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Dáil Éireann debate -
Tuesday, 6 Jun 1950

Vol. 121 No. 9

Committee on Finance. - Vote 50—Industry and Commerce (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
That the Estimate be referred back for reconsideration.—(Mr. Lemass.)

A lot of ground has been covered during the debate and a lot of advice and criticism given to the Minister, and I shall try so far as possible to keep clear of the ground covered by previous speakers. The principal matters that have been discussed, such as turf, coal, sugar, tomatoes and unofficial strikes, have been dealt with by Deputies much more capable of dealing with them than I could hope to be.

I notice that the Opposition very seldom have anything to say in support or in favour of the present Government or any encouragement or advice to offer to the Ministers in charge of the various Departments. It is difficult to expect anyone to believe that not one Deputy in the entire Opposition Benches can find that any item that comes before the House is worthy of anything in the nature of praise. From time to time Deputies in the Parties supporting the Government feel that it is their duty to praise the Minister in charge of a Department. They feel that the Minister has given sufficient work, time and intelligence to his duties to warrant that praise. In addition to criticising the Ministers, the Opposition always try to criticise the various Parties that are supporting the Government. They go back very far to quote speeches that were made by Deputies on this side of the House during the last general election, and sometimes much farther back, for the purpose of supporting their criticism.

Last week, I heard Deputy Walsh quoting, from memory, a speech made by the Minister for External Affairs, when he was not a member of this House, in connection with the tourist industry. As far as I can remember, Deputy Walsh said that at that time Mr. MacBride, as he then was, was opposed to encouraging tourists to come here and eat food when we had not got sufficient for our own people. If that were the position at that time, I feel that Mr. MacBride, was perfectly right. If that were the position to-day, I would repeat that statement here. I can only point out to Deputy Walsh and Deputies on the other side of the House that times have changed. A lot of things have changed. The people in charge of the Government of this country have changed.

And their views.

The position now is, possible due to good government, that not alone have we sufficient food to cater for all the tourists we can possibly induce to come here but we have sufficient left to feed our own people as well.

And was that the case three years ago?

Apparently, Mr. MacBride thought it was not. I am sure the Deputy has listened to me. What I have said is that if what he stated was the case then were the position to-day, I would make the same statement.

But was it? "If."

"If." After all, the Deputy who quoted that speech from memory had a lot of "ifs" in it too. I, above all people in the House, did not want to criticise Deputy Walsh. I do not want to criticise any statement he would make, but I want to support a recommendation that he made to the Minister. He recommended that the Minister should reconsider his decision not to erect a cement factory in Kilkenny. He submitted that expert advice had been obtained and that that advice was the stone in Kilkenny was as good as, if not better than, any stone in any part of Ireland for the production of cement. I would like to take this opportunity to support that recommendation by Deputy Walsh and to ask the Minister to have the matter re-examined in the light of the information that was placed before the House. If we have to import cement, as has been stated over and over again, and if we are capable of producing cement at home, one of the principal ways the Government could adopt for the relief of unemployment would be the production of cement. The Minister has experienced difficulty in securing workers, as he told us last week. It all depends on where the work is available and on the conditions under which people have to work. It is all very well to say, "I have work for 1,000 people," but if that work is in Ballinasloe, there is no use in going to Gardiner Street and expecting an unemployed man there to leave his wife and family in Dublin and to accept that work. It is not an economic proposition for him. He is badly off on the dole, but he would be worse off if he were to go down the country. What would be a reasonable wage in a country district would not support a man who had to provide for his wife and family in Dublin while maintaining himself.

I strongly recommend that such factories should be decentralised. I am completely against the idea that cement should be produced in one centre only. Where the local stone is suitable and where accommodation is available, a factory should be established. It was for the purpose of supporting Deputy Walsh's recommendation that I mentioned his name. It is a pity that he-discontinued his recommendations and did not give all the information he had simply because the Minister had to leave the House. I would ask the Minister to find out all the information that Deputy Walsh has, and to have the matter re-examined and reconsidered.

There were some very wise statements made during the course of the debate. I was impressed by the ardent desire on the part of Deputies on both sides of the House to relieve the unemployment problem and to stop the flow of emigration. We have unemployed people and we have people leaving the country. No matter how well off we may be, there will always be a few people who want to emigrate.

May I point out that there are 132 Deputies absent from this debate and that there is not a quorum?

Notice taken that 20 Deputies were not present; House counted and 20 Deputies being present,

Over the week-end my attention was drawn to something that possibly might be considered a money-spinner for this country. I find there is a lot of money going out of this country to England that we thought was being transferred to America. But John Bull still reigns supreme, and he has ways and means of collecting money from the Republic of Ireland, from the people who stand in queues outside picture-houses to see an American thriller. This may make pleasant reading for the English people, but it is sad reading for us. In the Sunday Empire News of June 4th, 1950, there was a big heading “President's News Reel banned in Éire theatres”. I am sure anyone who read that was wondering what it was all about. Anyone who intends to enjoy himself and have a rest in the picture-house would not take very much notice of it.

For years I have been taking a very keen interest, not so much in the production of an Irish news reel as in my opposition to news reels which are, in my view, 100 per cent. English propaganda, objectionable propaganda. I have taken action—I took action when I was younger than I am now—in various theatres and I encouraged other people to do so in order to show my opposition to the English propaganda which was being put over on the screen.

I feel, and I have felt for some time, that we have reached the stage when we should be in a position to develop an Irish news reel. Any attempts made during the past couple of years to develop the Irish cinema business or to start some cinema business here, I have watched very often from a distance, and, where possible, I lent any aid I could for the purpose of encouraging them. I have always objected—and I regret I have to voice the same objection again—that when I go to any of the leading cinemas in Dublin, such as I did this week and last week, I have to see the type of propaganda that they try to put over under the heading "Irish News Reel". After spending one or two hours in a queue, you enter the picture-house and you are in time to catch the news reel before the principal picture. The Irish news reel comes on and you are treated to a picture of a few British destroyers going out to sea, or a garden party in Buckingham Palace—something which has no Irish flavour at all.

I saw what was described as an Irish feature film. I cannot say what company was responsible for producing it. It proceeded to show us an Irish factory—I think it was in County Cork— and the factory was producing spades, sleans and shovels. If I objected to nothing else I would object to the way they pronounced "slean." I could not quite give you the Cockney accent, but it certainly was not the correct pronunciation as it is used by those who work a slean cutting turf. During this film they proceeded to show how spades and shovels are made. The picture showed Irishmen at work. That portion was reasonable enough until someone had to interject a little fun. Possibly this film was shown outside the country. We did not see any great fun in it—at least I did not and I daresay other people did not either. The commentator introduced Paddy. He actually gave his name. I am not sure whether it was Paddy or Charlie who was hammering or tempering the steel, but the speaker said: "He has tempered the steel with a good Irish spit." If we have any control over the development of films we certainly should not allow them to try to sling that type of propaganda.

Does the Deputy suggest that the Minister should control films?

Yes, I am prepared to suggest that he should exercise some control.

Does the Deputy suggest that that is the function of the Minister for Industry and Commerce?

