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Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 10 Jun 1948

Vol. 111 No. 6

Vote 41—Local Government (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following amendment:—
That the Estimate be referred back for re-consideration.—(Deputy MacEntee).

When I moved to report progress last night I had intended to deal with some aspects of the Minister's policy in regard to housing which, in my view, are likely to militate against the satisfactory and speedy solution of that acute problem. I think, however, that it perhaps might be more orderly if I were to deal with a matter which affects not only the efforts of the local authorities to solve the housing problem but also their endeavours to provide suitable sanitary services and amenities for the communities to whom they are responsible.

In his Budget statement the Minister for Finance announced that henceforward the rates of interest charged on advances to local authorities from the Local Loans Fund would be increased from 2½ per cent., at which they were fixed last year under a Fianna Fáil Government, to 3¼ per cent. About the justification for that measure, of course, I am not, I suppose, on this Estimate justified in saying much, but it is quite clear that the need for it arises from the fact that the Minister for Finance was swayed, not by considerations of the general public interest, but by his need and desire to cater for a particular section of the people who support one or other of the groups opposite. The consequence, however, of his action in increasing the rates of interest charged to local authorities for advances made by this State by no less than 30 per cent. is that the efforts of these authorities to promote schemes for the well-being and comfort of their people are going to be in future severely handicapped.

Perhaps at this stage I might remind the House of the statement made by the Minister in the concluding portion of his speech, in which he set out the present financial position of the local authorities and indicated that the rates had shown an upward trend and in many cases amounted to as much as 30/- in the £. The Minister and most Deputies who are members of local authorities are aware that a very large factor in accentuating that upward trend, and indeed in causing the marked increase in the rates which has been a noteworthy feature of our finance over a term of years, has been the capital charges which the local authorities have to meet in respect of moneys raised by them for housing purposes, for public health purposes, and for other services which we all demand and for which, of course, we are reluctant to pay. What will be the position of these local authorities in future if these charges, which at the present rates impose upon their communities and ratepayers very heavy burdens, are going to be increased by no less than 30 per cent?

We have supporting the Government several groups who, when they went before the electorate, proclaimed that they were all out for a programme of national development. They wanted to see the people properly housed and they wanted to see the people provided with water supply schemes, sewerage schemes, parks and all the other amenities that are associated with a civilised existence. How are the local authorities to provide these, how are they to be induced to provide these, how are they to be, shall we say, accelerated to provide these if the help which the Minister for Finance, with, of course, the consent and support of the Minister for Local Government, gives them is to increase the rates of interest chargeable by the State to these local authorities by no less than 30 per cent., so that for every 3d which they had to pay last year for moneys advanced last year, for every 3d they had to pay under a Fianna Fáil administration, they will now be called upon to pay approximately 4d?

Of course, they were paying nothing under the Fianna Fáil administration.

I have not said so.

You will say it outside.

I have said that for every 3d. which a Fianna Fáil administration would ask them to pay——

Oh yes, that is a different one.

——the Government which Deputy Cowan supports—sometimes—proposes to ask them to pay 4d. Now, the Minister for Finance did say in the course of his speech that, in so far as housing was concerned, it was proposed to alleviate the difficulties which this increase in the rates would impose upon the local authorities. I should have hoped that the Minister for Local Government would have been in a position to state definitely in this House in introducing his Estimate what method would be adopted to give to the local authorities that alleviation. The Minister was, I shall not say, cheerfully indefinite, but he was notably indefinite about that particular problem last night. He said it would be given either in the form of increased grants from the Transition Development Fund or, perhaps, by increasing the figure which would qualify for subsidy under the Housing Acts, but he was not in a position, apparently, to say whether it was going to be one or the other or neither. All that the local authorities have to encourage them to proceed as expeditiously as possible with their plans to solve the housing problem is "live horse and you will get grass. We are going to do it either this way or that way. We are not sure which way."

But we will do it.

Deputy O'Higgins says, "We will do it." Do not forget the last three months already sprinkled with broken promises, with programmes put in abeyance, and why should not this undertaking be put in abeyance also if the Minister for Finance once more exercises the dominating influence over that Government which hitherto he has been able to do?

But, leaving this question of housing to one side, there are other services for which the local authorities are responsible. One of the things which Fianna Fáil did when it first took office was to set out, by monetary inducement, to encourage the local authorities and those county councils who are responsible for the public health generally to install in every urban district and every village of any appreciable size in which it was practicable to do it a proper water supply and a proper sewerage scheme. We gave considerable grants in order to induce the local authorities to do that. The customary grant was about 40 per cent. but in exceptional cases even more was given in order to induce the local authorities to provide the public health schemes to which I have referred. It is true that we helped the local authorities generally but we also, in justice to the rest of the community, had to ask them to find a substantial proportion of the total cost of these schemes, and I have not heard the Government opposite propose to relax their attitude in that regard: I have not heard that they propose that the central authority should assume responsibility for the sole cost of these schemes and, therefore, in so far as water supply and sewerage schemes have to be provided for in the future, the local authority will have to bear 60 per cent. and in some cases two-thirds of the total capital cost of these schemes.

The decision which the Minister for Finance has taken, with the consent of the Minister for Local Government, is going to make it much more difficult for local authorities to provide those schemes in the future than has been the case in the past, and this is being done, let us not forget, under the aegis of a Government which is composed of representatives of Parties who at the last election pledged themselves to the people to provide these local services at the lowest possible cost to the local community, and here now, by their own deliberate act, they are increasing the cost of these services to the community.

The next matter to which I would refer before I go on to deal with housing is the disbandment of the committee which I set up last year in order to consider the problem of a water supply for rural areas. I think that I ought at this stage, as the Minister has referred to this committee as a committee which was set up to examine the factors involved in providing regional water supplies, read to the House the preamble to the terms of reference of that committee so that this question may be seen in its proper setting by those Deputies on the Government Benches who represent rural areas.

