300 gallons per annum. If the yield is 400 or 500 gallons, the cost of production may be 10d. per gallon. Yet the farmer will get only 10½d. per gallon. When we put up the demand that the price should be increased to 1/- per gallon for milk all the year round we were told: "The price we are paying meets the cost of production". We think it does not meet the cost of production and that instead of the Department asking us to produce our costings, the Department should produce their costings. Therefore, I support Deputy Corry's proposal that we should have a costings board so that we would know exactly what it costs the farmer to produce a particular commodity, butter, milk or eggs, and knowing that, allow him a margin of profit. In fairness to the farmer, that should be done.

Deputies have referred to deterioration in our live stock. I disagree entirely with their views. I think our live stock have improved in quality, in usefulness and in general appearance over the past 20 years. We have been subjected for some time past to propaganda by certain parties interested in the introduction to this country of special breeds of dairy cattle. There is a tradition in our cattle industry that the animal that suits our people best is the dual purpose shorthorn. There is no use in interested parties putting it across us that we should produce one particular foreign breed or another, suitable for milk only. We want the dual purpose cow because our farmer can never be induced to keep any breed of cattle other than that which supplies him with a good quantity of milk and a good store calf. That is fundamental to our economy and it is traditional to our life and any propaganda that is contrary to that will have no effect. I hope nothing will induce the Department of Agriculture to depart from the schemes which they have in operation at present for the development of our cattle along the lines that suit the country best. I trust that propagandists will get a very short shrift for their efforts to introduce a single purpose breed of cattle.

I hope the few suggestions I have made in respect of the encouragement of the agricultural worker, the encouragement of people to produce more milk, butter, bacon and eggs, and for the encouragement of milkers, will receive sympathetic consideration. In particular, I should like to put in a plea for the man who has been doing, and is at present doing, most valuable work, namely, the farmer who works with the help of the members of his own family. He should be given a remunerative price for his produce. We are anxiously and hopefully looking forward to the promised statement by the Minister for Agriculture, before the session closes, as to his policy with regard to agriculture generally, and recommended by the Agricultural Commission in their final report. We hope it will be satisfactory. The farmers are awaiting it with great confidence, and I trust it will bring new hope to the agricultural community and all those dependent on the produce of the land.

I wish to direct the attention of the Minister to a few points that I am interested in. I do not want to criticise the Minister, but to put forward suggestions that may be useful in the post-war period. Many things have been said about the tillage policy adopted by the Government some years ago. I do not think that a continuation of the compulsory tillage policy—not, of course, to the extent to which it is pursued at present—would be very detrimental to production in the country generally. Of course, during the emergency, owing to the intensive tillage policy and to the lack of artificial manures, the fertility of the land has deteriorated. I think such a tillage policy would help to encourage production. If we consider the position in our respective areas, we can see that, even with compulsory tillage, the number of cows has been maintained as well as the production of live stock. If there has been a certain decline in the number of cows, it is due to the difficulty of securing labour for milking. It is a good policy to produce as much as possible from the land, and thus reduce expenditure on imported feeding stuffs. Our policy after the emergency should be maximum production at minimum cost, and the production of a high-class commodity, so that we may maintain our position on the foreign market. There is no getting away from the fact that agriculture is the only source of an exportable surplus, and if we are to have an exportable surplus after the war it must be of the very best quality so as to command a good price.

In addition to dairying, live stock was a great source of wealth in this country for years. If we are to maintain industries in this country we must provide a means of obtaining raw materials. An exportable surplus of live stock, milk products, etc., would be a means of obtaining the raw materials essential to industry. To maintain milk production, I suggest to the Minister, as I suggested a year ago, that the price of milk must be kept up to a certain standard. If there is not a price for milk, the farmers will go out of production because it must be admitted that there is a certain amount of slavery involved in the production of milk. Owing to lack of labour, provision must be made for the installation of up-to-date machinery for milking. Money must be made available for the improvement of farmyards, cowsheds, and so on, in order to improve the conditions under which milking is carried out. I do not wonder that so many young girls are very anxious to get away from farms because the conditions of the farmyards are not what they should be. I ask the Minister to make loans available under the Farm Improvements Scheme, according to the size of the farms, so that such improvements can be carried out.

Then there is the question of the extension of the co-operative movement, which many farmers are very much inclined to support to a great extent. I think it is most unfair and unjust that co-operative societies should be allowed to have tractors, binders and threshing machines operating in the country. The sons of farmers, especially small farmers, who cannot find sufficient employment on the farm, are the people who should be selected by the county committees to operate such machinery, and they would give satisfaction to the farmers generally. Recently, a farmer's son in my county, a married man with nine children, made application for a binder and his application was refused, although three co-operative societies got binders. I ask the Minister is it fair that such a state of affairs should exist, that an organisation should be established by the farmers themselves which is actually detrimental to the farmers' sons? I think it is very unfair that such a state of affairs should be allowed to continue and to expand in the country generally. I hope that the Minister will take steps to curtail such activities on the part of these societies throughout the country.

Furthermore, it is a well-known fact that many co-operative societies are purchasing farms. The farmers did not realise when they were establishing such societies that they were cutting a switch with which to beat themselves. Why should co-operative societies be allowed to go into the open market and purchase farms against farmers' sons? It is not possible for any farmers' son to purchase a holding in competition with what I might call a group of farmers. That is most unfair. I think such activities should be curtailed. I hope that the Minister will see that such societies are confined to a certain line of business.

It is also well known that in many areas where there are co-operative societies, shopkeepers are closing down. Shopkeepers are expected to pay their rents, rates and income-tax, and also pay their employees. How can they hope to exist against the competition of the co-operative societies which are guaranteed and backed up by the whole agricultural community? Who are these shopkeepers who to-day have every reason to grumble? They are generally the sons or daughters or brothers or sisters of farmers. Have not they a right to live just as well as anybody else? Is there a scheme on foot whereby all the rural towns in Ireland will be merged in the same co-operative organisation? I should like to know the Minister's view on that. I should like to know what the position will be in a year or two if the co-operative organisation is to expand as it is to-day. If these societies are to be allowed to purchase land, there will be no farmers left. I suppose we will be all workers; I hope we will get a good wage.

In some cases we have creameries engaged in the production of bacon. I consider that the production of bacon is a job for the farmer and not for the creameries, which are actually depriving the farmer of his livelihood. In West Cork, and even in my own area, the pig is regarded as the farmer's bank—the small farmers especially. If the creameries are allowed to continue in this business, where will the small farmer be? The big farmer may be all right; he may prefer to keep cattle; but, if such a state of affairs is allowed to continue, the small farmer will be wiped out of existence, and the co-operative societies will be taking over all the small farms in the country. A few years ago when I was going around with a threshing machine, conditions generally with regard to farming were often discussed at the mid-day meal.

I remember hearing in the month of September on a farm where they had 20 cows whose milk was sent to the creamery that the cheque received from the creamery in that month was only for £2. What was the cause of that? We know what happens during the winter when pigs and calves are being fed on the holding. The milk cart was going to the creamery and every other day brought back a bag of meal. All that was going down in the books of the creamery. If the people had to pay out cash for that meal, the woman of the house would ask: "Where has the bag of meal we got yesterday gone?" We are told that that is the barter system. I should like to tell the House what kind of a system it is.

I think that the co-operative societies and creameries should concentrate on the production of dairy produce and should not engage in general dealing. Then, I think, the farmers who are grumbling about the milk would not have as much to grumble about. I hope that the Minister will take steps to see that such activities on the part of creameries are controlled. We are often told the shopkeepers are robbers. How can they be robbers if you have an effective price control body? They cannot rob the people then, as we know where they are. We need a means of protecting the people generally.

When you come to consider the shopkeepers and the co-operative societies, you find that you can get an article just as cheaply, or more cheaply, from the shopkeeper. There is a trader in the village of Ballyduff who is able to do business with any co-operative society in Ireland and who can sell more cheaply than any of them. How he is able to do it is a mystery to some people, but he is a good businessman and knows his job. I would like to tell the Minister, the House and the public generally, that that man can go eight miles away to the very door of the co-operative society for business, as he is a businessman. If men like him were protected, it would be in the best interests of the people. The co-operative society should look after the milk and the creamery. If they started a bacon factory and finished the article, there might be some reason in it, but there is no use in producing bacon for another person to deal with.

Even when there was a Bacon Marketing Board, if they went down to fix a price for bacon, surely it is not to the man with three or four pigs they went but to the man with 500. How can the man with two or three pigs compete with the man who could buy in such quantities? How could the man with five or ten pigs compete with the man with 100 or 1,000? I hope the Minister will take steps to give the business people an opportunity to exist and give the farmers' sons a chance to make a living on the land.

I hope also that, in the post-war period, the Minister will make provision for the purchase of tractors and machinery for small farmers, if we are to go into production with a will, with farms of 25 or 30 acres. We know the farmer must keep a pair of horses and some machinery, and if there were cooperation, by providing small tractors or farm units to cover a number of farmers, a lot of waste would be eliminated.

In some cases the farmer could then do away with the horse, or perhaps a pair of ponies would do if a tractor were available. Previous to the war, we had a type of tractor one could easily utilise in very small fields. There was the Ford-Ferguson tractor, which could be put into a garden or amongst fruit trees, and I operated it myself. Provision should be made for the use of such machinery, so that the greatest amount of value may be got out of the holding.