This is an industry that is developing here; there is already an Irish company producing has films here. This Irish company has produced a film; they have taken a film of our President's return from Europe, and that film cannot be shown here. There is very little use in producing anything if our own people are not in a position to benefit by it. I think it is within the function of this Department to exercise some control. This is an industry that will give employment to a great extent and it will also bring us, if it is properly developed and controlled, as it is in other countries, some of the almighty dollars that we are so badly in need of.

I hope this firm did not make the film that your Party showed during the election?

You will hardly believe this, but I did not see that film.

It is a good job you did not see it.

I am not criticising any Party. I am merely making a suggestion to the Minister that there should be some control of these films. I know from experience that he is not altogether to blame that this thing has been overlooked. It is certainly amazing that the British have the stranglehold over the position here that they seem to have. I found out that there was a commission of inquiry set up by the Department in 1939 and piles of information were collected. What happened the findings of that inquiry, I do not know; possibly the Minister may know, or the people on the opposite side may know. I understand the findings have never been published and I am wondering why. I strongly object to English propaganda being slung over us in our picture houses. As regards that particular picture, showing how steel was tempered, I feel that that type of propaganda is sinister propaganda and that type of picture should not be put over on the Irish people.

There is one other film to which I would like to refer and that is "The Birth of the Republic." Some of you possibly got your photographs taken in that. I saw the film and I do not think it did Justice to some of the 1916 veterans.

I mention this matter to the Minister for the purpose of urging him to take a very serious view of it in connection with the recommendations which I propose to put before him. We were presented with one version of the declaration of the Republic here in Ireland and another version was presented to the people in England—in other words, there was one film for our consumption and another one for English consumption. It was, of course, taken by an English film company. I understand that a number of attempts were made to establish an Irish film industry since the Commission of Inquiry was set up by the previous Government in 1939, but the people interested found it impossible to carry on. When the latest attempt was made last year to produce films here, it was necessary to bring the films over to London for processing after they had been taken here and that caused considerable delay. They found it impossible to get back with the news-reel within a reasonable time and, when eventually they got back, it was found that the films could not be run in the "first run" theatres. The "first run" theatres are the big cinemas which feature big American films. I understand that these cinemas have a contract under which they buy the feature picture which usually runs for about an hour and a quarter and the other hour is filled up with minor pictures—sometimes a news-reel and sometimes a "squirter." That is all right, as far as the English people are concerned, but I think the Irish people are entitled to different treatment so far as news-reels are concerned. We have the reputation of being very film-minded in this country and even in this fine weather you find it at times very difficult to get into the first-class cinemas. People have become so film-minded that they stand for hours in queues awaiting admission. There is undoubtedly money in this industry and we should take pattern from other countries who have taken steps to protect and develop the film industry and to encourage it from a national point of view.

To illustrate the difficulties with which Irish films have to contend, perhaps I might be permitted to quote from an article which appeared in the Sunday Empire News of June 4th and which reads as follows:—

"An Irish film on President Seán T. O'Kelly's return from Rome will not be seen in the majority of cinemas in Ireland because film-producing companies outside the country have a right hold on the distribution of news-reel in the Twenty-Six Counties. The news-reel, made by a recently-formed Irish company, First National Films, is the only one of the President being welcomed back after his pilgrimage but it will not be shown in what are known as `first-run' houses. Only a few suburban cinemas in Dublin and other areas will take the entirely Irish production.

Contracts signed by cinemas with English companies for news-reel exclude the small Irish concern, which faces a heavy loss. A film covering the whole of the President's Rome visit will be shown by a chain of cinemas this week-end but they could not take the First National reel. `I would be delighted to show films made by Irish companies but we are hamstrung by contracts,' said a cinema spokesman. `There is no question of "ganging-up" on First National, nor are we anti-Irish.

Mr. Tony Housett, of First National, said: `Just because of this strangle-hold by English companies our efforts are wasted. If the Irish people want an Irish film industry they had better support those trying to form one. These foreign news-reel companies have already established first runs in Dublin and provincial cinemas. There are no bookings for our film, either in Dublin or Cork. The First National news-reel has a commentary in the Irish language but other copies carry an English translation."

Would the Deputy state what he is quoting from?

I have already mentioned the source of the quotation— the Sunday Empire News of June 4th, 1950.

A Deputy

It is not the Irish Press.

I have also a quotation from the Irish Press which is really worthy of consideration.

And which is even more unreliable, if that is possible.

It seems to be more to the point. One point that struck me in regard to these Irish films is that some of the commentaries were in the Irish language. There was, for instance, a recent religious ceremony in Mount Argus which was filmed. I did not witness the ceremony myself but I made it my business to see this Irish film in the shape of an Irish news-reel. I was delighted to hear, not portion, but the whole of the commentary on this religious ceremony in Mount Argus given in Irish. I am one of those Deputies who do not contribute to the debates in this House in Irish. For that I cannot, because it would be wrong for me, offer an apology, but may I say that I was more interested, when some people were learning the language, in contributing by other means and methods to winning that freedom which would enable our children and our children's children to learn Irish and to develop their own culture? I am glad to see that the day has come at last when it is possible to have an Irish news-reel with a complete Irish commentary. Suggestions have been frequently made that the Department of Education might utilise films for educational purposes generally and I certainly think that they might be used with advantage for the propagation of the Irish language. I think that an ideal suggestion. Speaking for the Party to which I belong, we are 100 per cent. behind the idea that the cinema should be used for the propagation and development of the Irish language. A suggestion which I offer to the Minister is that a tariff should be imposed on films produced outside this country and the proceeds of that tariff should be used, in the same way as similar tariffs in other countries are being used, for the development of home-produced films. In support of that suggestion, I should like to read another article which has been handed to me and which appeared in the Irish Press. A gentleman named Johnston from America visited this country recently. He met a number of very important people. They were all people interested in the films and, according to this article which appeared in the Irish Press on May 31st, 1950——

If it is any way lengthy, the Deputy might give a summary.

It is not very lengthy. In the Irish Press of Wednesday, May 31st, 1950, there is a report from the film correspondent of that newspaper. The report is as follows:—

" `Nobody asked me?' said Mr. Eric Johnston, President of the American Motion Picture Producers' Association, when I inquired of him last night if there had been any discussions with the Irish Government on ways and means to develop a film industry here.

He had seen the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste, the Minister for External Affairs, Mr. de Valera and the Lord Mayor of Dublin.

Mr. Johnston had come to Ireland fresh from arguments with Mr. Harold Wilson, President of the British Board of Trade, who had `tried to drive a tough bargain' on the exchange and production of films between Britain and U.S.

`Doesn't your British agreement mean that they take some millions of the dollars paid to see films, allowing only a certain amount to go to America, while you must also make a certain number of films in Britain?' I asked him. He said: `Putting it like that... yes.'

In answer to the question: `Could we in Ireland make a similar bargain? he asked: `Have you got studios here?' But then admitted that `the American film industry had 27 ways of spending the money the British would not let out', and among those ways was the building of studios in Britain for the making of American films there."

The rest of the article is repetition, so I shall not read the whole of it. I want to draw the Minister's attention to the fact that there is an agreement between America and England under which a certain amount of the box-office receipts from American films shown in England is retained there for the purpose of developing the British film industry. Apparently, the Americans can decide how a certain proportion of that money is to be used. They can build studios in England. They can make films there. When they arrive at the point of deciding under what conditions they will produce, the British Board of Trade steps in and makes the decision for them.