"The Minister submits for approval the following terms of reference for the committee which it is proposed to set up with a view to the provision of a piped water supply in areas, particularly in rural areas, in which such supplies are at present lacking, and to inquire into the feasibility of constructing a water supply system or water supply systems by which such areas will be served with adequate satisfactory supplies of wholesome water for domestic purposes, and in particular to report on regional schemes that are practicable, the estimated total cost of any scheme recommended, the population which will be served by each scheme distinguishing between residents in towns and residents in rural areas, the time required for the production of plans and the execution of works, the body or bodies that should be entrusted with the execution of works and the powers, in relation to the sources of a water supply, that should be given to such body or bodies, and the body or bodies that should operate the scheme when completed, the manner in which the expenses of construction and maintenance should be met, and any other matters relating to the scheme."

Each and every one of these aspects of this problem to provide an adequate water supply for the rural population must be examined and reported upon before anything practicable can be done to solve that problem. It was with a full recognition of that fact that this committee was set up. This is the sort of problem which involves a general survey of the Twenty-Six Counties as a whole; this is the sort of problem which involves an examination of the nature which was outlined by these terms of reference before you can get down to the question of working out a scheme in detail. If that investigation is not undertaken, then there can be no question of providing a water supply for the people in the rural areas. It would not be possible to do it because you would not know the engineering and other difficulties involved, and yet this proposal is now being shelved by the Minister for Local Government, supported, of course, by the Minister for Lands, the one-time Leader of Clann na Talmhan which, in the last Dáil, put down a motion demanding in terms like these:—

"That Dáil Éireann is of opinion that immediate steps should be taken by the Government to obtain a survey of the water resources of Éire with a view to the provision of an adequate supply of pure water to every rural dweller in the country."

It took you 12 years to make a start.

And it has taken you three months to finish with it. That is what I am complaining of, and that is why I am criticising the attitude which the Minister for Local Government has taken up. Of the 12 years that the Deputy has talked about, no less than six of them covered a period during which active hostilities were raging in Europe, the remainder being occupied with what is called the post-emergency period. During the rest of it we were fighting the economic war and trying to give to the Deputy the Constitution which has enabled him and some of his colleagues to come into this House without taking an oath of allegiance to an English king.

You did not take the oath?

I did not but I had to sign a declaration in order that you and the like of you might sit here without having to humiliate yourself as I had to do.

That is not relevant.

I am coming back to this question. During the period to which Deputy Collins has referred, we had to fight the economic war, we had to carry through our programme of political advancement, and then we were faced with the cataclysm of the last world war, but even during that period we never lost sight of the fact that if we were going to solve the problem of rural depopulation, we had to give to the people of rural Ireland, to the utmost extent that it was humanly possible to do, the same facilities and the same amenities as the people in the urban areas enjoy. One of the things we set out to do, and which is now being done, was, first, to provide them with a supply of electricity and, secondly, so far as it possibly could be done, with proper and adequate water supplies.

[Interruptions.]

Deputies must cease interrupting. They are not obliged to listen.

This is a problem which was kept continuously before the Dáil by the Clann na Talmhan Party when they were in opposition. I have read for the House a motion put down, almost as a hardy annual, by the late Deputy O'Donnell, for whom we all had a very high regard because of the sincerity with which he always spoke here on behalf of the interests of the people of rural Ireland. It was not possible for us, in the circumstances which existed in the year 1945, to take the preliminary steps necessary to tackle that problem.

The Deputy must be allowed to make his own speech.

We were too busy trying to discipline you when you were in the Army.

You did not have much trouble with your supporters, because they were not there.

I have told Deputies that they must cease interrupting. If they do not, they will have to take the consequences.

As soon as the position became easier and we were able to discontinue a number of emergency services and to turn to more constructive activities, one of the first things we did was to set up a commission to examine this problem.

I have referred to the fact that this proposal had been urged here time after time by the Deputies of Clann na Talmhan, but they were not alone in their advocacy of this proposal. We had Independents like ex-Deputy Heskin, members of the Fianna Fáil Party like Deputies Allen and Kennedy, members of the Fine Gael Party like the late Deputy Roddy, and members of the Labour Party like Deputy Keyes, who, I am glad to see, is still with us and who, I hope, will join with me in criticising his one-time colleague, the present Minister for Local Government, for abandoning the proposal which he so ardently supported when it was before Dáil Éireann in 1945 and when we had a Government united by common principles, a Government which at least was united in a common endeavour to do the best it could for the people even if it sometimes involved it in imposing unpopular taxation.

This committee which was set up to examine this problem of rural water supplies is another of the constructive activities set on foot by the Fianna Fáil Government which has been jettisoned, sabotaged or wound up—"liquidated" is perhaps a word which might appeal to Deputy Cowan as having a particular significance—by the present inter-Party or Coalition Government. I think it deplorable that it should have been done and I ask those members of the Government who represent rural Ireland, and, in particular, Deputy Cogan, who seconded the late Deputy O'Donnell's motion in 1945, to remember that this committee which was set up to consider this problem of water supplies for rural Ireland has now been liquidated by the Minister for Local Government, and, of course, liquidated with the consent of Deputy Cogan.

I should like to revert to a consideration of the housing problem and to say that I have been sadly disappointed by what the Minister has been doing in that regard—sadly disappointed, because his efforts, in so far as they are manifested to the public, consist very largely of window-dressing displays. A housing council has been set up, but it is a housing council which has no statutory authority. It can do nothing. It can do nothing that a body of experts constituted of the officers of the local authorities involved could not do much more expeditiously, and, I think, very much better. There are undoubtedly in certain areas housing problems which overlap each other, but these can all be worked out by the officers of the local authorities concerned, and I am perfectly certain that, if a satisfactory solution of the problems which this overlapping creates were to be found, the local authorities themselves would have no hesitation in accepting and adopting the solution worked out by their officers.