Under the farm improvements scheme there was provision in regard to water schemes. I spoke to the Minister less than a year ago in connection with the sinking of pumps on farms, and at that particular period he was not able to tell me what decision he had come to as regards boring and how the costings would be allocated. I hope the Minister may be able to tell us now what steps have been taken or, if he is still pursuing that line of action, what course he will adopt to make loans to farmers or groups of farmers in certain areas for good water pumps. That is very essential in many of the dry areas—though, of course, water can be got everywhere—and a group of farmers could not undertake such a job at present, as it may be too costly. I know of a case where an individual farmer put down a pump which cost over £300. It would take a lot of farmers to put up that amount of money. The Minister might provide some scheme whereby groups of farmers could co-operate in this matter.

During the last few years of the emergency, there was great difficulty in securing seed wheat. I hope now that the emergency is over, if there may be a means of obtaining seed wheat this year, the Minister will do all he can to secure some and, if he is not able to secure enough to meet the demands, I hope that whatever amount comes in will be allocated in certain areas, so that the year after a suitable amount of seed will be available and will be kept for seed.

I have dealt with financial assistance for the purchase of farm machinery. We have the Agricultural Credit Corporation, whereby the farmers should be able to get assistance, but I do not believe it is any good to those farmers who want assistance. It seems to be a corporation whereby the wealthy man can get assistance, and I think it is unfair and unjust that the taxpayers generally should be called upon to keep in existence such a body when it is not available for the purpose for which it was established.

It is a well-known fact that you must satisfy the corporation, if you make an application, that you are in a good financial position, that you are not in debt. You must really have the bank behind you, and that is no good to the man who really wants assistance. To my mind, the corporation is now a means of securing financial aid for people who do not want to touch their deposits or investments. I know a man who had thousands of pounds and, in order to buy a binder, he availed of the Agricultural Credit Corporation, as he did not wish to upset his own financial arrangements. There should be some other means of financing the farmer, instead of the present method.

Quite recently, I went to the Minister in connection with the exportation of small fillies. Apparently, the idea of keeping the fillies at home in the country at present is to use them for breeding purposes. I would point out that, by retaining here fillies up to 14-2 or 14-3 or even up to 15 hands, such fillies will not be a source of producing the best type of horse, whether he be a draught horse or a hunter. You may get a good cob of 14 or 15 hands who might be a good worker, but that type is useless from the commercial viewpoint after the war, for hunting or anything else. I would ask that the Order be relaxed so that fillies, up to 15 hands or 14-3 at any rate, should be exported, where there is a demand. Several people have written to me in connection with it. The dealers and owners cannot get what they call a decent price for such fillies, as—though there may be smuggling over the Border—they cannot get them out of the country. That is a point the Minister might take into consideration, so as to provide for the exportation of fillies which would be detrimental to the horse-breeding industry, as they would not produce a good type of hunter.

These are the principal points I wish to raise. I take particular exception to the allocation of machinery. I hope this business will stop. I do not believe such organisations should be allowed to participate in such work when farmers' sons are available who are entitled at least to a living. They are not able to get it on the land, and they are denied the right to go across to England or elsewhere to earn a living because they are farm workers. Co-operative organisations have enough to do without carrying on such work. It is a business that should be left to the farmers and their sons.

We will be glad to hear what the Minister's post-war policy is. I hope that in his post-war agricultural policy the position of the farmers and the farm workers will be protected. I see no reason why the position of the farm worker as regards a wage should not be brought almost to the level of that of the industrial worker. We are told by all Parties at the cross-roads and elsewhere that agriculture is our main industry. If it is, why is it paying nearly the lowest wage? I think the position of the farm workers should be nearly as good as that of the workers engaged in industry. I admit that in the country areas the workers have certain facilities that are not granted to urban workers. They have certain perquisites such as a man working in a town or city cannot have. The light that God gives us may not be so useful in a narrow town or city lane, and a worker there might have to have artificial light. That is not the position in the country. The country workers' wages should be brought nearly to the same level as the wages of the industrial workers. I will not say quite the same level, but at least the country worker should get a fair crack of the whip. It is only by doing so that you will help to keep the workers on the land.

Many Deputies have touched on the housing problem. Some 12 months ago I spoke about it. I suggested that provision should be made available to farmers, who are in a position to build houses for their workers, at the same rate as has been given local authorities; that is, to the farmers who wish to avail of it. It is essential to keep the workers on the farms and that is the problem that is confronting the farmers generally. It has an important bearing on agricultural production. I hope the Minister will give serious consideration to the various points I have raised.

I wish to refer to some remarks made by Deputy Halliden. I was most interested in his speech. Deputy Halliden is a man who has always claimed to have a great grasp of agriculture. He has taken a keen interest in one aspect of agriculture over many years and, I may say, he has successfully done so. He referred to the price of milk and he made most peculiar remarks with regard to costings and their effect on the price of milk. He said that no farmer was capable of taking his own costings, calculating what it costs him to produce milk, and he suggested that the Glasnevin College should take the farmers' costings and that the farmers should be paid for their milk in accordance with the Glasnevin costings. I think Deputy Halliden and other farmers would find that, if the costings were taken in Glasnevin or in some other agricultural college on the same basis, and on the same rates of wages, the farmers' price for milk might be very low. It was a most extraordinary suggestion, particularly coming from a Deputy like Deputy Halliden, that the farmers were incapable of taking costings, and that no farmer knows what it costs to produce milk. I think that was an outlandish and most extraordinary statement for any man to make.

Deputy Halliden also talked about milkers and the wages paid to milkers. His suggestion was that a man who milks cows after doing a full day's work, or who milks them before he commences his day's work, really does one and a half day's work, and the Government should give him a bonus for working one and a half days. That is another extraordinary statement. It is usual for the farm worker to milk the cows during the ordinary hours of work. If he works overtime when he is milking them, he is paid a bonus, not by the Government but by the farmer.

I know many farmers who pay their workers a bonus on the agricultural rate of wages for milking overtime, either in the evening or the morning. I suggest there is nothing in the Agricultural Wages Act to prevent farmers in the Deputy's part of the country from paying at a similar rate if it is necessary to have men milking cows before their ordinary hours of work or in the evening, if they are working for a period longer than the specified nine hours.

Most farmers do not find any difficulty in providing men to do the milking. The suggestion seems to come from one part of the country—that it is impossible to get men to milk cows. It is suggested that is the reason why there is a reduction in the number of cows and a decline in the quantity of milk. I cannot understand that at all. If a farmer expects men to work 15 or 16 hours a day in order to have his cows milked, I am sure he will be always in trouble. Members of his own family, if they are milkers, will not work such long hours, and will object to milk cows outside the ordinary working hours. I suggest to Deputy Halliden that farmers in his part of the country should mend their hand and have their cows milked within the ordinary working hours. If their men have to work overtime, there is nothing the Minister has done, or the Agricultural Wages Board has done, to prevent the farmers from paying them at overtime rates.

I hope Deputy Halliden does not suggest that that is the main reason why there is a reduction in the milk yield, or why farmers are not keeping as many cows as in the past. I do not know that any farmer in my part of the country has fewer cows, or finds the same difficulty in getting his cows milked. It may be very difficult in Cork, or in Deputy Bennett's county. He complains very often in the same strain about the difficulty of having cows milked. The Agricultural Wages Board is in no way responsible for that state of things.

As to the grading of men, I do not know who will grade them. The suggestion has been put forward here that we should grade agricultural workers. Are the farmers to grade them? It might be very unfair if that were so, and the workers might suffer if one man were to get a lower wage than another, according to the grading of a particular farmer. I do not believe that many farmers would want to operate such a scheme, even if power were given to them to adopt it.

Deputy Halliden also suggested, as a solution of the housing problem, that farmers should be given grants to build houses on their land for agricultural workers. I do not at all agree with such a suggestion. I believe the system under which local authorities provide houses for agricultural workers is a far better system and one which will be far better for the country in the long run. Under such a system, the agricultural worker is independent and can work wherever he will get the best wages. Local authorities have provided many thousands of houses for agricultural workers and, had the war not intervened, I believe that scarcely any agricultural worker would be without a decent house. The ordinary £45 grant is available for any farmer who wants to build a house or half a dozen houses for his workers.

I rose merely to express disagreement with the ridiculous suggestion that no farmer is capable of making out costings in relation to the price of milk. Deputy Halliden is interested in that matter and in cow testing for a long number of years, and he knows quite well that the costings rise where there are uneconomic cows instead of cows giving an average yield and, to my mind, the suggestion that all these costings can come only from Glasnevin is utter nonsense. An economic price for milk has been paid, but no price would pay the man with the 200-gallon cow. So far as the man with the 500-gallon cow or the herd which gives an average yield, the price paid was economic. As to the suggestion of giving an economic price to every farmer, I do not know who would pay it. If such a price were paid, there would be no inducement whatever to farmers to keep higher-yielding cows and the tendency would be for all farmers to keep cows giving low yields and to produce beef cattle.

With regard to the farm improvements scheme, I should like to urge that the scheme should run for the whole year. Many farmers find a great difficulty in winding up a piece of work owing to spring or harvest activities intervening. If the scheme were to operate from June to December and if the farmer were allowed to do a particular piece of work at whatever period of the year best suits him, it would be a great advantage. The scheme is a most popular scheme and I know that there is a bigger demand than is indicated by the amount provided. It is one of the best schemes that ever came into operation from the farmer's point of view, and has resulted in much good work in the form of drainage, the improvement of fences and farmyards and putting concrete floors in houses, and if it were made to run for the whole year it would be very welcome. I believe it would run much more smoothly and that the administrative costs would be less.