What worries me is the fact that the British Government, via the British Board of Trade, also receives a certain proportion of the box-office receipts in Irish cinemas. We are now an established Republic and surely the British Government should not still have control over any part of our finances. I can see no reason why we could not make a similar agreement direct with the United States under which we would be permitted to retain part of the box-office receipts for the purpose of producing films here. The majority of our larger cinemas are under the ownership of English firms. By extending their monopoly they are in a position to retain a certain proportion of the box-office receipts for the purpose of developing their own film industry in England. I think that if we had a similar agreement with America we would be in a position to collect a certain amount of revenue for ourselves.

The news-reel films that are shown here are purely an affair of one man strolling around with a camera. If we developed our own film industry it would be another step towards the solution of unemployment and emigration. I think we should impose a tariff on all foreign pictures and the resultant revenue should be devoted to the development of Irish national cultural films. From time to time we have had films of a propagandist nature. I do not say that these news-reel films should be banned. If they prove objectionable we can always take steps to meet the situation. I do not think it would be too much to ask that ten minutes out of every half-hour of news-reel films shown should be devoted to Irish films produced in Ireland. There is no reason why that could not be done. Ballycorus studio can take a film in the morning, process it and show it in the cinemas the same evening. Recently in some of the cinemas we had an excellent film, made in Ballycorus, of the President's homecoming. The majority of the bigger cinemas will have to wait for the English version of that event.

I know that arrangements similar to that in existence between England and the United States of America at the present time are made by other countries, such as Sweden, Switzerland, the Argentine and Brazil, to mention a few of them. I understand that American film companies are anxious to produce films here. Their complaint in the past has been that there were no facilities. The facilities are now available. In any of the English films which were produced here, some of our people were employed for a couple of months as extras, but the greater proportion of the work was done by their own nationals, and outside this country altogether. I think my suggestion is one that should prove a good dollar-earning asset. I think it should receive the Minister's consideration. I would like to know what has become of the recommendations made by the committee that inquired into the possibility of establishing an Irish film industry in 1939; is it correct that the British film industry has an agreement whereby a certain percentage of the box-office receipts here are retained for the development of English films in England, are the English, under that agreement, collecting money from the Irish Republic? If they are, I feel they have no right. We are a free, independent country. I wonder if the British Government realises that. I believe that it is the most important point I have made in my recommendation to the Minister. It is deplorable —in relation to First National Films— that, after a number of people have invested money in the development of that concern, when it produces a film and especially a film in Irish, they are told by the first-class picture houses: "No. We cannot use your film." I am afraid there is something definitely wrong, and I am afraid Britain is still indirectly using some control here.

Quite a number of people in this House would not approve of that position and quite a number of the men who have fallen by the wayside on the march towards this House would not have approved of it. We still do not approve of it. If that position crops up we can only bring it to the notice of the Minister and ask him to inquire into the matter. If I am right, there is a prospect of developing an Irish film industry here. I understand, from inquiries from First National Films, that they claim they have an agreement with a number of countries whereby they can exchange films of 100 per cent. Irish character for films. depicting the national character of the particular countries concerned. Consequently, our Irish film industry could be used for Irish propaganda purposes all over the world. I understand that quite a number of film producers have inquired as to the position in regard to the making of films here. While the position remains as it is, no one would be mad enough to waste money producing Irish films which, on completion, cannot be shown even in Ireland, and while this control is exercised over the Irish cinemas by the English companies no one can get control over them. I hope that in the not-far-distant future, after having waited an hour or two hours in a queue, when pictures of the world are shown on the screen, we shall see first the film on Ireland before they take us for a visit down the Thames.

So much has already been said on the very vital question of the cost of living that I find it rather difficult to comment on any new angle of the matter. Suffice to say that I sincerely trust the Minister will not regard the official figures which have been given as representing the cost of living. Every one of us who has the responsibility of a household is well aware that these figures represent in no way the cost of running a household. If one speaks to the ordinary head of a household or to the lady who is responsible for running it, one will discover that they speak rather cynically and sarcastically on the subject of the cost of living figures as representing the expenses which, in fact, they have to meet. However, there is little I can add to what has already been emphasised here by Deputy after Deputy. The figures in regard to the cost of living, like the figures in respect of unemployment and emigration, are, to put them at their very best, static. That, of course, is not the position which the Parties who represent the present Government set out to achieve. We all know the very generous promises which were made to the electorate and which the electorate, unfortunately for themselves, swallowed. We all know now that, far from any of these promises being realised, the situation in almost every respect has worsened—and the sooner the Minister and his colleagues set about rectifying that situation the better for themselves.

Like Deputy Fitzpatrick, I, too, should like to refer to the question of films. I am rather perturbed at the suggestion that there is a ring in this city which, apparently, is strong enough to preclude an Irish film company from showing its films. If that statement is correct, it is, to my mind, a very serious aspect that is being introduced into the commercial life of the city and the sooner the Minister, or whichever one of his colleagues is responsible for dealing with this affair, looks into the matter the better, because such a development suggests serious danger. Apart from the effect of the propaganda to which Deputy Fitzpatrick referred at length, I think the best way of meeting that outside influence and foreign propaganda is by the production by our own people of films of an acceptable type. As far as I know, and from the few films which I have seen and which have been produced by this company that appears to have its headquarters at Ballycorus, they have brought a considerable amount of pleasure to the cinema-goers of the city. It may indeed be that, because of their success in that respect, this ring, or cartel, or however you may wish to describe it, takes a serious view. If there is any development in that respect of a combine which can exclude a perfectly legitimate company from carrying out its business in this country, it is the duty of the Government to see that that state of affairs ceases forthwith. I do not know to what extent it has developed. I do not even know who is responsible for its development. I do not know who is in the ring, but I do know that whoever is responsible—whatever groups or individuals go to make up the ring— should be got after as quickly as possible and their activities brought to an end.

We have all spoken from time to time of the necessity for developing a love of the Irish language. I understand that this native company in Ballycorus is prepared to, and has, in fact, produced films with Irish sound tracks. If that is so, I suggest that that is one of the reasonable ways in which the Irish language can be given a good deal of support.

Some of the films and news-reels to which Deputy Fitzpatrick has referred and which I have seen myself add very little, if anything, to the culture of the people of this country. I rather imagine that a native film industry operated here would go out of its way to cater to a large extent to meet that requirement as well as doing its utmost to aid in the spread of the Irish language. I am informed, I do not know with what truth, that the Governments of other countries take a small percentage of the takings derived from films shown in the cinemas of those countries and apply it to the development of their national film industry. It might be well if the Minister were to investigate that aspect of the question. There is a large amount of money derived from the tax on admission tickets to cinemas. I do not know if the grant which the former Government made to our national film industry is being continued or, if it is, whether it is being continued to the same extent as formerly. Perhaps the Minister would look into that, too.