What the housing council will do, I do not know. It is not a body of experts. It cannot devise any more expeditious way of erecting houses. It cannot make any recommendations to the Minister, say, in regard to the difficulties of acquiring sites, of which the Minister himself is not already aware. It cannot make any recommendations to the Minister as to, say, the technical processes which should be adopted, in order to accelerate the building of houses and, even if it could, it would in present circumstances be unnecessary, because there had already been constituted, and there was already sitting when the Minister took office, a committee of experts which was considering that specific problem of the technical process of house building and to what extent it could be improved and to what extent it could be cheapened. Therefore, I fail to see what really worth-while purpose this housing council will serve. It is good window-dressing. It gives the public the impression that the Minister is tackling this problem in a new way, but we all know that nothing will be done by that housing council which cannot be very much better done by, as I have said, a committee of experts, of people who are expert in the problem, whose whole time is engaged in dealing with the problem, sitting down and considering it and finding a solution for it.

What else has the Minister done in order to solve the housing problem? He has, if I may say so, engaged in a series of royal progresses. Four or five centuries ago, before posts and telegraphs functioned or telephones were invented, monarchs went on tour, accompanied by high officers of the State. The Minister would seem to have adopted this idea of the royal progress as an aid to solving the housing problem, and so we see him going through the country accompanied by the secretary, the assistant-secretaries, the engineers and housing inspectors of his Department. I think that is unwise and I think it is a waste of time. When these people are dragged down the country away from their offices and their work——

Did he go to Paris?

——no real work is being done. On these oratorial picnics there are lunches and banquets everywhere for the Minister and there are suitable post-prandial performances by the Minister. Nothing has transpired on these occasions that would not emerge more readily and with greater clarity at a business-like conference in the Department. If this sort of thing is going to continue we will not make any real or concerted attack upon the housing problem, because we cannot get the work done down the country. The hard work, the brain work, yes, and the work on paper and at the drawing board that must be done in order to solve the housing problem has got to be done in an office which is equipped for doing that work and where the man is surrounded by those who can assist him readily to do it. That is not either the luncheon table or the banquet table—it is either in the office of the engineers or in the Custom House. If it were necessary to discuss any particular problem in this connection it would be much easier, and from the point of view of the State much more economic and effective, to ask the local people to come up to the Custom House and there to sit down and discuss with the officers who are responsible for housing in the Custom House the problems confronting them.

Mr. Murphy

That used to be the custom. They were commanded to come.

When? When we thought that they were not doing their job.

Mr. Murphy

The monarchs of the Custom House.

They were asked to come and tell why they were not doing it. I know that some were often unwilling to come because they knew that they had been lax and ineffective. Therefore, they did not like coming to the Custom House to be asked questions as to why they were not taking advantage of the facilities which the Fianna Fáil Government was providing for them in order to help them to solve their problems.

The other aspect of this problem in which I think the Minister has made a grave mistake is the decision, as I understand it—I may be wrong, but this is what I have been told—to refuse licences for any house-building except houses which are built by local authorities or subsidy houses. I am told that— I have not first-hand knowledge of it; I have not tried to build a house and, therefore, no licence has been refused me—all private house-building except houses built for local authorities or under subsidy has been prohibited.

What about Deputy A. Byrne?

If that is so I deplore it. I think that it is class discrimination which is at once unjustifiable and, from the point of view of the workers and the lower salaried classes, unwise. It is the duty of the Government to govern in the interests of all sections of the community. It is particularly, I should say, the duty of this Government to govern in the interests of all sections of the community, because it is supposed to be an inter-Party Government representing no class interest, representing no economic interest, and interested in the people as a whole. The Minister for Local Government, like the Minister for Agriculture, may have very little regard for the Proclamation of 1916. However, those of us who heard it read when it was first read, those of us who have read it several times since because we accept its principles, will remember that the founders of the Republic undertook to cherish equally all sections of the community.

The young people of the middle-class require shelter just as much as their less fortunate brethren. They, too, have to marry and establish families. They are entitled, as a natural right, to do so. But the Minister for Industry and Commerce, I understand, steps in and says: "We will not allow you, because we will not allow you to build". That is an attitude that is contrary to natural justice. It is, as I have said, an expression of class prejudice which is unjust, short-sighted and stupid. It is stupid and short-sighted because it will not ease the housing problem for other classes —on the contrary, it will intensify it. These people who want houses and who are prepared to pay more for their houses than they would have to pay for a subsidy house will get them despite the Minister, and they will get them by competing for the subsidy house. That competition will inflate the prices of the subsidised houses and these people will enter into arrangements with builders which will enable them to evade the regulations as to floor space. We shall have houses built and provided with double garages. We shall have houses built and provided with workshops. We shall have houses built and provided with studios. None of these are debarred from being erected and attached to a subsidised house because they are not living space. But when the subsidy has been paid the double garage or workshop or studio will be converted into another reception room. All that will have been done will be to intensify the competition for the subsidised house and to have wrought injustice upon a class of the community that has as much right to be cherished and protected by this Government as any other class.

I say that this proposal of the Minister is unjust and short-sighted because it is going to lead to wholesale evasion of the regulations and the law. It is stupid because it is going to increase the cost of the subsidised houses for those people who cannot do any better than provide themselves with a subsidised house. I do not often quote the Irish Independent, but I would recommend the Minister, whose Party relies so much on the support of that organ, to read an editorial which appeared in it on the 24th April, 1948. Referring to the decision of the Minister not to amend the law in order to enable a house in which the floor space exceeds 1,250 square feet to qualify for a grant, that editorial said:—

"It is not easy to see how the builder of a house of eight rooms is contributing less to the solution of the problem than is the builder of a house of six rooms. He is certainly providing for a class no less grievously oppressed than any other class by the prevailing shortage..."