While on that subject, I want to suggest that it is unfair to lay off for two or three months in the summer the men who supervise that scheme. Many of them were young men when they went into the Department's employment and they have since got married and have made homes for themselves, and it is most unfair to put them on the unemployed list for two or three months in the summer. They want a full year's work and they should get wages for every week of the year. Some of them have been in the employment of the Department for five years. The posts are temporary, but some of them should be made permanent now. I hope that, in the post-war period, this scheme will become part of the permanent policy of the Department. It should not be and should not be looked on as an emergency scheme. Improvement of land—drainage and fencing— will always be needed and such a scheme should not be an emergency scheme. It was not originally an emergency scheme, but for some reason it became an emergency scheme and I hope that this will be the last year in which it will be so described. It comes into the Minister's Vote as an emergency scheme, but it should be part of the permanent policy of the Department and the men employed to supervise it should become part of the permanent staff. The senior members, at any rate, should be given permanent employment over the whole year.

My contribution will be short. It is interesting for a city member to listen to a debate on agriculture because he gets some knowledge of what the farmers are doing and what they have to put up with and how supplies get to the city. May I say as a city man that it is my pleasing duty to return thanks to our farmers for all they did for our people during the emergency? I congratulate them on the supplies they sent to the City of Dublin. We in Dublin appreciated them very much.

There is one small grievance which I have tried to raise by question on more than one occasion. One knows that farmers get a very small price for their produce as it leaves the farms, but one is amazed by the prices charged for that produce when it reaches the City of Dublin. Last week in Dublin, potatoes were 3/- per stone, cauliflowers 1/6 to 1/10—this week they are down to 1/—cabbage 8d. a head and salad 8d. to 1/- a head. These prices create a scarcity for people of small means. The commodities might as well not be there at all because people with small means have not the money to buy at those prices. I am glad to see that the Minister over the week-end thought fit to fix the price of potatoes. I ask him to go further and to guarantee supplies for the coming months, to make sure that there is no holding up of supplies by those who speculate in the food supplies of our people and if there is any attempt at creating an artificial scarcity, to get busy and see that a plentiful supply is released from stocks which we are told are in hands at a price which the working classes and those with small means can pay.

Some Deputies made reference to bacon. Bacon is still very highly priced and very scarce in Dublin, and it is of interest to mention that during the week-end I received a telegram from Boston which reads:

"Eager to bring back to America true flavour of Éire. May we impose upon you to act in our behalf to procure for the Copley-Plaza, Boston, first shipment of Irish bacon to be sent since Europe has been freed? Will accept up to one ton. Also for my friends please ask—to forward such selection of Irish tweed samples as now available. Hoping this small gesture may be an opening move in resumption of trade with your wonderful little nation.

I am

Yours sincerely,

Newton L. Smith,

General Manager."

"Copley-Plaza Hotel."

There you have an indication of the demand that there is for agricultural produce. There is a special demand in America for our foodstuffs, and especially bacon. I did not know what to do when I got this telegram. I did not know of anybody who would accept an order to send a ton of Irish bacon to Boston. We had a fine gesture from the Taoiseach last week-end in regard to supplies of food and other things that we are to send to those in starving Europe. That will mean a curtailment of our own individual supplies. That, I suppose, will be the answer to give to our friends in America, that any foodstuffs we have at the moment are going out there. I would ask the Minister to give a guarantee that supplies of food brought to Dublin will not be put on the market at a price that the least fortunate amongst us cannot afford to pay. If the prices charged are beyond their means, then it will mean a complete scarcity for them as regards vegetables and other things. The Minister did the correct thing when he controlled the price of potatoes. I am sorry that he did not do so before they reached their present high price.

Listening to Deputy Allen and Deputy Halliden, and particularly the views expressed by the latter on the milk business and the payment of overtime to workmen, I did not find myself in agreement with either Deputies. Deputy Allen should have indicated some way by which more butter would be made available. He criticised Deputy Halliden as regards the payment of overtime to men, but yet he did not make any suggestion himself as to how more butter could be made available for the people. I also listened to a Deputy from Waterford speak of the way in which the co-operative societies are working in the south. I thank God that we have no co-operative business in the midlands.

More shame it is for you.

Listening to that Deputy, I began to wonder where the profits of those co-operative societies are going. They are not going to the farmer, and that may be one of the reasons why we have not more butter. I think there must be something radically wrong if co-operative societies are able to buy farms. If these societies are allowed by the Government to make such profits on the milk they buy from the farmers, then it is the Government that is to blame. The fact, at any rate, is that farmers are going out of milk production because they find it is not a paying proposition. Deputy Allen spoke on this, but he did not indicate any way in which we could get more butter for the people.

I think the only way to do it is to increase the price of butter. Butter at 2/4 a 1b. is the cheapest thing that goes into a person's house, even at that price. It has a higher nutritive value than 3 or 4 1bs. of meat. There is an agitation amongst farmers in England at the present time to have the price of meat brought up to the price that is being paid for butter. Of course, if that were done, meat would be selling at a colossal price. There is no better value that a labouring man can get than butter at 2/4 a 1b. From every point of view it will be of more value to him than, say, bacon at 3/6 per 1b. My suggestion is that if necessary the Government should subsidise milk production and leave butter at its present price. The fact is that in many parts of the country, although there is a great demand for milk, there is none to be had. You have married labourers through the country, with families of eight or nine children, and even though the husband is earning £2 a week, they can get no milk. That is the position in vast areas of the country—that a labouring man cannot get as much as a pint of milk. As a member of the county council in my county, we find great difficulty in getting people to supply milk freely to labourers and others.

The production of milk is very hard work. My experience is that farmers will not keep in milk production. The reason is that if the members of their own families will not milk the cows, they will not get men to do it, especially on Sundays. I was disappointed with Deputy Halliden's speech, because I understand he is in the milk business and that he is interested in a co-operative society. In view of that, I thought he would have put forward some sound proposal. He talked of keeping men from 6 to 8 o'clock milking cows, and of paying them something extra. That is not going to remedy the situation. The Deputy also spoke of the shortage of labour, and said that one way to remedy that would be to give farmers the free grants under the Housing Acts to enable them to build houses for labourers on their own lands. Deputy Allen scoffed at that idea, and said that the local authorities were building cottages for labourers. They are, but the cottages are not occupied by agricultural labourers. In my county the ratepayers are paying on an average a subsidy of £7 a year on every labourer's cottage in the county.

Pre-war?

These cottages are being subsidised by the ratepayers, and not more than one-third of the occupants are agricultural labourers.

Whose fault is that? What is the county council doing?

The county council has no power in the appointment of tenants of labourers' cottages.

There is no nonsense about it. I am chairman of the Westmeath County Council, and we have no power whatever to appoint a tenant to a labourer's cottage. The county manager has full power in regard to that.

Who appointed the present tenants to the cottages that were built before the managerial system was introduced? Is not the position this——

Unless Deputy Fagan gives way, he must not be interrupted.

We in Westmeath cannot appoint the tenants to labourers' cottages. Up to about three years ago, we had no county council for over a period of ten years. The county manager appoints the tenants. That is one reason why there is a shortage of agricultural workers. I believe there is a good deal in the suggestion that was made by Deputy Halliden that farmers should be helped by grants to build cottages on their own land for their workers. At the present time an agricultural labourer has not a ghost of a chance of getting a vacant cottage. It is a carpenter, a small farmer or some other class of person who is given the tenancy, so that, as I have said, not one-third of the cottages in the country are occupied by agricultural labourers. I think that is one of the chief reasons why there is a shortage of labour in this country. If the Government thinks that the price of butter is too high at 2/6, they should give a greater subsidy. If they want more butter the farmer must get a better price because butter production is not a paying proposition. It is not a paying proposition to have cows at the present time. It is a most peculiar thing that milch cows have been a drug on the market for the last 12 months. There has been no shipment of milch cows. Good cows have been going at from £20 to £25 because there is no demand for them on the English market. There are more cows on the British market than they require. Farmers are not putting so many cows to the bull now as they had been because they are not a paying proposition on the market.

A Deputy from Waterford referred to fillies. He made a very good point, one that I have never thought of, that is, that the Government should allow fillies under 15 hands to be exported. That would help many small farmers who breed fillies. I agree that we should keep the good fillies in the country, those over 15 hands, but those under 15 hands should be allowed to be exported. There is a market for them and the farmer should be allowed to enjoy that market rather than have them exported in the black market, across the Border, which result in the farmer getting £10 less than the market price, because it costs £10 to put the filly across the Border.

In respect of the breeding of draught horses, I do not like to criticise the Department, but I have no doubt that a lot of the draught sires that I see in the country are not very clean. There does not seem to be the same insistence on good clean Irish draught sires that there was formerly. Some of the draught sires that I see in my own constituency and other areas have blemishes. That matter should be looked into. There should be closer inspection and insistence on a better type of draught horse. I think they are deteriorating somewhat lately.

We all recognise that we must have tillage. The farmers have done their best in the matter of tillage during the period of emergency. Now that the war is over this matter should be reviewed. It may seem wrong to say that the 38½ per cent. tillage quota is doing a lot of harm and is going to do a lot of harm in the future. Deputy O'Reilly gave the exact figures of the average yield of wheat in Meath last year, namely, six and a half barrels to the acre. That is not a very good return and it is not a paying proposition. It shows there is something wrong. In my opinion, if the percentage were reduced to, say, 10 or 12 per cent. and if there were greater concentration on producing better crops, the results would be better. The 38½ per cent. is not being properly done. Neither the small farmer nor the big farmer is able to overtake it because the labour is not available and the harvest season is too short. If there were a reduction in the tillage quota, there would be better tillage and there would not be the same amount of exhaustion of the land.