There is a rather delicate matter which I feel it is my duty to mention before I sit down. I want to refer to the unfortunate strike which appears to have developed so suddenly in the city. Already I have been approached by a number of my constituents who are suffering from the effects of this strike at this particular time of the year when it is almost impossible for a person to stand in front of an open fireplace and prepare meals. I want to suggest to the Minister that he should take immediate steps to have this matter dealt with, that he should not allow it to drag along in the manner of the recent bus strike, but should get after it at once. He has some very efficient and expert officers in his Department capable of dealing with a matter of this kind. With all the vehemence I can command I would appeal to him to take immediate action to see that this strike is brought to a conclusion as speedily as possible.

I think the Minister is entitled to be congratulated on the expansion there has been in industrial production during the past year. There are people who may say that any expansion that has occurred has been due to world circumstances, but I think every fair-minded Deputy will agree that, if there had been a substantial reduction in industrial output, the Minister would not be spared his full measure, of blame for that position. Therefore, I think it is, satisfactory to find that industry is on the up-grade, that production is expanding and that there is the hope that most of our industries will be placed in a position to weather any adverse conditions that may prevail in the future. Nevertheless, I think it is essential that this year and, particularly the present period, should be availed of for an all-out drive to expand still further industrial development in every sphere.

The Minister, in his introductory statement, mentioned that there are still £60,000,000 worth of goods being imported into this country, goods which this country is capable of producing for itself. That constitutes an enormous field for expansion, and it gives us reason to feel confident that much good work can be done, provided there is co-operation on the part of the Government, on the part of those who have capital to invest and on the part of the consuming public. There is, of course, another section of the community whose co-operation must also be secured by some means and that is the section which controls the distribution of goods generally. We all know—Deputy Fitzpatrick and Deputy Traynor have referred to the fact— that there are combinations and rings which stand between the consumer and the Irish producer, and which exercise an adverse influence upon the development of our own industries. Those rings must be broken wherever they exist. It is very easy for large wholesale businesses, having regard to the limited number of such concerns in the country, to combine so as to safeguard their own position, because they probably find that it pays them better to support the foreign product rather than the native product. For that reason there is need for Government action.

I want to refer, in that connection, to one particular matter to which my attention was drawn recently, and that is the production of Irish anthracite coal. I have been informed that some of our pits are finding it difficult to dispose of their product. While the Irish-produced coal is piling up at the pithead, we have importing firms importing enormous quantities of Welsh anthracite into the country. Now, it may be that certain advantages accrue to the importing firms from the importation of this foreign coal. It may be that they have some interest in the pits at the other side, which may be unlikely but, on the other hand, they may have a substantial interest in the shipping lines which engage in the importation of the coal, and that thus it is to their advantage to import anthracite rather than to use the native fuel.

Perhaps the Deputy would allow me to intervene for a moment. I do not think he is correct when he says that Irish anthracite is piling up at the pitheads and cannot be sold here. I do not think that is so.

My information is in regard to certain of our smaller pits. The quantity in question may not be large if taken in relation to our entire production, but it is substantial in relation to the output of these small pits.

It is generally admitted, so far as I know, that the general run of Irish anthracite coal is superior to any of the imported coal.

Hear, hear!

Perhaps the Minister would look into the matter further.

Certainly.

I think the Irish anthracite is of exceptionally good quality. There may be some bottleneck that requires to be broken. There should be no difficulty in disposing of Irish anthracite, if our home production is unable to supply the home market, that is, if the demand exceeds the supply. I know the Minister will look into the matter and I only refer to it as one instance in which the manner of control may affect Irish production.

In industrial development the most important people are those who are prepared to go into the business of manufacturing. It is frequently said that business and politics do not mix. That is true; but business and patriotism mix very well. The patriotic motive should be stressed in inducing Irish citizens of ability and with capital to go into the work of extending our industrialisation. It is essential for the wellbeing of our people that industrial development, in the main, should extend to our country areas, that we should have the maximum amount of decentralisation. It is essential that each of our provincial towns should have at least one progressive productive industry. Sentiment does enter into that. It should be our duty to influence business people in our provincial centres to regard it as a shame if their particular town is not giving substantial industrial employment and is not turning out Irish-produced goods.

To emphasise that particular point, I now refer to the fact that there are some industries which have weathered the storms of 50 years which were established for sentimental reasons, as the promoters wanted to do good for their own particular district. One outstanding example is the Foxford factory, established by a religious order for the sole purpose of benefiting the poor of that district and making them self-supporting and independent. In the same way we have the leather industry, Governey's boot factory, established by a progressive business man and public representative over 50 years ago and still turning out exceptionally good produce. I think there was a certain amount of propaganda to represent Irish industrialists as profiteering sharks and self-seeking persons. That ought to stop. The individual or the combination of people who establish an industry in any provincial town should be regarded as national benefactors. The drive to induce our people to purchase Irish goods should be pushed forward with the utmost energy. It suits business people generally and may be to their advantage to have the largest possible display of goods on their counters, but we have reached the stage when our retailers should give some little help to the Irish-produced article, or at least not cast a slur on it. As a farmer I use farm manure forks, and when in a shop recently I saw an imported fork and an Irish-manufactured fork which looked as good as the imported article. I think it was manufactured in Cork. I do not say it was perfect. It was being retailed at 10/- and the Swedish fork at 12/-. The shopkeeper suggested that the imported one was worth the extra 2/-. I do not think it is necessary for a business man to push the sale of an imported article in that way. He may have to advise the customer, but there is room for a wide variety of opinion as to which is the better article, and when there is a doubt the retail man should come down on the side of the Irish article.

It would be a good thing if the Institute of Industrial Research would investigate the quality of such goods and make a pronouncement in regard to each particular Irish product, setting out its quality. There should be a national exhibition of Irish goods and an investigation of the merits of those goods by the institute, to place them in order of merit, so that where goods would be to all appearances similar the institute would, through technical examination, be able to advise customers as to the value of each article in relation to the other. Some people may be very well informed in regard to the value of goods, but others cannot truly assess them, particularly where they are required for machines or for utility purposes. There should be a scientific test of the various types, so that the public would be advised as to which article was of higher or lower value than another. Something of that nature would be very beneficial and I think it would help very considerably those who want to help Irish industry and who are only too anxious to purchase the Irish article in preference to the foreign one but who do not want to have foisted upon them in the name of Irish industry some very inferior product. The best of our manufacturers would welcome some investigation into standards so that they would be able to give their customers and the general public an assurance that their goods had stood that scientific and impartial test and were, therefore, of the highest possible quality.

In this matter of the external control of distribution and industry and commerce here, it would be no harm, I think, to refer to the extent to which foreign insurance companies monopolise Irish insurance business. There is need for expansion of our insurance business and if necessary there should be some restriction upon the foreign companies which take very considerable sums of money each year out of this country and which, I think, exercise a certain amount of control over credit and industry generally here.

In the same way, the hire-purchase business is growing and it represents a very substantial portion of the credit business of this country. Here again, I think, there is need for investigation by the Minister's Department. We would like to know how far this business is beneficial to the country or how far it tends to induce people with small incomes to purchase luxury commodities which they are unable to afford. We would also like to have an investigation of the interest charges in hire purchase. They appear to the ordinary observer to be excessive and, as far as the purchase of machinery and productive goods is concerned, I think they are a very severe impost on the country. Take the case of a man who purchases a tractor to work his own land or to work for hire; the interest charges, if he purchases it on hire purchase, constitute a very severe drag on that individual. It should be possible to provide cheaper credit facilities for the person who wants to buy useful productive goods, and when I speak of productive goods I would include household requisites such as sewing machines, washing machines and cookers, which are all essential to the housewife.