Why should a man be victimised because he is able to spend a little more on his house than another man? Yet that is what the Minister is doing. He says to the man who can build a house without the assistance of the State, who can provide himself with a house without imposing a burden on his fellows: "We won't let you build. You may lie in a manger, you may live in a stable, you may live under the wheels of a cart, but because you are able to provide yourself with a home free of cost to the State we will not let you do it." I cannot see any justification for that attitude at all. I am quite prepared to admit there must be some limitation, but I can see no justice in a policy which will prevent any man from providing himself with a home, simply because he belongs to a more fortunate class of society. That is what the Minister is doing, and the only consequence of that is, as I have said, to compel the people who can build houses without State assistance to go in and bid against their less fortunate neighbours for the only type of house that the Minister will now permit to be erected.

The Deputy is spoiling his own case.

Mr. Murphy

He has no case and he knows it.

He is spoiling it, nevertheless. It was good at the start.

Another aspect of the housing problem which the Minister might have touched upon was the problem of site costs. The Minister said nothing about that very acute question here in the City of Dublin and in its environments; yet we all know that, because of the intensive effort which the Fianna Fáil Government initiated in order to solve this housing problem, the cost of land in the City of Dublin and in its neighbourhood has been very grossly inflated. I am not prepared to say that it is easy to find a solution for it. I do not know whether one can be found or not. It is certainly a very difficult problem and I might have thought that a Minister with the antecedents of the present Minister for Local Government, a Minister who represents a Party which when it was in opposition used to imply that it had a solution for that problem, would at least have disclosed to us that solution here, in introducing his Estimate.

Perhaps the last matter I wish to touch upon is the attitude of the present Minister to the managerial system. In introducing his Estimate he mentioned that he hoped to bring in legislation which would enable him to restore to the local authorities the powers of which he alleged they had been dispossessed. I do not quarrel with the terms in which the Minister referred to that question. I think he kept very strictly within the rules of order, but I understand that he has announced to the representatives of certain local authorities that he proposes to introduce legislation to dispense with the county manager system altogether. Now, that may be the Minister's intention, but the managerial system is part of the administrative machine of this country, as designed and determined by the law of this State and the Minister is bound in his dealings with the managers and the local authorities to have regard to that fact.

I do not think that he is entitled— and I am not at this stage suggesting that he is doing so—by administrative action to disregard the statutory position in the matter. I think he would be bound, in his dealings with the local authorities, to take full cognisance of the responsibilities and the powers which the law of the State vests in the county managers and in managers generally. If he does that, then he is bound in the administration of his Department to uphold the county managers, particularly when they find it necessary to take disciplinary action against their staffs. I say that because I am going to mention, with a great deal of reserve, something which I have been asked to raise here in this House, as indicating that, so far as the Minister for Local Government is concerned, he is not giving to the managers that support which they, in the proper discharge of their duties, are entitled to expect from him. I wish to say that I am making that statement in order that the Minister may have an opportunity of refuting the suggestion which has been made to me. I think it is necessary to do it because this is the only opportunity we shall have of discussing the administration of the Minister. I should like at this early stage, if the Minister feels that by his administrative act he can set aside the law of the land, to repudiate that position and to expose it.

I have been told that in a certain county—I do not want to be too specific about this because, as I say, I put these facts to the Dáil with reserve—an officer of a county council, being in need of money, secured a cheque—a green cheque, I am told it was more popularly called, a form of cheque which had been in use some years ago in the county council but had been superseded—and that he had filled in this green cheque for the sum of £35 and that he then brought that cheque to a place of business in the city—not this city—where a relative of his was employed, that he there had that cheque cashed, got the money and went about his business. In due time, of course, the fraud was discovered, the matter was handed to the Guards and ultimately it was brought home, at least to this extent, to the official concerned, in so far as the circumstances pointed to him as the person who had been guilty of using the cheque and obtaining money under false pretences. The Guards brought the matter to the attention of the county manager and the county manager suspended the official concerned.

I am told—and again I mention this matter with reserve, because I cannot conceive that any person responsible for the administration of this country would intervene in the matter in the manner in which it is suggested the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance intervened—I am told that the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Finance was approached in this matter, that he came to Dublin, saw the political heads of the Department and that, in consequence of his representations, an order went down directing the manager to withdraw the suspension of this officer and to reinstate him—not, I am told, in his former position, but in the employment of the council. That is the case as detailed to me.

Is the man under charge?

I am not saying that the Minister for Local Government has acted as I have been told he has acted in this matter and I hope he will be able to assure the House that the statement as made to me was incorrect.

Is there a criminal charge pending in this matter?

But that is the position.

On a point of order——

Whether there is a criminal charge pending or not is of no importance here. What I am concerned about is to ensure that ——

On a point of order.

What is the point of order?

The point of order is that I gather from the Deputy that a particular matter has been reported to the Gardaí—a matter of fraud and a matter in which criminal proceedings may be pending. If that is so, I would suggest that it should not be opened in this House.

The Deputy said that certain matters were reported to him and he wants either a denial or a statement from the Minister.

Mr. Murphy

May I submit that it has been the accepted practice of this House that when a case is sub judice it may not be referred to here?

That is so if the case is sub judice.

But I have mentioned neither names nor places.

You have mentioned a city.

I have not mentioned the name of the city.

There is only one city with which Deputy Donnellan could have a connection.

I am sorry if I gave that indication. The point is I understand this officer has been reinstated.

That has nothing to do with it.

If the officer has been reinstated—if Captain Cowan will bear with me for a moment——

If I can be definitely informed that the matter is sub judice, it cannot be discussed.

Mr. Murphy

That is a matter on which Deputy MacEntee should inform you.

Surely, this matter is not sub judice. The officer, I am informed, has been reinstated. Surely, we cannot believe that the Minister would reinstate in public employment an officer who had been suspended by the manager and against whom a criminal charge was pending.

It could easily be done. There is nothing wrong in that.

Mr. Murphy

That is the suggestion the Deputy made.

We know people can be prevailed upon to withdraw charges, but that is not the issue here. The issue here is whether a man is suspended or not——

On a point of order——

What is the point of order?