Had it not been for the fertility of the soil, we could not have got through the period of war so successfully. Everybody realises that wheat must be produced in order to feed the community. Let the Government concentrate on growing wheat. If need be, increase the quota of wheat at the present price of 55/- a barrel, and make sure of the amount of wheat that we require. Some may say that that would react on oats and barley. I do not think that it would react on barley. In my opinion, the price of barley is too low. Deputy Dillon mentioned that the brewers are making profits out of barley. Messrs. Guinness are buying our barley at 35/- a barrel and are exporting stout and making huge profits. The Government could afford to increase the minimum price of barley to £2. Last year there was a meeting of the Agricultural Council advising the Government. There was a representative there from Westmeath, Chairman of the Westmeath County Committee of Agriculture, and Secretary of Locke's Distillery. He told the Minister for Agriculture that the distillery could well afford to give £2 a barrel for barley and still make a profit. I may be told that less wheat would be grown. That is not so because barley cannot be grown on wheat land. A good deal of our land cannot grow barley. My suggestion is that the Government should increase the minimum price of barley; increase the quota of wheat; have no quota for oats or barley, but increase the minimum price to £2 for barley and to 30/- for oats. That would encourage the production of oats and barley, while we would still get wheat.

There is an inspector in every area. He knows to the inch the nature of every bit of arable land. He has only to refer to his map to see what land would be suitable for wheat, oats or barley. Therefore, let the Government abolish the compulsory tillage of 38½ per cent. but have a certain percentage of compulsory wheat to ensure sufficient wheat, and then increase the minimum price of oats to 30/-. The tillage policy should be reviewed. After four or five years of tillage, the soil must be debilitated and something must be done to restore fertility. As regards the midlands, we are not being encouraged to till, we are not being encouraged to grow wheat because it is not a paying proposition.

We are deliberately put out of growing beet because it costs 17/5 a ton to deliver beet at the Carlow factory. Why should farmers in the Tuam district have to pay only 6/- per ton for the delivery of beet while in the midlands some farmers have to pay 23/- and 24/- a ton?

Do they not get a subsidy on the freight?

I get a subsidy of 2/- per ton. We are nearer to Tuam than we are to Carlow, but we are not allowed to send the beet to Tuam, although we could send it there for 6/-. Some farmers in backward districts have to pay 23/- and 24/- a ton for the delivery of beet. Then as to sugar content, last year I sent two wagons of beet and, although they were loaded on the same day, the sugar content of each wagon was not the same. The result is that we only get from 55/- to £3 a ton for our beet, and in some cases much less. I think the reason is the covetousness of the beet growers near the factories. In my opinion the Beet Growers' Association is controlled by Deputy Allen and others who are near the beet factories. In my opinion, there should be a flat rate for the carriage of beet.

I thoroughly agree.

The man beside the factory should pay the same as the man 100 miles away, and the farmers in Louth, Meath and Westmeath should get a chance to grow beet. We have the best land in Ireland for growing beet. We can grow heavy crops of mangolds, which is a similar crop to beet. In that way we would have a chance of restoring some of the fertility to our land. That situation is allowed to go on by the Government and it is most unfair to farmers in the midlands. The matter should be looked into. In fact the whole tillage policy is just a happy-go-lucky policy; there is no commonsense used in connection with it. You have very good inspectors who know every inch of arable land in the country. They should be in a position to know where wheat should be grown and where barley and oats should be grown. We should do away with the present haphazard methods.

Deputy Allen mentioned the farm improvements scheme. I thought he was well in with the Government and that he should know everything about it. So far as I know, inspectors dealing with the farm improvements scheme have a whole-time job. I know that the work is going on the whole year round. There are inspectors living near me and, so far as I know, they are working the whole year round. The farm improvements scheme is a very good one, in fact it is one of the best schemes ever brought in. The Government take a lot of credit for it, but I think a lot of the credit is due to those on this side of the House for keeping at the Government until they brought it in.

The same as the tillage.

The farm improvements scheme should be extended. At the present time you can get a grant for putting a floor in a cow house, but there are numbers of farmers with cow houses and stables that have not a roof on them. If the scheme was extended to allow farmers to build up the walls and put a roof on these houses, it would be a great help. The condition of the out-offices in many farmers' places is very bad. I ask the Minister to look into the matter of extending this scheme so as to cover the building of walls and also the building of granaries for the farmers, which Deputy O'Reilly spoke about. If the farmers of Meath and Westmeath had granaries last year to store their grain we would not have had the great slump in the market for oats. I know several farmers who could not do their threshing last November when the threshing mill arrived because the millers' stores were check full of grain and they could not take any more. When the threshing mill came to them, it had to go away again because the farmers had no place to store the grain.

They are not farmers down there when they have not an out house.

We know who are the favoured farmers. In the midlands your policy from 1932 to 1936 cleaned us out. We were beggared, and we will never forget it. I will never forget it, and my friends and my brother farmers in Westmeath will never forget your policy. You say you were making a certain fight, but we were the soldiers in the front trenches. You never stepped in in 1938 to recompense these soldiers; you left them in the mire, where they are still. That is why we are poor, and, as you say, are not good farmers. We had a different way of living. We were forced to carry on the fight for the country, and we will never forget it, and our children will never forget it.

We are told that we would get an improved price for eggs if we increased our exports. I feel very sore about this question of eggs, because although we have increased the production of eggs, we are still getting the same price. Up to recently we were getting only 1/10d. per dozen. Then the matter was raised at the Committee of Agriculture, and we are now getting 2/- per dozen. In Dublin, eggs are selling at 3/- and 3/3 a dozen. I cannot see how it can cost 1/- or 1/3 a dozen to bring eggs to Dublin. I think there is something wrong with the system, and that the Minister should look into the matter. If we want to increase the production of eggs, the only way to do it is to increase the number of hens, and the only way to increase the number of hens is for the Government to tackle the job in a big way. In my county you cannot buy day-old chickens; there are not enough to be got. There is a lot of money in the export of eggs: it is a growing industry in this country. The Government will have to step in and see that the day-old chickens are provided for the farmers and others. It should be possible to get these day-old chickens at different centres. At present you have to give 1/6 for day-old chickens. That is altogether too dear and beyond the farmer's reach. One of the reasons for the shortage of day-old chickens is that it is impossible to get incubators. Some of the egg stations have incubators. A number of private poultry keepers have incubators, but the Department's policy will not allow them to sell day-old chickens to the farmers and get the subsidy. These people who have incubators should be allowed to do that and get the subsidy, provided they hatch eggs got through the station-holders. Perhaps a better way would be for the Government to create centres in every county, where chickens could be hatched out in thousands for the benefit of the farmers.

A lot of money can be brought into the country for eggs and it is up to the Government to provide the day-old chickens for the farmers at a low price. The best scheme would be to have centres and hatch them out there. If that is not done, we will not have the eggs, as we will not have the hens to lay them.

We are all glad about the export of cattle to Europe and hope the Government will be able to get the shipping space for it. It will be a great fillip to the cattle trade and will help the Kerry beast, which was a drug on the market for many years, and also the beef cattle unsuitable for the English store cattle trade, owing to the low price given by the English Food Minister. It will keep the price of fat beasts on a level and I do not think it will react a lot on the amount of beef we have, as the British Government at present is not giving us a fair price for our beef—though we will not go into that now. It will help to level things up and will be a good thing for the small farmer, who has got a very poor crack of the whip for the past three or four years as regards cattle. The big farmers did not make fortunes, but they got a living and got it at the expense of the small farmers. They could sell at a fair price and then come back to the small farmer and buy cheaply.

The canning business, under which 10,000,000 lbs. of meat will be sent away, would mean about 30,000 live cattle. Together with the 20,000 live cattle, that will mean a lot and will help to create a better price.

I have been attending the Dublin Cattle Market for about 20 years and I remember the time when there was no room there, but for the last seven or eight years the numbers have gone down to 7,000 or 8,000 and to 4,000 and 5,000 in the last three or four years. Most of the cattle are cows for canning and only a third of the total number is beef and store. Most of them are "culls". That is a thing we should look into in case there may be a future shortage. I remember the time when those old cows were worth only £1. They were kept in the bogs and cut-aways and were not worth selling, but they bred a calf every year. There are thousands of them coming to the Dublin market for the last two or three years and, at the rate they are being dealt with, you will not see any of them soon.

You can get a good price now for the seven or eight-years-old cow, which used to be kept and bred a calf every year. Those cows being all slaughtered for canning will cause a shortage. I would advise the Minister strongly not to think that he has the numbers of cattle in the country that appear in the records. I think they are not there. We are relying a lot on the officials. The Guard who goes to the farmer who put down 30 or 40 head of cattle last year is not going to be told that there are ten or 15 less this year as, if he did so, the Guard might go down the road and say that the farmer must be broken down. The farmer who has an overdraft wishes to keep the number of his cattle up, in order to keep up the overdraft, and it would not do to say that the number was down. I would not rely a lot on the official figures. I am impressed by the number of old cows being sold and I remember that these used not be put on the market.

I would like to tell the Minister that we are all agreed to help him to work the scheme for the export of the cattle to Europe. All who are in the cattle trade hope it may be the means of creating more trade, if it is well done, and that we may get into another market. Everyone in the cattle trade will help in every way.