As I have referred in passing to the anthracite-producing industry I would like to refer to the whole question of fuel production and consumption. There is no doubt, as the Minister said, that difficulty was experienced in parts of the country in disposing of turf last year but I do not think that that difficulty should be allowed to intimidate the Minister or prevent him from going ahead with turf production. There will always be some little difficulties of distribution but I think with energetic action on the part of the Department they can be overcome. Government and local authority institutions should be compelled to use native fuel. There would be no real difficulty about it and there should not be any objection. As the Minister pointed out by way of interruption, we have anthracite which is superior to anything produced in the world. We also have turf of very high quality and the quality, with the development of the industry, will tend to improve year by year.

Many speakers referred to the proposals of the trade union organisations for increased remuneration for their members. This is a problem which should be tackled right now by the Government and the trade union leaders with a view to reaching a satisfactory agreement. It would not be in the public interest or in the interests of the workers generally to have substantial all-round increases in wages inasmuch as such increases would upset the whole balance of prices and would create instability, insecurity, and possibly inflation. I think that everybody will agree that the trade union movement is a movement with considerable power in the country and that the leaders are entitled to be consulted on various economic questions particularly on the question of remuneration. While recognising their power in industry and commerce those trade union leaders must also recognise their responsibility, and, recognising their responsibility, they must be prepared to accept counsels of moderation. It has been suggested that a number of workers find it difficult to support their families on existing remuneration. If there is truth in that suggestion it is necessary to consider how far it goes and to how many grades of workers it applies. There are workers with various grades of wages, and the question arises whether because in certain grades workers may have difficulty in supporting large families there should be all-round increases. I think they would hardly be justifiable. There is a wide difference between the wages paid in certain industries and certain branches of industries to skilled workers and to unskilled workers. The question should be approached with a view to relieving real hardship where it exists rather than having, an inflation of wages generally, leading as it would to an increase in prices. If he is forced to consider this matter in the near future there is another matter which the Minister must also consider, that is, whether instead of all-round increased wages he would consider increasing family allowances. That would relieve those who are hardest pressed, that is, those with large families, and in this way the whole problem might be relieved.

In this connection I was recently invited to a meeting convened by the Dublin meat trade which was representative not only of those engaged in the victualling business but of the consumers, through the Housewives' Association. The whole question of the control of meat prices was considered and a case was made by the victuallers which I think would be very difficult to answer. The case was that the controlled maximum price of meat to-day was based on a certain price paid for cattle when the scheme was introduced in 1947. The price then was 88/10, while to-day, as we know, the price is well over 105/-, and it does not seem to be equitable to expect that a maximum price based on 88/10 would be fair to the victuallers when the price of cattle has increased to 105/-. It is necessary, I think, to safeguard the consumers as far as possible, but, at the same time, it is not desirable to ask one particular section of the community to provide a subsidy in order to keep the price at a low level.

The Irish Housewives' Association heard the case made by the victuallers and agreed there was a case for investigation, and a unanimous decision was taken by the meeting that the Government be asked to investigate the case put up by the victualling trade. I think that there is no answer to such a demand, and such an investigation should be carried out, with a view to seeing how some relief could be given to that trade without imposing any unjust burden on the consumers. That is a reasonable request and one which ought to be given immediate attention. It is utterly unfair to penalise one section of the community. It may be that those engaged in the distribution of meat are not as large a section as the consumers, but there is never any justification for a Government, simply because they are dealing with a small section, to deal with that section unjustly. There is a moral obligation on the Government to be absolutely fair and just to all sections of the community, and, when a reasonable case, based on facts and figures, is put to the Minister, he should examine it and see if justice can be done.

The Minister referred rather briefly to the development work in the Avoca mine fields of County Wicklow and suggested that, as far as the development has gone, he is unable to decide what the result will be. I should like the Minister to speed up the work of development and exploration in that district, with a view to ascertaining definitely the value of the deposits in the area. It is undesirable to have the matter undecided for a long period. It may be that workers may get disheartened, may think that the industry will never become really productive and may transfer their skill to some other industry or country. That would be most undesirable. Those of us who read the Sunday Independent have seen hints that there are various private enterprises deeply interested in our mineral deposits, and it is essential, as far as this mine field is concerned, that the work of exploration should be speeded up, so that we may know to what extent the industry is capable of being made permanently productive and of becoming a permanent source of employment.

I was interested in the figures given by the Minister when introducing the Estimate, and particularly those in relation to the very large gap between our imports and exports. It is true that the gap has been somewhat narrowed during the past year, but it is still very substantial. We are still importing £67,000,000 worth of goods more than we are exporting and one remarkable thing is that, while we import £55,000,000 worth of goods from countries outside Great Britain and the Six Counties, we have succeeded in exporting to these countries only £6,000,000 worth of goods. That is a condition which has to be improved somewhat. Steps should be taken, if necessary, to restrict further the imports from these countries, having regard to the limited amount they take from us. In addition or, perhaps as an alternative, direct Government action should be taken to encourage exports. If necessary, industrial producers should be required to co-operate together so as to capture external markets, and, if necessary, the State should assist by way of credit facilities for the development of export trade.

This is a matter which cannot be allowed to drift. The gap between our exports and imports must be substantially narrowed and there is urgent need for action in this regard. I am not satisfied that sufficient is being done. I have not been too enthusiastic about the Industrial Development Authority, because my opinion of boards and committees is that they usually spend too much time debating problems rather than taking definite action. I am all for a board, an impartial board, where it is a matter of deciding some particular questions of equity or justice as between one citizen and another, but, when it comes to getting work done, you have to rely, in the main, on the individual. For that reason, I am not too optimistic that the board will achieve very great results. In the main, the patriotism and courage of our business people, farmers and the people who have money to invest and the skill of our workers are our greatest assets in the development of Irish industry.

With regard to the production of cement, there is an aspect of the question which has occurred to me. I wonder if the Minister has accurately estimated this country's requirements of cement. I believe that the production of cement will increase enormously. We must consider housing, building of institutions of every kind and roadmaking as users of cement. I believe that the concrete road will, to a considerable extent, take the place of the tarred road. There are also the needs of farms to be considered. They are being emphasised by the rehabilitation scheme for which enormous quantities of drain pipes are required. If we are to go on to improve fencing and farm buildings enormous quantities of cement will be required. I am not sure that the Minister has not been too modest in his estimate of our requirements of cement. The market is almost unlimited.

In conclusion, I want to emphasise the need for small, light industries which should be distributed throughout the country. I am in complete agreement with those who have stressed the need for heavy industries, the production of steel, fuel and the development of electricity, but there is also great need to induce the smaller producing units and the small towns and villages to establish light industries for the production of goods which are at present imported and which we are capable of producing.