The point of order is that the Deputy has very clearly indicated to this House that a particular matter was put in the hands of the Gardaí. If it is in the hands of the Gardaí, until he is able to assure you, Sir, that the Gardaí have ceased their investigations and the matter has ended there, the Deputy has no right to discuss it here.

The Deputy has assured me that it is not sub judice.

With respect, that is not what he has assured you of—he assured you that he is not dealing with that attitude of the matter.

The Deputy stated quite categorically that it is not sub judice.

Mr. Murphy

When that statement was extracted from him.

I would not so abuse my position in the House as to raise a matter which is sub judice. I would have more regard for the interests of justice.

There is nothing in it then if the Guards are not proceeding.

Oh, yes, there is. No person is entitled to use his position as a public officer for his own advantage. I hope that the Deputy has become aware of that fact and will accept that principle. No person is entitled to use his position as a public officer for his own advantage.

What is the suggestion now?

And if a public officer takes advantage of his position to secure—shall we use the euphemistic term "loan" and describe it as a loan —from a private individual by means, if you like, of a little bit of sharp practice, then he has no right, I submit, to be a public officer, and I hope the Minister for Local Government would not condone any breach of that principle. I do not believe he did.

The ex-Taoiseach dealt with that in this House very effectively.

When the Minister was in this House as a Deputy I had a very high opinion of him. Any time he came to me on matters connected with his constituency he met me in a very fair way. There has been a great deal of discussion about this matter and I think, in the interests of the Minister and in the interests of purity of local administration, the matter should be cleared up once and for all. I do not want to say any more about it than that.

You have said too much.

The last matter to which I wish to refer is that this Estimate for the Department of Local Government has been introduced by the Minister and has been sponsored by him in the same form as it was prepared for presentation to this House when the Fianna Fáil administration was in office. The Estimate indicates that there has been an increase of no less than £341,000 in the sum required for the Department for the current year over and above what was asked for last year. Last year the Estimate asked for was £847,000. This year the amount demanded is £1,139,000, an increase of over 40 per cent. in the Estimate. We heard a great deal about the extravagance of the Fianna Fáil administration. That allegation was based upon the fact that the total amount required for the supply services for this year amounted to £70,520,000, which was about £6,000,000 or £7,000,000 more than was required for these services last year. Here is a Department which wants no less than 40 per cent. more this year. Surely it must have been one of the most extravagant Departments under the Fianna Fáil administration. It is upon these figures, such as those I have recounted to the House, that this charge of extravagance against the late Fianna Fáil administration has been based. It is by reference to figures such as these that these allegations have been bolstered up. Yet, I did not hear and I am certain no other Deputy heard, the Minister suggest one single economy that he proposes to make in this expenditure which is no less than 40 per cent. over and above what was required last year.

Why has he not done it? Why has he not come in here and said like his colleague, the Minister for Finance: "I found a régime of wanton extravagance existing in all the public services; I went into this Department of Local Government and I found it overstaffed and extravagantly administered—so extravagantly that it wanted no less than £341,000 more than last year—an increase of 40 per cent. upon its requirements for last year; I do not propose to stand for that extravagance any longer; I propose, in fact, to embark upon a policy of reform and retrenchment and I propose to cut down the demands which my Department is making upon the public purse; I propose to be satisfied with as much money as my predecessor looked for last year." Why did not the Minister for Local Government do that? Because he knows that there was no overstaffing in that Department. On the contrary, he knows that the higher officers in that Department were seriously overworked and he knows that the Department has been and is understaffed. He knows there has been no extravagance in that Department because every penny piece spent by that Department is spent on purposes that will yield a very high social return.

As that is the case with the Department of Local Government, so it was the case with every one of the major Departments under the Fianna Fáil administration. No member of the present Government can make any substantial saving or economy or any substantial reduction in expenditure in his. Department because these would not be savings or economies without bringing resultant damage to the public interest. That would be the case particularly with the Department of Local Government. I am glad to see and I congratulate my successor on the fact that he has been able to stand up against the demands of the Minister for Finance except in one particular, namely, in relation to the provision which must be made for the restoration of the roads. In respect of the other matters under his control, he has been able to stand up to the Minister for Finance. He has dug his heels into the ground and he has said: "I want this money, as my predecessors wanted it; I want it for beneficial social purposes and I am going to have it." I congratulate him on that.

I suppose all of us have from time to time viewed with some amusement the play-acting of a child of tender years.

I wonder why Deputy MacEntee assumes I am referring to him.

Be easy on yourself.

Even when that play-acting is of a mischievous nature, we are often inclined to forgive it, because it is amusing and it is innocent. I do not intend to do the elderly statesman, like Deputy Allen, but that was very much my view when Deputy MacEntee was speaking yesterday. I even felt that Deputies on this side of the House might compliment Deputy MacEntee on the way in which he met this Estimate, as the person dealing with it on behalf of the opposition. That was my view until I heard Deputy MacEntee speaking to-day.

Before dealing properly with the Estimate, I would like, on behalf of a colleague of mine, Deputy Seán Collins, to voice an emphatic protest against one bitter, vindictive remark made by Deputy MacEntee in relation to him. I will say this, that the remark may have been made under some provocation and it may have been intended as a jocose remark by the Deputy, but I feel we are entitled to resent any responsible Deputy who, only a short while ago, held a Ministerial post, turning to a young Deputy here and telling him that for a considerable portion of his time in office his attention, and the Government's attention, had been directed in an effort to control that young Deputy when he was a member of the National Army. So far as Deputy Collins is concerned, he joined the National Army and he never made any effort to join any other army. I would like Deputy MacEntee to bear that in mind. That is all I propose to say in relation to that matter.

If Deputies invite, by interruption, sharp answers, the sympathy of the Chair is with the Deputy interrupted. I did not hear the remark referred to—I did not hear the Deputy say that.