Deputy Allen mentioned cow testing. I do not believe a lot in it and I think it is a fraud. We look at cows and are told how many gallons of milk they have given, and that there is a heifer out of her, but my experience is that she does not give enough milk for her own calf. The test is not tightened up enough and there is too much room for changing calves. If it is a bull calf, it may be a bad chance. The testing is not done in the right way, but I will not say anything more about it now. Deputy Allen mentioned about not keeping a cow under 400 gallons. The poor farmer with a cow giving under 200 gallons will milk her round the year and it will be very hard for him to change, unless the Government gives him some subsidy.

There is something wrong with the veterinary colleges, as we find that a lot of farmers' sons who want to be veterinary surgeons cannot get in. Many of them do a one year's course in medicine and are told they will be switched then to the veterinary college. Even by doing that, there is not enough room. There is great need for improvement in regard to that problem. There is a big outlet the world over for veterinary surgeons, as the farmers are getting more up-to-date every year. If we had more of our boys going in for this, there would be a future before them in this country. The Minister should help those of our boys who want to become veterinary surgeons.

I was in the present veterinary college, and think it is of no use down there at the edge of the sea, where they never see a beast or know what they are going to treat. I think I heard mention of a place in Wexford. The students should go down into the country so as to see every day what they have to do. Instead of bringing in a dead beast to the veterinary college, they should look at it in life and see all the forms of disease that have to be dealt with on the farm. It would be better if the veterinary college were attached to some of the farms and had room for the students, so that they could see the things happening in actual nature. There will be room in this country for more veterinary surgeons. I think there should be one in every dispensary district, supported by the Government. It would repay its cost in a few years. We should think of all the beasts that die for want of a surgeon. When there is a beast sick in a certain district, they cannot get a vet, as he may not have petrol to travel the ten or 15 miles to the farm. We certainly would save money by it in the end.

I would like to deal also with the castration of lambs. There is a lot of waste of food at present in that connection. You see a lot of ram lambs coming to the market and it would not be hard to make some Order by which they would not be exposed for sale after a certain date unless they were castrated. By making an Order that that be done when they were some weeks old, it would be a great help to the lamb trade. It would save a lot of food and you would have a better type of lamb. It is lamentable, in the month of August and in later months, to see the number of ram lambs coming in, and it is all pure neglect on the part of the farmers. If there was some Order made, that position would be remedied.

There is another matter to which I should like to draw attention, and that is the loading of stock at railway stations. We should be more civilised in this connection. It is really cruel to see the way cattle are loaded. The railway company will tell you that they cannot do anything. I suggest there should be some improvement. The poor beasts do not know what to do. They are beaten with sticks until finally they are driven into the wagons. There should be some easier means of approach to each wagon, some method by which the beast could easily walk in and avoid all the bother that can be observed at the present time. The methods of loading cattle now in operation are no better than they were 100 years ago. In England they have modern methods of loading and something along these lines might be adopted here.

Is the Minister for Agriculture responsible for that?

The Minister might make an Order which would bring about some improvement in loading. There could be some system of railing into which stock would be put, and some easy method of access to the wagons devised. As regards tillage, the Minister should make some inquiries with the object of reducing it. We should grow enough for the country. I would like to say that all who are associated with the cattle trade wish to help the Minister and his Department in carrying out their schemes for shipping our cattle to Europe.

Although the European war is over, it may be necessary for us to keep on the tillage quota for some years, possibly two or three years. There is a big lot of land that had to grow corn for four or five years without manure. Perhaps the Minister could see his way to get in artificial manure at an economic price. Tilling land that yields only a half crop is not good for the State or for the farmer.

There is one thing the Minister could help, and that is the pig industry. Farmyard manure is very scarce; we have no artificials, and, with the extra tillage, the yield is less year after year. The fertility is leaving the land. If there was something done to get cheap artificial manure it would encourage pig feeding and stall feeding. The county that the Minister and I have the honour to represent is a great feeding and tillage county. I am sure the Minister knows that the yield is less every year. I suggest that he should do something to increase the feeding of live stock, the feeding of stall-feds and pigs. If we encourage these industries, and if we have a surplus, the farmer will have plenty of farmyard manure.

A few years ago 95 per cent. of the agricultural labourers kept a pig or two. When the cost of production got high, those poor people could not afford to rear pigs. The result is that they are tilling their plots every year, and they have no manure to put into the land. If that type of man was in a position to rear, let us say, six pigs, he would have a fine heap of manure every year for his land. A few years ago I was in the pig business, and 60 per cent. of the pigs I bought were purchased from agricultural workers. There are not many agricultural workers now in my district who can afford to keep a pig.

In connection with the rearing of calves, no matter how well bred the stock and no matter how good the bulls, if you cannot rear the calf well you will have bad store cattle; they will not develop and they will not have good quarters or tops, and when they are two or three years old, instead of being well bred they will be more like monkeys than cattle. If you go to the fairs you will find 60 per cent. of the cattle on sale there showing the results of bad rearing.

I suppose the Minister and his Fianna Fáil supporters will call me a West Britisher or a follower of John Bull if I tell them something about baby beef. Calves reared on Bibby's Cream equivalent, which was very cheap, were always sold as baby beef or good stores. You would not get 20 good one and a half year old cattle in. County Wexford to-day—the type of cattle we could get a few years ago. That is a big loss.

Some time ago I asked the Minister if he would allow trooper fillies or light fillies to be exported and he said he would not; that he could not give a licence as he wanted to keep them for brood mares. They are not likely to be brood mares. There are two classes of horses that you do not want. One is the light filly type to breed from and the other is the big Clydesdale which you see going around the country, more like a monument than a horse. The proper horse is the clean Irish draught. The mare, when she gets a clean Irish draught horse, will breed a good hunter or, if it is not a hunter, it will be a useful worker. At present there are hundreds of those light fillies in the country, five or six years old. They are like white elephants, and they are eating what the cattle should be eating. There is a market for those horses, at a price. It would be useful to get them out of the country. A horse doing nothing for five or six years is little better than a white elephant.

I asked the Minister about the price of oats some three or four weeks ago and he did not give me a satisfactory answer. Last year, when the farmers had their 1944 crop of oats ready for the market, and when they brought a sample to the merchants, they were told "Our stores are full of 1943 oats. What are we to do? If your oats do not bushel 40 we cannot give you anything, but if they bushel 40 we will give you the fixed price". The Minister told the people to keep the oats and that they would get a price for them. The farmers had neither storage nor money. Where did the surplus of the 1943 crop go? The farmer who had oats bushelling 40 got 21/-, or 1/6 a stone. When he went to the shop to buy rolled oats he paid 5/6 a stone. All the consumers, as well as the farmer, had to pay that.

Who got the profit? It was not the producer. There was a big profit there for somebody. It is the Government's duty to see that that robbery does not continue. I hope the Minister will change his mind and will fix the price of the 1945 crop at not less than 30/-. When the men who sold at 17/- to 20/- came to buy seed oats they had to pay 45/- a barrel. Many farmers paid more, because they could not put down cash, and they had to give extra for credit. These unfortunate men, if they had to take 18/- and £1 a barrel, would be in a very bad way.

I am nearly sure the compulsory tillage scheme will continue for some years. With Europe in its present condition, we shall have to feed our own people and others as well, and, if we do not get something to feed our land, we will have no crops. We need lots of farmyard and artificial manure, and if these are not available, we will get no crops. The fertility of our soil is going as fast as it can. In my district, there is fairly good land, but it is possible to see a decrease in the yield from that land every year. In former years a man had a rotation of crops with artificial and farmyard manure, but now it is a case of crop after crop of corn.

Some time ago I asked the Minister for Supplies to allow farmers to have the same bread as the rest of the community. He told me that the millers had not got the proper equipment. When I made inquiries of the millers they told me they had proper equipment, and when I asked the question a second time, the Minister said he could make no change. It is very hard that the farmer and agricultural worker, who have to get up early in the morning and work hard all day, should have to eat rougher bread than their neighbours. Bread with bran and pollard in it, and especially bearded wheat, does not make good bread. It makes a very rough bread, and these men are entitled to as good a loaf as other people. The Minister may have more influence with the Minister for Supplies than I have—I do not seem to have any—and I think he should suggest to him that the farmer and agricultural labourer are entitled to a decent loaf. The man who produces wheat is allowed one barrel per head of his family and his employees, but he has to eat the loaf made from that wheat in the rough, while other people can enjoy good wholesome bread.

The pig industry and the stall-feeding industry are very important in counties like Wexford from the point of view of the production of manure for tillage. There is much light land in parts of Wexford. It is barley and oats land, but if it does not get plenty of manure it will not grow these crops, nor will it grow wheat. I believe in growing wheat. The land in my district is capable of growing wheat fairly well. I put down a question to the Minister recently as to raising the price of barley. The Minister said that the reason he did not raise the price was that he did not want to raise the price of feeding and barley would be too dear at the price of 45/- a barrel which Messrs. Guinness were prepared to pay. In 1943 I sold all my wheat. I would not be allowed to grind, nor would I think of grinding it for animal feeding, and I thought I could buy barley for cattle feeding. I was told that I was not a licensed corn dealer, but the Minister told me the other day that he would not raise the price of barley from 35/- to 45/-, a price which Messrs. Guinness are prepared to pay this year again.

Finally, I suggest that the Minister should try to get these bad, light fillies out of the country. They are no use and I suggest that the Minister should see that we get rid of them. Another matter about which people are very uneasy is the price of this year's wool clip. No one in Wexford seems to want wool at all, and the farmer cannot afford to shear his sheep and have the wool lying on his hands. I hope the Minister will see to it that the farmer will get a fair price for his wool. There is also the matter of the beef shorthorn cows being done away with, a matter for which I blame the Department. That is a big mistake in a tillage country. We have them in County Wexford bred in between Herefords, blackpolleds and dairy Shorthorns, and when you go out to buy cattle, most of them are monkeys —badly bred and badly fed and not good stores.