I was discussing the question of anthracite with a person in the mining industry. I referred to the increasing use of anthracite in the anthracite cookers which are making their way into such a large number of rural and urban homes. I asked that person did he consider that imported cookers represented value for the price paid for them. He expressed the opinion—and I am giving it to the Minister now as the opinion of a business man deeply interested in the matter—that such anthracite cookers could be produced in this country at half the cost at which they are imported. That may be a slight exaggeration, but I think we could produce many very useful household articles at a much lower cost than that at which they are imported. Washing machines and other up-to-date gadgets which are very desirable as labour-saving devices in the home are in the main imported at a fairly high price. We should go in for these lines of production. Such labour-saving machines are as important in the home as household furniture. They are even more important inasmuch as they reduce the daily labour of the housewife. Last night I constructed a machine for washing potatoes and vegetables which worked perfectly. If some Irish manufacturer would take up the production of such an article and put it on the market he would be able to sell it at a reasonable price and it would be of immense benefit to householders. There is an unlimited field for the development of industrial gadgets and goods of every kind. Through the co-operation of the Minister's Department and the Department of Education, as far as it relates to technical education, our young people should be induced to take an active interest in skilled industrial work and in invention. So far as a nation we have not been very prominent as inventors. Our inventive genius has been employed to a great extent in the invention of excuses for not doing anything worth while. Our people are by nature imaginative, and if our young people's interest were aroused in the production of machines similar to those imported, I am quite certain that they would develop new ideas which would give a great fillip to industrial enterprise.

For too long, we have adopted the slave mind attitude that our people are inferior, particularly as regards skilled work, to the people of other countries. There is no truth whatever in that suggestion. If anything, our people are superior. It is history that accounts for our country being somewhat backward. As far as resources are concerned, we have a vast amount of raw materials for various lines of production. There is no reason why we should import more than a trifle of fuel. There is no reason why we should import very much paper. There is no reason why we should import flour. I suppose the importation of flour is only a temporary matter and that the necessity for it will be obviated in the near future.

I hope that the Minister will be successful in avoiding any upset in our economic position or any disruption through excessive demands for increased remuneration. An attempt should be made to stabilise wages generally while securing, as far as possible, that wages will purchase more. I have thrown out a suggestion that the position of those workers who feel that they are not able to meet their present demands might be relieved through an increase in family allowances. Whatever is done, we ought to appeal for goodwill, restraint and common sense on the part of those who control the trade union movement. We ought also to demand from those who control the trade union movement absolute control, or at least, a greater measure of control over their movement so as to render impossible such things as lightning strikes which are of no real benefit to the workers generally but which completely undermine and almost destroy industrial effort and which inflict tremendous hardship on the public. I think public opinion should be organised against such disruptive tactics and the responsible leaders of the trade union movement should be asked to give their wholehearted co-operation in preventing such strikes. At the same time, the question of improving the standard of living of the workers should be made a matter of painstaking investigation and consultation between the Government and the leaders of the trade union movement.

The debate on this Estimate has been carried on for a considerable period. That is, perhaps, only what might be expected, seeing that it is a Department that enters largely into the life of every citizen. It is only just that Deputies should take advantage of this occasion to express their views to the Minister and make suggestions to him. Deputy Fitzpatrick expressed surprise that Deputies on all sides of the House did not get up to praise the Minister. I hope the Minister is not so vain a man as to expect that that should happen, or that it should be necessary.

I am too long on the road.

Deputy Fitzpatrick must be an innocent man if he conceives that that is the duty of Deputies on all sides of the House. It is up to Deputies on this side to criticise the Minister's policy and the working of his Department. In that way, I suggest, they can be of considerable help in the ordinary routine working of the Department.

If we cannot congratulate the Minister on everything he does, we can at least congratulate him on becoming the largest retail grocer in the country. If I am correctly informed, last year the sales of sugar, outside the ration, accounted for 60,000 tons and that, at 7½d. a lb., yielded £1,960,000. That represents a considerable volume of business, a considerable benefit to the Exchequer. The Minister seems to be particularly pleased over that transaction. With tea he made a sum of £100,000 and on flour, £400,000. The Minister seems to be quite pleased with retail prices.

The Minister stated that the cost of living has remained more or less stationary and that the cost-of-living index figure is based on rationed commodities. In my opinion, that is entirely illusory and it is definitely misleading. The cost-of-living index figure should be based on the average cost of any particular commodity which enters into that index and not on the cost of a portion, even a small portion, of a commodity. The Minister, as reported in Volume 121, column 722, Thursday, 25th May, stated:—

"...the present retail prices situation, while deserving of the close attention and concern it receives from the Government, gives cause for a high degree of satisfaction."

I doubt very much if the Minister will get many people to agree with him in that point of view. The average housewife going into a shop to purchase her weekly grocery supplies and possibly some boots and clothing will scarcely agree with the Minister that prices are satisfactory. Take our own experience in the House. We have seen in recent times that a potato costs 4d. in the restaurant. Deputies are charged 8d. for two potatoes and a spoonful of vegetables costs 6d. to 8d. The Minister is apparently delighted with himself and says that these prices are satisfactory.

Everybody will be pleased to note that there has been an improvement in industrial employment. It matters not who is Minister or what Party is in power, we would all like to see progress in industry and commerce and, incidentally, in agriculture. While the numbers employed in industry have grown from 184,000 to 206,000, an increase of 22,000 in the year, there has been a drop in the numbers employed in agriculture from 499,568 to 452,500, a drop of 47,000. That is hardly a healthy sign and it does not represent progress.

All Deputies deplore the fact that the population in rural Ireland is declining. This is a matter that merits the serious consideration of every thinking individual, politics aside. Something will have to be done to stop the flight from the land. The Minister can be held only indirectly responsible, and perhaps some of his colleagues will have more responsibility in that respect. Nevertheless, as a member of the Government he will have to bear his share of the responsibility.

With regard to the Minister's appeal to the people to support Irish industry, he said:—

"It is unfortunate that, despite all the measures taken to promote the development of Irish industry, there should exist to-day such a strong trade and consumer resistance to the produce of our own factories."

That is a deplorable state of affairs. I am not holding the Minister responsible for that. It is a legacy handed down to us from what used to be described as the good old days. What I would like the Minister to inquire into is: why does this prejudice exist amongst traders? Why will they push foreign goods, to the detriment of Irish goods? Is it mere prejudice or is it that they are given a higher selling commission, that there is more profit on the sale of foreign goods? I suspect that is the motive and, for that reason, I appeal to the Minister to take drastic action with such traders so as to give Irish manufacturers a chance of competing fairly with the foreigner.

An appeal to the general public to support Irish industry is nothing new, but that will have the support of every right-minded person. But that alone is not sufficient; that has been going on, I suppose, since the foundation of the Gaelic League; it has been going on for the past 50 years or more. It is not quite adequate, and now that we have the powers to do more, I think the Minister ought to take some action that would strengthen that appeal in a more practical way. Shopkeepers can do a good deal, but when a customer goes into a shop if the shopkeeper thinks that he can get a little extra profit out of a certain imported commodity he naturally pushes that to the front and the Irish goods are put under the counter. In such circumstances no effort is made to push the sale of Irish goods.

