I did not interrupt the Deputy. I suggest that this committee has no political affiliations whatever. It is a purely official one. Coming to the question of scholarships, one would imagine from Deputy Cosgrave's statement that the whole of this money was being spent on wreaths and memorials. The fact is that if a scholarship, somewhat on the lines of the travelling scholarships awarded by the universities, is founded—which is our intention — to be awarded each year, provision is only made for one scholarship, and perhaps not one in the present Estimate. Anybody can see that the capitalised value of a scholarship or studentship of £200 or £250 a year runs into several thousand pounds, since it will be continued. Obviously it will be necessary to have the university authorities come into the matter. The intention is that in the matter of awarding scholarships those fitted to deal with the question will undertake the framing of the scheme. My Department is getting into touch with the university authorities through the appropriate channels to frame this scholarship.
Last year we agreed to subsidise the National Film Institute of Ireland. We have taken steps for that body—which cannot be represented as a Fianna Fáil body — to undertake the preparation of a suitable film worthy of the occasion. It is quite possible that the cost of the film will run to nearly half the amount provided. It all depends on what the film will be. As regards expenditure, the position is that about one-sixth, £1,500, will be spent on the encouragement of Irish paintings. The capital figure for the annual scholarship may run up to £4,000 and of the film it may run up to £3,000 or £4,000. It all depends on the extent to which facilities can be provided in the time to turn out a decent national film, worthy of the occasion.
As to sculpture, provision is only made in the present Estimate for a bust and plaque, a partial provision of £500 for the public memorial, the amount comes to some £850; literature £775; encouragement of the language, and entertainments and functions in connection with that £476. We see that the money is being distributed in order to bring home to our people the activities in which Young Ireland was interested, and to re-awaken, if that is necessary, greater interest amongst the people in these activities at the present time. It will be admitted by any person who examines the question and approaches it in an unprejudiced way, that any steps that have been taken are purely official. The matter has been dealt with in a purely objective way. Committees have been set up without any regard to political affiliations, and solely because there was a body there already or an institution, which seemed the appropriate one to deal with the particular scheme.
The citizens of Mallow took steps some years ago to have a commemoration of their own in regard to Thomas Davis, and they selected—and were they not entitled to select?—the leader of the Irish people, the person who was regarded as the spokesman of Ireland, not only at home, but throughout the world, to come down and address them. Who is better fitted or better entitled to speak for Young Ireland, who is more worthy to represent the spirit of Young Ireland in the world to-day than Eamon de Valera? The citizens of Mallow, of their own free will and voluntarily, organised a function there and brought the Taoiseach down there. They recognised him as the appropriate person for the occasion. Let us take the people of Mallow as a cross-section of the people of this country, and we can soon know whether their feelings in the matter are more closely in accord with the feelings and wishes of the Irish people as a whole than those whose diatribes we have listened to to-day from the other side of the House. The Irish people have given these gentlemen their answer time and time again, and still they cannot learn the lesson. Why, we have to have a general election almost every six months, and still we cannot teach them manners.
It is the intention of the committee that in Waterford, Mallow, Newry and in any other centre with which the Young Irelanders were associated similar celebrations, on a local scale, of course, should be undertaken, and if local committees like the committee in Cork are set up to deal with the matter we shall be very happy to give them any assistance possible. We should like if more were done in that direction, but I should like now to take the opportunity to say that wherever an effort is being made locally, while we would like it to be spontaneous and would like the people themselves to undertake it and carry it through as they have done in Mallow, we are prepared to give them any assistance we can, consistent with the fact that our chief obligation is to make the Dublin celebration thoroughly worthy of the occasion; not only worthy of the people whom it proposes to commemorate—those great spirits of the Young Ireland movement—but worthy of a people that has attained, in very substantial measure, at any rate, the objectives which the Young Irelanders set before them. In the last 100 years we have made advances. We are not denying credit: we give credit and we give thanks to all those in the present time, no matter to what Party they belong, who helped in the achievement of these objectives, and I hope they will all participate, and I am sure they will see, if they examine the question in a calm mood, that there is no effort at political propaganda or seeking for Party advantage, but that it was a spontaneous coming forward of the Government to do what they felt they were in the best position to do; to do what they felt rested upon them to do; to do what they felt the Irish people would expect them to do, because whatever other committees would have been set up, am I not correct in saying that the public would have looked to the Government to give a lead in the matter and would have expected the Government to make definite arrangements, to give, perhaps, certain entertainments, to have certain things done, not only from the point of view of awakening public interest, which is important, but also to bring out the meaning and spirit of young Ireland?
There is no use in unveiling statues or laying wreaths, I agree, if we cannot awaken in the public mind the meaning of these symbolic events, and we are trying to do that. These processions, monuments, and so on are really symbolic, and we are really trying to call to the minds of our young people what these great men of the Young Ireland movement did, and I hope, as I have said, that when the time comes, we shall have the co-operation of all Parties. In spite of what has taken place here to-day, I can assure the people opposite that we are very anxious to have their co-operation. We should like to have them all represented, and particularly those related to the Young Irelanders by blood. We should like to have them prominent and to be seen and associate themselves with the celebrations. If they do not choose to do that, then that is a matter for themselves, but I think, a Chinn Comhairle, the House will realise that from the Head of the Government down to the most junior member of the Cabinet we all have only one desire, and that is to honour the dead in a befitting manner, and we feel that, for the time being at any rate, we represent the nation in a way that no committee, no matter how representative it may be, could represent it; that we, as a Government, are in a position to do things in a way that no private committee could do them, or that even a public committee could do them, no matter how representative it might be, and I hope that these celebrations will be welcomed in the spirit in which we have undertaken them.