The Minister has listened to a spate of oratory on the various phases of agriculture. I have listened to it myself and, while perhaps I will not add much to it, I may say that I was greatly struck by the remarks of many of the speakers. I think I am one of the few who properly fits in. I am in dairying; I am a sheep farmer; and I am a tillage farmer, and always have been. I milked up to 32 cows at one time and there is not a phase of agriculture which was touched on here in which I am not engaged. I believe, without any egotism, that I am one of the most all-round farmers in the Dáil and everyone who spoke interested me.

I was greatly struck by Deputy Giles' speech. He is a Deputy for whom I have great admiration, but one thing he said amused me. He said that more hard work was needed on the farms. He reminded me of the man who went to a doctor and was told to take more exercise. "But," he said, "I am a postman," and the doctor replied: "You only walk forward. Why don't you walk backwards?" The farmer gets up in the dark, he goes to bed in the dark and he is to be kept in the dark. Several Deputies alluded to farmers working 12 and 14 hours a day. That is about right, and we do not want any more hard work.

I thank the Minister for two things he has done. I do not think he gave much ear to me when I spoke, but I mentioned to him that there was likely to be a scarcity of parts for reapers and binders last year. The Minister told me that they were on order, but there was no guarantee that they would come in, and practically speaking they did not come in. Later, electric current was turned off from the engineers and blacksmiths who were repairing broken parts. I am sure the Minister does not need to be told that the hand-binding of corn is a thing of the past, a lost art, and, God knows, it was time it went, because it was murderous work. It would kill an athlete, and when you had passed 25 or 30 years of age, you were finished so far as hand-binding was concerned.

Now it is all done by machinery. Deputy Giles comes from an area where they are only beginning to get into machinery. We in Tipperary had up-to-date machinery in its own time, and we have had binders there for 40 years. There is a binder on every fourth or fifth farm, and we get manual labour from the smaller farmers who cannot afford the reaper and binder. Their work is very useful to us, but there is a great strain on the reapers and binders. I have a reaper and binder which cut 120 Irish acres of corn last year, working on Sundays and Mondays with changes of horses. We had tractors buzzing around us, too, but we were not fortunate enough to get in on a tractor. We cut, however, for 10 or 15 neighbours as well as ourselves. I had 56 acres of corn on my own. As I say, parts were very essential, and fortunately the electric current again became available when the men needed it.

I do not think there will be any scarcity of electric current this year, but I should like to know if these parts are coming in. Ninety per cent. of the corn is cut by three American machines —the Deering, the Massey-Harris and the McCormick.

There are two English binders, the Albion and the Hornsby. They are not as good for horse-work as the American machines. The point is that there are no parts coming in for the American machines. I suggest to the Minister that, owing to the lack of shipping transport, he should try to get some of the American aeroplanes to take parts across to this country for the American machines. I mean to be helpful in making that suggestion. If he could arrange to get 50 tons or 60 tons taken over at a time it would be a great help, and would save the farmer from finding himself held up in the middle of the field in harvest time when part of a machine broke and could not be replaced. Unless that is done we will not get the corn cut, and as you cannot make hare soup without killing the hare neither can you produce food for the nation if you are not able to cut the wheat.

With regard to the provision of labour, I was travelling by train in June, July and August of last year and saw the corridors packed with pretty girls and quite a big number of young men in their twenties. In O'Connell Street my attention was directed to queues composed of 700 or 800 people waiting for trams and buses to take them to Howth, Bray and other seaside places. Two out of every three in those queues were of working age. I think I know what a well-known dictator in Europe would have done with those crowds of young men if he were in the position that our farmers were in last harvest. I think they should be made work, and given three meals a day the same as the rest of us. Why not put them into the hay field or into the bog to cut turf or to thin turnips or mangolds? That was what I saw on the train and in O'Connell Street. But when I went home I found my three sons and the neighbours in the field at one o'clock in the morning saving the corn. They continued at that until 5.30. They stacked about 30 Irish acres. At six o'clock in the morning those of them who did not take anything stronger had a meal of black-market tea, and then had to turn out to milk the cows. We are the people who produce the milk and the butter, and the store cattle for the fattening districts in the midlands. After that they resumed their work in the field stacking the corn. Then the threshing season came, when they had to engage in long, hard spells of work. That is the way the work was done.

The migratory labour scheme, which I think I was responsible for suggesting to the Government—it met with high approval in one of our evening newspapers—was of great advantage. We had 500 men from Kerry working in my county. They did good work, and when they had finished with us, went on to some of the Leinster counties. I suggest to the Minister that some of the men demobilised from the Army should be made available for the saving of the hay crop and the harvest this year. Otherwise the labour problem, so far as the saving of the crops is concerned, is going to be serious.

Farmers are badly off for artificial manures. At the meeting of the I.A.O.S., I heard Mr. McGuckin suggest that, with the proper equipment, crushed lime could be produced at about £1 a ton. The lime that is being supplied under the scheme operated by the county committees of agriculture is costing us £4 and £5 a ton. This gentleman's proposal amazed me, and I hope it will get consideration. Deputy Dillon displayed a wonderful knowledge of artificials to-day. I would not suggest that he is artificial in all his knowledge. Various brands of his knowledge are very interesting. I do not very much agree with a lot of his suggestions. When he led the Farmers' Party into the Government Party I was getting 5d. a gallon for my milk and 21/- a cwt. for my pigs. He left that Party, and he is now a Party to himself. He does not seem to take too kindly to Clann na Talmhan. He gives this Party a good deal of advice from time to time, but he can keep his good advice and save his breath for cooling his porridge, so far as Clann na Talmhan is concerned. If we had to take his advice, our sons would be killed. He has not any sons himself. Deputy Halliden, who is an expert on the subject, spoke about the milk business. I know a little about it myself. As a result of the compulsory tillage I had to reduce my herd from 32 to 21 cows. The cow is the bedrock of Irish farming and the fostermother of the agricultural industry. She keeps Munster going as well as Leinster. She supplies us with milk and butter, as well as milk for the poultry, egg and bacon trades, and stores for the fattening lands of Leinster. I hope to be able to increase my herd again. Last summer we asked 1/- a gallon for milk.

I suggested to the Minister—the Official Debates will corroborate me— that at 1/2, 1/3, 1/4 there would not be enough milk produced to supply butter to the nation. I said that a year ago. Am I a false prophet? I am speaking as a Tipperary farmer. I know what I am talking about. I make that suggestion again: you will not get milk at 1/- a gallon. You may chance it but you will not get it. Go to 1/3 a gallon and you will hardly get it. We cannot get milkers. The Sunday morning and Sunday night work are killing. I will give one example of the tortures of it. I attended a football final in the county with one of my men and with one of my sons. We drove home ten miles. There were 32 cows to be milked. The young men had to tackle the cows while I was feeding 50 pigs. These boys took part in the football match and they had to milk these cows when they got home. It was 7.30 by the time they had that work done. There were other members of the team, mill workers and town boys, in Clonmel. They went to the pictures; they went to the dance. They were finished their work at 12, old time, the previous day, whereas those who had to work on the farm were working that morning at half-past six and were not finished in the evening until 7.30, and they had to turn out again on Monday morning at 6 o'clock. From that, you have a good idea as to why there is a shortage of milk and as to why you will not get it at less than 1/2 or 1/4. I am not boasting that that is so. I am sorry it is so. I know that formerly the price of milk was 5d. per gallon and that you made it 10½d. a gallon. We are grateful to you for it, but we know what you did for us during the economic war.

Not to me, Deputy—to the Minister, I presume.

The Minister, yes. There is another suggestion that I would make to the Minister. The name "Irish draught horse" is a rather unhappy name. I remember a commission on horse breeding presided over by Horace Plunkett. That commission lamented at that time the decline of the clean-legged Irish mare, with the long neck, good shoulder and short back—a well shaped mare who would do 12 or 13 miles an hour, and pull two tons weight, which crossed with a thoroughbred horse, produced a good hunter. She has declined more and more. The Minister introduced the Irish draught horse, that clean-legged type of sire, to create the Irish draught mare to cross with the thoroughbred. That Irish mare is a great asset and it is difficult to get them. I think the word "draught" is not suitable in describing this horse. It is not associated with hunting, and I suggest that the Minister should offer a prize of £5 for suggestions of a more suitable name.

The question of sheep production was referred to. Deputy Keating asked some questions about wool. I am not very clear as to the figures, but I think it has been suggested that the price should be 1/4 for Lincoln wool and about 2/6 for the black or short wool. We have become very fancy in our tastes during the past 25 years and perhaps it is well. There has been a great levelling up. The humblest boy is as well dressed as the farmer's son. I understand that to produce a fine cloth, Suffolk wool is mainly used, that is, the black sheep which, crossed with the white Irish breed, produces better mutton than the mutton from either the Galway, the Lincoln or the Border Leicester. There is a streak of lean in it that is not in the white sheep although I admit that the Galway sheep is the best of the Irish breed. The Galway wool and the Lincoln and Border Leicester are fit for rugs and blankets. We need a little for that purpose, but there is too much of it available and we have to import a lot of fine wool from Australia—Merino wool from French sheep brought out to Australia. I am merely putting these things before the Minister. I have a good deal of experience of sheep breeding and I know what I am talking about. If we produced the right type of sheep we would not be sending so much money to Australia for Merino wool.