The next item with which the Minister dealt was the question of cement production. I am particularly interested in cement and I was glad to hear the previous speaker express the view that the Minister in coming to his recent decision to extend the existing factories rather than establish new ones was, perhaps, taking a shortsighted view. I agree that he can put up a substantial case that the extension of the two existing factories would make for production at a lesser cost than the establishment of a third cement factory. That of course is a very sound reason for the extension of the existing factories. I understood also from the Minister's statement that our total maximum production when these extensions are carried out will amount to 650,000 tons. The Minister seemed to be satisfied that that would meet all our requirements, but I hold that the Minister is taking a shortsighted view of that. You might as well say that the present consumption of Electricity Supply Board current has reached the maximum figure. Some of us are old enough to remember almost the time when cement was first introduced. I remember when it was a rare thing to see cement used at all. So far as building was concerned, the materials used were almost exclusively lime and mortar.

At the present day cement enters into the lives of our people to a considerable extent. I believe that year after year the uses to which cement may be put will expand. For instance did the Minister in making that decision consult his colleague, the Minister for Local Government, as to what would be the future cement requirements of his Department in the concreting of our roads? I think that the modern tendency is to use cement in the building of concrete roads. Along boggy stretches of country especially they are the only roads that give any satisfaction. In addition to housing needs, the building of hospitals, etc., I think concrete roads will afford a considerable market for our cement output for a great many years to come. That market will be there when the Minister and I have passed out of this world.

There is an aspect of this matter that the Minister should consider before finally deciding to limit production to two factories. There is the possibility of developing a foreign market for cement. I am merely posing that question for the Minister's consideration. It may be quite impossible to develop that market. It may be that there is such keen competition amongst foreign cartels, who may have cornered the market outside, that it would be impossible for us to get in on it. I am merely posing the question for the Minister's consideration and I hope that the Minister will consider it favourably. If it comes to the point that a third factory is necessary, I sincerely hope that the Minister will not forget that he has promised to consider favourably the claims of Clarecastle.

In conjunction, of course, with the claims of other areas.

If there is one area that has outstanding claims it is that particular area because we badly need a heavy industry in it. I think I could establish a claim for priority on these grounds because we have lost in recent times another industry not far from Clarecastle which was giving even more employment than a third cement factory would give but more of that at another time.

The Minister also dealt with the question of mineral exploration. Here again I would direct the Minister's attention to a fact of which he may not be aware, that in the Quin district at Ballyhickey and Kilbricken there was once very considerable mineral development and there was extracted there the richest silver ore that has ever come out of this earth. The mines became flooded there through, I understand, a lack of proper pumping machinery, and were abandoned. I sincerely hope that the Minister will direct the attention of the mineral exploration authorities to the claims of that area with a view to examining these districts and to ascertaining whether there may not be still rich deposits both of silver and lead found there, as happened close to the Minister's native area in Silvermines, where the mines had been closed down for a long number of years and where, I understand, they are now going into production again. I suppose the same arguments could have been put up against the opening of these mines as are generally used in connection with the disused mine at Ballyhickey in County Clare.

The next item with which I wish to deal is a very important one—of greater importance to the people of this country at present than. I think, any other industry. I refer to tourism. It is of particular importance to the people of the constituency I have the honour to represent. Last year, according to the Minister, the value of tourism to this country was £28,000,000. I happened to see in the paper last evening that the value of that industry to Switzerland was exactly ten times as much—£280,000,000. If the Swiss people can reap a reward of £280,000,000 from their tourist industry, there is considerable room for expansion in this country.

In connection with any consideration of tourism, the question of the Shannon Airport looms up immediately. I was interested in the figures given by the Minister in regard to the landings at Rineanna. Aircraft landings in 1949 numbered 6,439, and in 1950, 6,115. That represented a slight reduction in the number of aeroplanes landing. He also gave the number of passengers carried, which showed a slight increase, from 157,666 in 1949 to 164,777 in 1950. Of those, there actually landed at Rineanna 32,547. I think that represents a very considerable volume of traffic, and it is only in its infancy. With a proper development of that airport, I believe that it could be to this country in future what Liverpool as a shipping centre has been to Great Britain in the past and it is much more favourably situated, despite anything that can be said to the contrary. I think the Minister's deplorable decision in connection with the sale of the Constellations and the closing down of the Lockheed works at Rineanna was the biggest crime he could commit during his tenure of office. Upwards of 260 skilled mechanics were employed there at remunerative wages. If we could get an industry like that back again into County Clare everybody would be very pleased. However, there is no use in crying over spilt milk. The damage is done and it cannot be repaired, unfortunately.

I was pleased to note that the Minister stated that Aer Lingus did not suffer the anticipated loss of £120,000 this year. I understand that the loss in operation amounted to only £60,000. For a small country like this £60,000 is a considerable sum of money. Nevertheless, that could scarcely be regarded as a loss when one considers that this industry is still in its infancy and is more or less still in the pioneer stage. I think myself it is a good investment. I think everyone connected with Aer Lingus deserves the highest commendation, particularly our incomparable pilots. I think it is a matter for congratulation that Irishmen have shown themselves to be superior as pilots in comparison with practically every other nation. Thanks to a merciful Providence, the company has never had to face any major calamity. I pray that that position may long continue. It is due to good management on the part of the directors and to efficient service on the part of the employees, pilots and others.

With reference to the new Córas Iompair Éireann Board, I regret that the Minister has overlooked agriculture. Agriculture has not been given any representation on that board. Since we are largely an agricultural country I think that is a pity. When piloting the Transport Bill through the House the Minister mentioned that he was setting up a transport tribunal to deal with branch railway lines and canals, etc. I would like a little more information from the Minister with regard to branch railway lines. We have a branch railway line in County Clare, celebrated in song and story. I hope this new tribunal will not be set up to write "finish" to branch railway lines.

Was the Deputy present when the Bill was being discussed?

As I said before, I do not intend to go into the matter minutely. I merely express the hope that this tribunal will not be set up for the purpose of abolishing branch railway lines. May I point out in connection with the County Clare branch line that that railway ran all during the emergency on turf, kept on the rails and to its timetable?

There is no foundation for implying that this tribunal is set up to abolish branch lines.

I merely express the hope that it is not set up for that purpose.

It is very nice to have a Dublin City Deputy, like Deputy Fitzpatrick, boosting up Kilkenny. However, the Minister has decided to expand the present cement factories rather than to erect a new one, and so Kilkenny will have to wait for some little time longer. It is satisfactory to note that cement can be bought from our factories at £1 per ton cheaper than the price, at which it can be imported. That is a big consideration.

The public generally is pleased that the Minister has been able, in the past 12 months, to reduce the cost of his Department by a reduction of some 408 officers, with a resultant saving of £105,000 per annum. The number of controls, admittedly, has been reduced —I think from 141 to nine. That would naturally make some personnel redundant. But one has to admit that it is much easier to increase staff rather than decrease it. The public are pleased to see that the Minister is helping to reduce the terrible burden of administrative costs, both central and local.

Last year a sum of £3,000 was allocated towards advertising the campaign for "Buy Irish goods." The Minister has done a tremendous amount of work in that campaign himself by his speeches up and down the country. The demand for Irish goods has improved. We know that £60,000,000 worth of goods are still imported. Therefore, the necessity for the campaign still exists and I regret that the Minister has reduced the sum this year to £2,500. Instead of reducing it, I think he should double it in order that this time next year we might be importing still less goods.