With all respect, the Deputy said it very positively. He said that he was engaged when he was Minister for Local Government in trying to discipline mean the National Army.

It was not in reply to an interruption?

It was not.

It was in reply to a series of interruptions.

Even obliquely, I do not want what I have said to be taken as a reflection on the Chair. I am quite certain the Chair did not hear the remark, but I did and I concede to Deputy MacEntee that it may have been made in the heat of the moment and under provocation. I am sorry that Deputy MacEntee has left the House. If he were to hear the remarks I have made now, possibly he would withdraw what he said if it were uttered in a vindictive manner.

To my mind one of the most important matters dealt with by the Minister was in the concluding portion of his statement. I am not quite clear as to what extent it would be in or out of order to refer on this Estimate to the managerial system, but I take it that it would be in order, at any rate, to refer to the effect of that system on local authorities and on their administration. After a few years' experience of the managerial system, as a member of the Dublin Corporation, and after hearing the views of other members, not only in my own Party, but in the Fianna Fáil and Labour Parties, I believe the managerial system has not improved local government and that it has had a very adverse effect on local administration generally. I believe one of the reasons is that the more power you take from the local authorities the less will persons interested in devoting their services to local matters and in going forward for election to local authorities, giving their services to the citizens of the locality by operating on the local councils, be inclined to do so. I do not think there is any doubt about that.

I was very much surprised to learn in the debate on the Local Elections Bill that Deputy Lemass considered that it was an insult to local councillors to express on hold that view. In Volume 110, column 1853 of the Parliamentary Debates, Deputy Lemass was dealing with a remark made by Deputy Cowan. He said:—

"It may be undesirable to hold the local elections this year, but there is no reason why they should not be held next year. The Minister's reason for not holding them is an insult to the members of local authorities. He is accepting Deputy Cowan's view that, because of the county management legislation, the standard of local councillors is lower than it was before that Act was passed and lower than it would be if that Act were amended. There are a number of Deputies here who are members of local authorities who would not accept that view"

—that is, Deputy Cowan's view—

"and would not participate in recording that insult to the quality of the members of local authorities which Deputy Cowan expressed and which the Minister apparently supports."

I do not believe that it is an insult to myself, Deputy Councillor Breathnach. Deputy Alderman Briscoe or Deputy Alderman Byrne, to say that notwithstanding the operation of the City and County Management Acts—I see Deputy Childers becoming interested and I am perfectly well aware that the City Management Acts were enacted before the Fianna Fáil régime—you might get a better and more representative local authority and a better quality in your councillors if those Acts were repealed, revised or modified and if more authority, power and direct management were passed into the hands of local councillors collectively as a local authority.

I know that from perusing some Dáil debates the views which I am expressing, and which Deputy Cowan expressed on the Local Elections Bill, are views which were voiced here in very emphatic terms by Deputy Lemass when the City Management Act of 1930 was being discussed here. In the Parliamentary Debates, Volume 33, column 1012, Deputy Lemass refers to this very problem. He was discussing the City Management Act. Perhaps that is not the correct title; I think it is referred to as the Local Government Act of 1930, but it is the Act which operated to give the City of Dublin a city manager. Deputy Lemass in speaking of that Act, said:—

"Another remarkable results of the operation of the Cork City Management Act"

—which I understand was about 12 months earlier—

"has been that practically no public interest whatever exists in Cork in the actions of the council."

He goes on a little later to say:—

"The reason for that is that the basis of representation is too small. That was only one reason I admit. The absence of powers which they should have was another."

Now I think that the Deputy has got considerable latitude for discussing the merits of the Act. He should discuss the administration of it.

I was going on to point out, Sir, that the very facts which Deputy Lemass was complaining about then are still in operation. My views now coincide with the views which he expressed then, and the fact that these views are correct is, in fact, seriously damaging local administration in so far as that local authorities have not sufficient power and that sufficient interest is not taken in, their proceedings. All that adds up to a problem for the Minister.

That, in short, is the case I want to make.

I would like to round that off, if I might, in saying that I believe that it is generally recognised that local administration could be assisted if fuller authority was given to local councils. If it is not necessary to give them that fuller authority, I think that it should be demonstrated here in this House that they have already got sufficient authority, if that is the case, because there is widespread feeling that it is no use at all for people to present themselves for service on local authorities, because if they get there there is nothing they can do to assist in effect our local administration. A pamphlet was issued by Government Publications some time ago drawing attention to that fact and attention is also drawn to it in the Vocational Education Commission Report. I do not intend to quote that report but it is there.

Give us your own experience.

I am talking also from experience. I am very conscious that at meetings of the Dublin Corporation at times when some matter is being discussed the discussion can be closed in one minute if the manager says: "That is a function reserved to me." As far as local administration, as it exists at present with a system of managers in the cities and counties, is concerned, I believe that one of the things that is vitally important—and perhaps that is what Deputy Allen has in mind—is that you should have the right type of manager, because you cannot operate at all unless you have got the right type of manager. My own personal opinion is, and Deputies on all sides of the House will agree with me, that in Dublin at the moment we are extraordinarily lucky in the type of manager we have.

What about the Deputies who think they are unlucky? They have an equal right to say so. What does the Deputy think about that?

I am, I think, in order in saying that it is necessary that a manager should have certain attributes and if he lacks them the whole administration of local councils at the moment will definitely be in a mess. I believe that it is vitally essential that managers, even in the case of matters which are reserved functions to them, should consult fully with members of local authorities and that they should be willing, even if the decision of the local authority goes against their own decision, to bow to their decision, unless some particular point of principle is involved upon which they feel that they cannot give way.