I shall refer now to beet. I regard the basis of payment—17.5 per cent. sugar content—as a humbug. Galway had the best return for beet last year. I did particularly well in beet. I have been growing it for many years, but this year I had the world's worst beet. Perhaps that was due to a little neglect at election time. There is no such thing as 17.5. There is also the question of carriage. The Minister may say that he has nothing to do with it, that it is a matter for the Sugar Company. Wheat is charged only 6/- a ton. Why should there not be the same rate for beet? Why should those who are remote from the factory be in a worse position than those living near the factory? If the beet has to go by a circuitous route it may cost 25/- or 26/-. The average price is approximately 9/-. When you take that 9/- off £3 18s., you get £3 9s. I have seen four different loads taken out of a pile of beet from the same field. One load was 16.5; the next was 15; the next 14; and the next 13. How it arose is a mystery to me. We do not understand it. Yet, when the tests are made in the factory, the farmers say that the tests are right in every case. I suggest that it should be fixed at about 15.

I would say that the remote growers get about £3 8s. A quarter of that would be 17/-, and that added to 68/- makes £4 5s. Sugar at the moment is 7d. per lb. That would put 1¾d. per lb. on it and make it 8¾d. Now if word came here that sugar was on sale on top of the McGillicuddy Reeks, or in the middle of the Bog of Allen, or in any other inaccessible place at 1/- per lb., there would not be many left listening to me here in half an hour. People would travel 30, 40, or 50 miles for it. I suggest that the thing is to produce the stuff. It might be said: "You are making it very dear on the poor people." I would say: "Give it to the poor people at 5d. or 6d. per lb., but produce the stuff." Look at all the blackberries and the crab apples that are growing wild. I have not seen a youngster eating a handful of sweets for four years. "Peggie's Leg" is a thing of the past. Look at all the uses sugar could be put to, even at 1/- per lb. What I suggest would only make it 8¾d. Make the price £4 5s. for beet, whether remote from or adjacent to the factory. If you produce the sugar, it can be sold at 8¾d. A poor man will pay 8½d. for ten cigarettes, or 11d. for a pint of stout. I suggest that you could pay £4 5s., and that you will have sugar for export which you can barter for many things. There is another matter in which I am very interested, and it comes under your ægis.

Not mine— the Minister's.

Yes, through you. I am referring to greyhounds. Greyhounds have come to stay. I asked the Minister about four months ago for a return of the amount of money that came into Éire for greyhounds. Greyhounds can be reared in a backyard in a city or town. I have seen greyhounds reared in backyards with as great a success as in the open country. In my parish, £2,400 was got for a greyhound and £1,800 for another, both out of the same litter. The mother of these greyhounds was bought for £3 10s. The greyhound industry is not injuring the cattle industry or the horse industry. It is a poor man's industry as well as a rich man's, and there is money in it. In this morning's papers it was announced that £920 was paid for another greyhound. I think all these good dogs are going to England. Some of them should be brought back here, and English dogs brought in here as well, in order to change the blood, if you like. As a matter of fact, the sire of that £2,400 dog, Mutton Cutlet, was brought here from England. Some of these dogs should be brought back, and the poor man, the man in the cottage in the country or in the town, should have a chance of getting the service of one of these good dogs for his bitch. That is a matter which is worth the attention of the Minister. The industry is only in its infancy. Now that the war is over you will have racing tracks in every city in the world within 12 months. Men engaged in the trade tell me that a huge number of bitches has been sold for breeding purposes within the past 12 months and that there may be no market for them. I do not agree with that. As I say, these tracks will spring up in every city and you will not be able to supply them with dogs.

The question of seed wheat has been touched upon. I know a neighbour of mine who had about 130 barrels to thresh and an inspector came along to inquire what he was going to do with it. He would not be allowed to sell any of that to the neighbours for seed. I think the millers had a finger in that pie. I do not see why a farmer should not be allowed to sell seed to his neighbours who know that it was grown in good, clean, well-manured ground. Deputy O'Reilly made a most interesting speech about wheat and said £4 5s. was paid for seed wheat.

Why should the millers get control of it? I had a good farm of wheat and got a good return, although I did not charge a very high price for it. I charged the mill price and let them take it away, though some left it too long with me. The farmer should be allowed to sell his wheat to his neighbours, who would know what they were getting, which is not so when they have to go to the merchant. That cock should not be allowed to fight any longer.

I agree with Deputy Hughes on the question of soil analysis, and I think there is a lot in it. There may be five different kinds of soil in the one farm, and it is hard to find out which is the right manure for each purpose. Some eight or nine months ago, I asked a question about the veterinary service, and you said that you were working on that problem. I congratulate you on that. I got a hint from some of the gentlemen connected with the Department——

Deputies should remember they are addressing the Chair, and should refer to a Minister as "the Minister."

I will. I suppose my apprenticeship is not finished yet.

That should be one of the first lessons in the first book.

It was done unwittingly.

I realise that.

There was an inquiry held into the death rate of cattle, and it was reported in the Stockbreeder and the Farmers' Weekly that there were a lot of Irish cattle in England dying from consumption. The veterinary service came to the rescue, and proved to their satisfaction that only 8 per cent. died from that cause. Deputy Fagan, who is in the cattle trade, drew attention in his interesting speech to the lack of veterinary surgeons in Ireland.

I have my doubts about the value of the agricultural colleges. Most of the young men going there seem to go in order to try to get jobs as instructors. That is my observation of them. We have some of them in our neighbourhood, and they are not doing as well as the lads who remained on the farm. There are lots of articles being published now on farming in the newspapers, and they are being read by many of the farmers. However, you cannot learn to be a grocer or a hardware merchant by reading out of a book. They tried the college education in Mount Melleray, but gave it up after three or four years. A boy who does not learn farming from his father should keep his eyes open for a good farm in the neighbourhood. If I had a son whom I wanted to train, I would send him to Deputy Hughes or Deputy Allen in preference to sending him to one of the colleges.

Arthur Young wrote a famous book which is preserved in the Bodleian Library in Oxford. It is a book which all studying to be instructors read. Arthur Young himself was smashed on three farms, and then started writing in the weekly papers, about the middle of the 18th century. He became so good at the writing that he was taken up by one of the English landlords and he lectured before the House of Lords and the House of Commons. He was taken across to Mitchelstown by the Earl of Kingston, and wrote this famous book on farming. He could not run his own farms, but he could write books on farming. The lads around my county see three farming papers a week, and I think they read too much. They wear a pair of gloves and use an umbrella when farming. They are book farmers and are not worth tuppence. While the fellows in the colleges would be gauging and measuring, the other fellow would have his field ploughed.

I myself went home, after being over 20 years in Dublin, where I was an apprentice to the drapery trade. I was reared in a small farm in Tipperary and, having got a bigger place which belonged to my grandparents—about 180 statute acres—I found after eight or nine months that I could not improve on the methods of the two generations before me. I tried new breeds in cattle, sheep and horses, but was driven back to the methods of the neighbourhood. If I went to Wexford to farm, I would get in a good agricultural labourer from the Wexford neighbourhood and would follow the methods in use there. One must learn farming on the farm and not somewhere else.

My pet subject is the water supply, and when I die I want no name on my tombstone, but only the inscription: "He got water into the waterless farms of Ireland". We talk of veterinary science and all the rest of it, but water is more essential. The Skibbereen Eagle had its eye “on all the Rooshians”, as the London Times put it, during the Russian War. The water supply question was mooted 18 months ago by me at the Tipperary County Council. The British Government is going to supply water for all farms in England, Scotland and Wales— £18,000,000 for England and Wales and £7,500,000 for Scotland. The Labour Party there took up the question and Lord Beaverbrook's syndicated papers supported it. I have a good water supply myself and so I have no axe to grind, but there are many others near me who have not a good supply. The Tipperary resolution was supported by ten or 12 other council's while four or five marked it “read”.

The whole thing reminds me of Dean Swift's saying that "We are all able to bear our neighbour's troubles with great fortitude". We also know of the undertaker who visited a house to get an order and said: "I am sorry for your trouble, ma'am, but what is the length of the corpse?" Those who have water are very complacent and they have smug faces when they compare their position with that of other people. They bear their neighbours' troubles with great fortitude. I will give one example, which is typical. You will never have a healthy Ireland, and your cattle after this war will never pass the tuberculin test going into England, if they have to drink out of stinking pools. In the Farmers' Weekly there is a picture of 30 cows around a pool. It is a picture worthy of Seán Keating. Here you see a dozen cattle and nearby you see a cow drinking. She is drinking water contaminated by excrement and she is emitting excrement. All of you know the type of pool, with 18 inches of filth at the bottom. Often these pools go dry, and if you clean them out too much they may never have water again.

I know of a young bull that got first prize in three county shows, in Tipperary, Leix, and Offaly. This bull had a full brother which would delight the heart of a man like Deputy Halliden. There were men from across the Channel who came here to buy the bull, but our Department's officials were there to see that he would not go out of Ireland, and that is to their credit. This particular bull got first prize, like his brother the previous year. He won three cups and £15 in money prizes. He was sold at 40 guineas, although the second prize winner made 75 guineas. Why was that? He would not pass the tuberculin test, all through drinking out of stinking, putrid, fetid pools, but that was the only water available on the farm.