I would like to put a query to the Minister at this stage. I notice that under the Local Government Act of 1930 the offices of town clerk and city manager in Dublin were amalgamated; Blackrock and Dún Laoghaire were amalgamated to form the county borough. I think that was all consistent and that it was all done. Under the 1940 Act the city manager became the city manager and the county manager and the borough manager became the assistant city manager and the assistant county manager. I would like the Minister to explain when he is replying why under the 1940 Act the borough with a population of approximately 50,000 should have got a whole-time town clerk, while we in the city with a population now of at least ten times the population of the borough never got a town clerk and still have not got one, whereas the borough has a whole-time town clerk, an assistant county manager and an assistant city manager. Perhaps the Minister might in his reply give the reasons, if he can, why that particular situation exists and if it is proposed at any time to appoint a whole-time town clerk in Dublin—in the city, I mean.

There is another matter which I would like to refer to, and before doing so I would like to say that I believe that the discussion on this Estimate can very well be carried out without any bitterness or heat and without the introduction of hot politics. The question I want to touch upon is the question of politics in local councils. I believe it can render the administration for which the Minister is responsible extremely difficult. It should be the aim of all Parties who are interested in proper local administration to try to eliminate as much as possible the confusion which must exist between national politics and local affairs. I do not want to refer at any length to this matter because it might raise matters of controversy, but I do feel that an effort should be made by all Parties not to contest local elections at all on political Party lines. Maybe it is a little bit difficult to see exactly where that would lead to, but I have a feeling, and I think I am right, that if we could contest local elections as independents, if you like, as being not tied up with any political Parties, it would definitely be in the better interests of local administration and of local councils generally. I know that is a matter about which there must be two views. I know that the view of those Deputies sitting opposite is, and consistently has been, that you must have politics in local councils and you must contest all local council elections as Parties.

That is not so.

I hoped that I would not be interrupted because I came here with that height of quotations in front of me from various Fianna Fáil leaders on this matter, and if Deputy Breathnach tempts me I will have no hesitation reading them, with the permission of the Chair.

It was only during the last election that Ministers went on election platforms.

I am not on the point of whether Ministers should engage in political electioneering. That is a completely detached point. The point I am on, however, is, that in so far as we can bring it about, it would be in the interests of better local administration if national politics and national political Parties were not confused with local interests.

We tried that, but your Party did not try it.

I should like to refer the Deputy to paragraphs 687 and 688 of the Report of the Commission on Vocational Organisation and I hope Deputy Breathnach listens to this carefully:—

"In recent years there has been an increasing tendency to extend Party politics to local government Candidates for local bodies are put forward by the various political Parties and local elections are being fought on national more than on local issues. As a result, the decisions of local bodies are often determined by extraneous political factors."

I do not think anyone will deny that that is so:—

"Most of the functions of local bodies are of a technical kind in which Party politics are not merely irrelevant but confusing. The administration of hospitals and medical services, the provision of housing, sanitation and other social services are matters where technical efficiency should be the sole consideration."

I might say, in passing, that I do not entirely agree that technical qualifications should be the sole consideration, but, in general, I think most Deputies will agree with the sentiments expressed in that report so far as it relates to that particular matter. I do not think any of us can contest the fact that these words are true.

I do not agree. The Dublin Corporation has no politics except on a couple of days in the year, as the Deputy is very well aware.

If the Dublin Corporation has no politics except on a couple of days in the year, if any local authority is in the position of having no politics except on a couple of days in the year, is that not merely strengthening my case, that there is no necessity for national politics in local bodies and that you would do away with any confusion which may exist if we all co-operated in trying to see that national politics were kept outside of the local arena? I think that is sound.

I should like to refer at this stage to a matter which I think the Ceann Comhairle will be relieved to hear deals solely with administration, and that is a question which I raised, as Deputy Breathnach will remember, at a meeting of the Dublin Corporation. It is in connection with circular letter No. 81 of 1945 which was issued by the Department of Local Government to the employees of local authorities and which reads as follows:—

"A Chara,

I am directed by the Minister for Local Government and Public Health to refer to the growing practice of officers of local authorities making representations through public representatives concerning their remuneration, duties and conditions of service. This practice is undesirable and a definite intimation should be given to each officer that he or she is forbidden to make application directly or indirectly on such matters through channels outside the local authority. It should be made clear that any representations made by an officer in contravention of such instruction is likely to have an effect far from helpful to the officer's interest, and may also render the officer liable to disciplinary action. An officer who is aggrieved by a decision of the local body can appeal to the Minister under Section 10 of the Local Government Act, 1941. The manner in which the appeal can be made is prescribed in Article 35 of the Local Government (Officers) Regulations, 1943."

That circular letter was sent to each officer of local authorities. It came before the Dublin Corporation some time last year and we had some discussion regarding it. Some of us felt that if the terms of the circular were carried into effect the constitutional rights of employees of the corporation were going to be interfered with. I should like to draw that circular to the attention of the Minister very specifically and I should like him to inquire into it and to consider whether or not he will have that circular withdrawn. I believed that any person, no matter who that person is, should have a right to approach the public representatives of his area, whether local representatives or Deputies; that any person in this State should have a right to approach those public representatives if he feels that he has a grievance which can only be dealt with properly by open discussion in this House or by Deputies making direct and emphatic representations to the Minister in his office.

I am perfectly well aware that, as is referred to in that circular, under the Local Government (Officers) Regulations, 1943, a prescribed method, a standard method, of making approaches to the Minister is laid down. The point I want to make and which I want to draw to the Minister's attention is that, no matter what other methods are laid down, every individual in this State should have a right to make representations to those whom he has elected to represent him, whether it be on the local body or in this House.

I raised that matter, as I said, at the Dublin Corporation and Deputy Byrne and myself were responsible for sending a resolution to the Department asking them to clarify the meaning of that particular circular. The Department replied to the resolution in these terms—I do not think it is necessary to read the whole of it; it was addressed to the city manager and was dated 27th December, 1947, and the reference is No. 10394/1947:—

"I am directed by the Minister for Local Government to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 3rd instant in regard to circular letter No. 81/1945 attached as Appendix K to this Department's circular letter G.115/47 of the 15th September last and to state that the Minister has noted the resolution of the city council in this regard, and to point out that officers and servants can themselves make representations directly to the manager and if aggrieved by the manager's decision they can under statutory authority appeal to the Minister. If an officer or servant belongs to an association or other body formed for promoting the interests of its members, he can, through such association or body, place his case before the manager or appeal to the Minister. These are the normal methods of dealing with disputed questions regarding remuneration, status or conditions of service. The circular letter of 6th July, 1945, was intended to bring to the attention of officers their power of appealing to the Minister in case they feel aggrieved and put an end to the practice of making representations through public representatives. As stated in the letter, the practice is undesirable and is now definitely forbidden."

I think it is quite clear from the terms of that letter that the Department never intended to make the case that anything in the regulations of 1943 or in the Act of 1941 deprived an individual of the right to make direct approach to public representatives. I think it is quite clear from the circular and that letter that the only thing which is depriving these people of their right to approach public representatives is the Order or direction made by the previous Minister in that regard. The letter says that such a practice is undesirable and is now definitely forbidden. The practice may be undesirable. That is a matter to which I assume the Minister will give careful consideration. It may be undesirable. Perhaps we should try to discourage it in any way we can. All of us, probably, have quite sufficient on hands from our own constituents and frequently from other Deputies' constituents, without inviting new tasks of this sort, but I believe that we should vindicate the right of these people to approach representatives in that way while, at the same time, discouraging them from doing so, if we can. I do not like, I quite definitely object to, the particular threat held out in the circular which I have quoted, which says:—

"It should be made clear that any representations made by an officer in contravention of such instruction is likely to have an effect far from helpful to the officer's interest."

I believe the use of a threatening big stick in that way is unjust and unfair. It may not be desirable that public representatives should make representations of this sort but it is grossly unfair to the individual and to the individual's case if, merely because those representations are made—and I believe there is a constitutional right to make them—a Minister or an official of his Department should say to the individual concerned: "Because that representation was made on your behalf I am going to see that you get nothing." That, in effect, is what that circular means. I would like to call that matter to the Minister's attention and to hear what he has to say about it in reply.

The next point I want to deal with is the question of delays in correspondence between local authorities and the Minister's Department. Any of us who has acted even for a short while on any local body has been from time to time infuriated by the delays which occur in correspondence between our authority and the Minister's Department. For no apparent reason, not infrequently, matters are left in abeyance for three, six or 12 months because, apparently, the Department had not the time to deal with them. If that is due to shortage of staff, I will go this far with Deputy MacEntee and say: "Spend more money in order to increase your staff" but cut out irritating delays which create bad blood and bad feeling between local authorities and the Department of Local Government.

I do not know whether or not I would be permitted to mention the next point I want to mention, which is in connection with the office of Lord Mayor of Dublin. There is a fairly widespread feeling that the Lord Mayor of the capital city should reside in the Mansion House. That has not been the practice recently and I believe the reason is that the term of office is too short. I want to make that passing reference to it and to inquire whether or not it might be possible to extend the term of office to ensure that the Lord Mayor will reside in the Mansion House for his term of office.

Another matter about which I have heard complaints is what occurred in Dublin at the last mayoral election, that is, the election of a Lord Mayor out of the hat. I think Deputy Cormac Breathnach, being on that occasion the man who remained in the hat, will agree with me.

Is not that a matter for the corporation?

I just want to make an incidental reference to it. I think Deputy Breathnach will agree that we got a good Lord Mayor out of the hat.

There was a good man left in it too. I have heard it suggested, and I would like to take this opportunity of drawing the Minister's attention to it, that it tends to lower the dignity of the office that the Lord Mayor should come out of the hat.

Like a rabbit.

That is the only reference I want to make to it. On the question of water supplies, the Minister seemed to be satisfied enough with what had been done. I would like to call his attention to two areas in my constituency, St. Patrick's Cottages in Rathfarnham and Riverside Cottages in Templeogue. Both of these sets of cottages were taken over by the Dublin Corporation from the Dublin County Council on one of the extensions of the city boundaries. I have been very reliably informed that the Deputies opposite who contested that particular area in 1932 got a very considerable number of votes by promising the residents that if they were elected they would see to it that these cottages got a water supply and sewerage as quickly as possible and that that would be done very quickly. These cottages are still without a water supply and proper sewerage system. It is scandalous that that state of affairs should exist anywhere in the city and more particularly that it should exist in a scheme which is directly the responsibility of the Dublin Corporation. I know Deputy Butler will agree with me in this. It is a matter I have raised at committees of the corporation and have had his support in raising. I would ask the Minister, if it is at all possible, to put in a word with the powers that be in the corporation and ask them to expedite the work in these areas. It is absolutely necessary. It is a scandal that the position should be as it is now.

Deputy MacEntee seemed to think that somebody should be congratulated because of the housing progress which has been made in the last couple of years. I was rather appalled at the figures given by the Minister. In Dublin alone there are approximately 26,000 families who still require to be housed and all over there are approximately 60,000. The Minister explained that there were difficulties in the way. Deputy MacEntee complained at the manner in which this Minister was setting about the work. I want to compliment the Minister on what he has done and what he is doing. It is very encouraging to local authorities generally that the Minister considers it worth his while to go down and meet them, to discuss their problems with them, to set up a consultative council that will hear the views of people directly concerned and do their best to iron out difficulties. I believe that is far more than the good window-dressing to which Deputy MacEntee referred.

I am glad to see Deputy MacEntee has returned. He also referred to the royal progress of the present Minister for Local Government. It is far better that there should be a royal progress than an ignominious retreat which, I think, was the course pursued by Deputy MacEntee in the last few years, and far better to have a Minister who will meet local representatives, who will not be ashamed to do that, who will not sit like a little dictator in his office in the Custom House and summon people to him only when he wants to see them. The Minister we have in charge of this particular Department at the moment is prepared to go down to local authorities, to discuss their problems with them and to hear their views.

I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again later.
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