The people in many country districts have to go one and a half or two miles for water. A proper water supply has an important bearing on the castle trade. In Thurles there is a population of 5,000. There are sewerage works and a beet factory there. In Cahir there is a population of 1,500; there are at least 9,000 in Clonmel, where there is a fever hospital, and you have 5,000 in Carrick. The River Suir runs through those towns. All these places should have their septic tanks works. In many places the people might have to go three miles for water for domestic purposes. The rivers of Ireland were never meant to act as sewers for the towns. Take Sheffield or Birmingham, and between them you have a population as big as or bigger than we have in Éire. Those places get their water supplies from the Welsh mountains and they deal with their sewage through septic tanks. That is a headline for us. Of course, that is a matter that might not come under the Minister's supervision.

It would be more a matter for the Minister for Local Government and Public Health.

The necessity for an adequate supply of pure water for the four-footed animals, not to mind poor human beings, is very obvious. That is a matter that should come under the aegis of the Minister for Agriculture. I must congratulate the Minister on his migratory labour scheme and for restoring electric welding and acetylene welding in the interests of engineers and blacksmiths last year.

While this Party recognises that agriculture is and will remain the predominant industry in this country, they also see the necessity that exists for industrial development. The farmers are as patriotic as any other section, and are prepared to pay a little more for the home-produced article, provided always that the quality of that article is reasonably good. The development of the manufacturing arm must always proceed along the lines that its main function is the equipping and modernising of the main industry, which is agriculture. It must be, as it were, the servant of agriculture.

We all hear much talk about a soil survey. The necessity for such a survey may exist, but I am in thorough agreement with Deputies who believe that the farmer who has been working his farm, or the farmer who has inherited a farm from his friend, or a son who has inherited land from his father, has got a wide knowledge of the methods which will enable him to work his land to the best advantage. For that reason I think that we should not occupy the time of the House unnecessarily, and we should not be so interested in a survey of the soil.

Some weeks ago the Minister for Industry and Commerce was lecturing in Cork, and he is reported as having stated that agriculture is under-capitalised. What the Minister did not tell his listeners was that the policy of his Government is largely responsible for that position. It is only too true that lack of capital has handicapped agricultural production. That case has been made by speakers from these benches on various occasions. The cause of the lack of capital can be traced to the ever-increasing burden of taxation which has characterised the policy of Fianna Fáil since its inception. If we are to accept the statement of the Minister for Finance when he introduced his Budget speech a few weeks ago, we must not expect any relief in taxation. Consequently, this problem will have to be met in the only feasible way, that is, by increasing the income of the agricultural community, and to do this we must aim at increased production. The argument is fairly sound, that the more we produce the greater our wealth.

More efficient methods and a better system of marketing are very much required and facilities must be provided to enable the farmer to avail of the most up-to-date methods of production. The provision of capital at a low rate of interest is, therefore, essential, and, while the Minister may tell us that credit is often the ruin of man, lack of credit often handicaps man— and the latter is more often the case than the former—so that his argument cuts both ways.

Last year I drew the Minister's attention to the system of marketing practically all agricultural products. I believe that system is one which calls for immediate attention because the disparity between the producer's price and the price the consumer pays is often so great as to cause very serious dissatisfaction. Only a week ago, the Minister could have seen for himself that the price charged to the consumer for potatoes in the City of Dublin was 4/- per stone. There is no comparison between that price and the price the producer gets.

I notice that a controlled price has been introduced in the last few days. We believe it should be possible to have a much more remunerative price paid to the producer, while at the same time making potatoes available at a lower price than that which now obtains, that is, that while the producer got a better price for his potatoes—or his butter, milk and other commodities—it should also be possible to fix a more reasonable price for the consumer than that which prevails. This question of proper marketing is a matter which has militated against both producer and consumer and it is one which will have to be tackled if both these sections are to be protected. Whether action should be taken by the Government or by the parties themselves is a matter which will have to be considered, and considered very soon.

The Minister, when introducing his Estimate, referred to the farm improvements scheme, and, if my recollection is correct, informed the House of his intention to enlarge the scope of that scheme to cover out-offices and farm buildings. That is certainly very necessary. It is one scheme the introduction of which in the past few years has enabled the small farmer to brighten up his home life, to reclaim, drain and fence his land and to carry out other essential work. I was not here during the debate on the Public Works Estimate, but, if I had been, I think that, with the permission of the Chair——

We have not yet had a debate on public works.

I thought it had been debated.

No; the Deputy will have another opportunity.

One point I should like to make is, that if the rural improvement schemes were amalgamated with the farm improvements scheme, there would be far more success. If the money spent on the rural improvements scheme were amalgamated with the moneys spent on the other scheme, we would get a better return, because the people are prepared to avail of the farm improvements scheme, at least in my county, while they are not prepared to avail of the rural improvements scheme. I am very pleased that the Minister has signified his intention to allow a wider application of the scheme, and the only thing I worry about is the fact that it is not a permanent scheme. It is merely a temporary scheme which can be done away with at the end of any financial year.

Last year I advocated the adoption of some scheme whereby farmers, and particularly those in my part of the country, would be assisted in purchasing suitable pigs for breeding. Since the Minister has made up his mind to remove the restrictions which the Pigs Marketing Board imposed, it is only right that he should give consideration to the small farmer who depended so much on pig breeding. In view of the fact that, due to the interference of that board, these farmers had to get rid of their sows, I asked him on the last occasion on which agriculture was discussed here to assist them to get back again to pig breeding. I understand that there is now a scheme under which a farmer is enabled to get back to pig breeding again.

I am very glad of that, because I was told by a colleague from my own county in this House that it was an insult to suggest that the farmers who desired to get back into pig breeding had not sufficient capital. I maintain that they had not, because, as Deputies know, when a man buys slips or bonhams, he has to chance his luck with them, so that in order to get back to pig breeding he does need capital. I am glad now that the Minister is prepared to help farmers to enable them to do that.

I think it my duty to remind the Minister that, in the early months of this year, the farmers in the County Mayo were very disappointed at the prices they received for their cattle. They found it impossible to sell them on the fairs in January, February and March. I know, of course, that the Minister could not control that position, but the fact is that it points to the necessity of giving a guaranteed price to farmers for the cattle they rear. It is bad enough for a farmer to be offered an unreasonable price for his cattle, but his position is still worse when he can get nobody to buy them. That happened in the early months of this year. In March and April the farmers had not sufficient fodder for their cattle, and there was no grass to turn them out on. The result was that the cattle reduced in value. The owners refused the prices offered for the cattle in March, and, due to lack of feeding, the cattle had depreciated in value when offered at the April fair.

Last year the Minister for Industry and Commerce made an Order to ensure that there would be a sufficient supply of labour for the farmers in the midlands during the harvest season. I can well understand that those farmers might find it very hard to get labour. I know, of course, that my colleagues on these benches are desirous of obtaining labour for farmers, but I am equally interested in the farm labourers in my part of the country. They deplore the idea of having to go to the midlands to work. They do not want to go there, and will not go. I want the Minister to get it into his head that it is useless for him to ask them to go, because it has not been a tradition with them for more than 100 years to do so. I know, of course, that you cannot expect the farmers in the midlands to pay those labourers wages equal to those which they can earn in Great Britain.

That is the sole reason why those young men who have a sound knowledge of agriculture do not desire to accept employment from farmers in the midlands. The Minister for Industry and Commerce, in reply to a question of mine, gave the number who got such employment. As well as I can recollect, only 40 or 50 men from Connaught accepted employment with farmers in the midlands. I do not think that the employment of such a number justified the Minister in putting his Order into operation when we think of the hundreds of men from the province who usually go to England for employment in the harvest and potato season. The Minister for Agriculture knows as well as I do that the men from that part of the country and their families have to depend for a livelihood, to a very great extent, on the money they earn in England between the 29th June and Christmas, and sometimes later. They are able to save a couple of hundred pounds out of the wages they earn, and this enables them to pay their debts and to maintain their homes and families. Therefore, apart from my Party affiliations, or anything else, I feel bound to defend my constituents so that they will not be misled, as they were last year, when they were prevented from emigrating on the assumption that they could get employment in the midlands at rates of wages almost as good as those paid on the other side. That, of course, is not so. I think there is plenty of labour in the midlands, if it were properly organised and distributed, to meet the needs of farmers in the larger counties, and particularly in the tillage areas. I make that statement with no desire to prejudice the position of those farmers who employ labour. I belong to the tenant farmer class. We do not need to employ labour. Perhaps, if I were a big farmer I might hold a different point of view, but coming from the county that I do I could not, in fairness to my constituents, advocate anything other than what I am doing.

Some people think that our Party is desirous of associating itself with the Fianna Fáil policy. I think it well to make it clear what my outlook and the outlook of the Party is. We regard agriculture as the main industry of the country, and our desire is to see it developed. We also believe in industrial development since our industries provide employment for our young men and women who cannot get employment on the land. We all know that, where you have three, four or five sons in a family, only one of them can inherit the family homestead. If you have good, sound industries which are supplying the farmers with necessary agricultural implements, at prices that are reasonably cheap, the Irish farmer will be prepared to pay a little more for them than he would for the English or American manufactured articles. We know quite well that English industrialists would be prepared to send agricultural implements and other articles in here at lower prices than consumers in the country of origin could obtain them at, in the same way that one can purchase one pound of Irish butter in England at a lower price than we can buy it here. The reason for that, of course, is that we are trying to keep a grip on the market on the other side. The same is true of the English manufacturers. They are prepared to send in tractors, mowing machines, spades and forks, and so on, at lower prices than our manufacturers can produce the same articles at. The point I want to make clear is that we are prepared to assist our industrial organisations to a certain extent. I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 9 p.m. until 3 p.m. on Thursday, 24th May, 1945.
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