Deputy Timoney recounted an experience of his last week where he visited four different establishments in the City of Dublin before he could procure a bottle of Irish ink. I had a similar experience recently. In a leading Dublin hotel I asked for Smithwick's Ale; they could only offer me foreign beer. Now Smithwick's Ale is supplied over the 32 Counties. Apparently there is a prejudice amongst certain traders and amongst certain people against the Irish article. I think traders should stock both the imported and the home manufactured article so that those who want home manufacture would have an opportunity of getting it. If the traders do not stock Irish goods, then the people cannot buy them.

The boot and shoe industry has been more prosperous in the past 12 months than at any time in the past. I am acquainted with the industry in Kilkenny. There the employees have been in continuous work all the year round. In fact, there has been almost continuous overtime, too, and the directors are now contemplating extending the factory. That is a change from 1947 and the early part of 1948 when, due to a flood of imports, these people were either unemployed or working only part-time. I think the Minister has done a good day's work in prohibiting the imports of boots and shoes. The industry has a duty, too. It should justify the action of the Minister. When he gives the manufacturers that prohibition and retains the manufacture of the whole Irish boot market for them, they, in turn, should produce a good article and have plenty of variety. They should justify the Minister in his action and be able to say to the people: "Here we have an article which is equal to and much better than anything which can be imported."

Quite a lot has been said about subsidies and the Minister must be sick and tired of that subject. By making available tea and sugar at the economic price the Minister has restored the independence of the Irish housewife and the independence of the Irish manufacturer who uses sugar. Not so very long ago people had to wait until all the other customers had gone out of the shop before they dared to ask for a half-pound of sugar off the ration. The Minister has restored independence to the Irish housewives, and not only that, he has killed the black market in that respect. The success of the project can be gauged by the fact that during the past 12 months no less than 60,000 tons of off-the-ration sugar were purchased by both the manufacturers and the Irish housewives. The Irish manufacturer is not now in the position of wondering where he can turn to in order to get his next ton of sugar. All he has to do is to phone up his supplier for as much of it as he wants.

In general, the Minister has made a very good fist of the job and he deserves the praise of those who want to see Irish industry brought to a higher level.

Tá trí ceisteanna le plé agam—(1) tionscal na scannán, (2) na búistéirí agus (3) tionscal le haghaidh lár na hÉireann. Aontaím le gach rud adúirt an Teachta Mac Tréinfhir agus an Teachta Mac Giolla Phádraig i dtaobh cheist tionscail na scannán. Tugann an tionscal sin saothrú mór do na daoine i dtíortha ina bhfuil an tionscal sin ar siúl. Is cuimhin liom, nuair a bhí an pictiúi sin Captain Boycott á dhéanamh, do tógadh radharc amháin de i Muileann Cearr—na rásaí mar a bhíodh siad ar siúl ann fadó. Do bhí na céadta daoine ag obair ar feadh trí míosa an fhaid is a bhí an radharc sin á dhéanamh. Ba mhaith an rud é sin, agus ba mhaith an rud é dá mbeadh an tionscal sin ar siúl sa tír seo. Tá tosnú déanta san obair sin i mbaile mbeag i gcontae Bhaile Átha Cliath. Tá páipéir agam anseo ag cur síos ar an obair atá ar siúl i mBaile Córais in gContae Bhaile Átha Cliath. Do dhein an Teachta Mac Tréinfhir agus an Teachta Mac Giolla Phádraig tagairt don cheist seo. Le déanaí do deineadh scannán i Muileann Cearr agus do bé an teideal a bhí uirthi ná Ar mBaile. Dó tógadh pictiúirí den Eaglais atá ann, pictiúirí a bhain leis an tionscal adhmaid agus an tionscál le haghaidh peann luaidhe atá ann, chomh maith le pictiúirí a bhaineann leis an obair atá ar siúl ag an gcomhairle chontae, pictiúirí de na foirgintí atá sa mbaile—an tOspidéal agus Tigh na nGealt, mar shampla—na cluichí a bhíonn ar siúl sa mbaile, agus mar sin de. Do bhí an pictiúir go breá agus deirim arís go mba mhaith an rud é dá mbeadh tionscal scannán againn sa tír seo.

The second matter about which I wish to take the Minister to task relates to the treatment of the butchers. I referred to this matter a year ago. As Deputy Cogan said, it is not fair that any particular section of the community should be made to suffer as they are suffering. The agreement about price was made between them and the then Minister when cattle were selling at 88/- a cwt. There is a period in the, butchery business, from the end of April to July, when the trade is run at a loss. That is admitted. But the price of cattle has remained very high as from the end of March up to the present and the small man is being crushed out. If any Deputy examines the position of the small butcher in the provincial town or in the larger town all over the country, he will see that he is going out of business. There is, of course, the question of the cost of living—the price to the consumer. I contend that that is the responsibility of the Government. People should not be forced to carry on a business when they are losing hand over fist and to a greater extent than they ever lost before, in order to justify the Government in a particular attitude which it has taken up. I am in the business and I know it. I invite the Minister or any of his officials to examine my accounts for the past three months. It is only a small business. I have lost week after week for 11 weeks and there is nothing facing me for the next seven or eight weeks but losses. It is a question of the survival of the person with the longest purse. That is hardly fair. I have no sympathy with the master victuallers of Dublin. They have got what they deserve. They have supported Fine Gael through thick and thin and now, like Wolsey, can come into their own. Let us leave them there. I am making a plea for the small man in the country.

The third point which I wish to put in this debate is the question of an industry for the Midlands—Westmeath and Mullingar especially. Almost every Deputy has appealed to the Minister and made a case for the establishment of a cement industry in his constituency. I invite the Minister's Department to examine the possibility of a cement industry in County Westmeath. One of the essential elements in the manufacture of cement is limestone and there is an abundance of it in Westmeath—an abundance which is to be found in very few places. In my locality there are hills of limestone of an altitude from 500 to 800 feet. They have been exposed for road-making. The stone from them has been brought from Westmeath to repair the roads in County Cavan. The pure lime content of the stone is very high. There is also water in abundance. In fact, I suppose we have too much water in that county. There are plenty of lakes there and plenty of rivers run into those lakes. These possibilities should be examined by the Department of Industry and Commerce. All the towns from Drogheda across to Roscommon have been industrialised except Mullingar and Roscommon. Deputies from Roscommon are eloquent enough to make their own case. I make the case for Mullingar. There are other industries which could be established but it strikes me, with elements there which go to make cement, that Mullingar is worthy of the special treatment for which I plead in this debate.

I wish to endorse everything which Deputy Kennedy has said as regards the establishment of a factory in Mullingar. I understand that the Minister has said that several new industries were established since the Government came into office. One was mentioned as being in Westmeath, but for the life of me I cannot locate it. In all Westmeath there is not one industry anywhere except in Athlone. The Minister may say that the people of Mullingar did not look after the matter, but I would point out that for nine or ten years past we have had an industrial development association in that town. We went and brought people over here from foreign countries; we gave them big dinners and we did everything possible for them; but when they went to the Department of Industry and Commerce they got nothing.

I heard Deputy Crotty speak about the establishment of an industry in Kilkenny. We had experience of those people in Mullingar. We had everything ready for them to start an industry there. When they went up to the Department they appear to have been swept down to Kilkenny where they are expanding their industry now. Why is Mullingar being left out? It is the centre of Ireland. It gives railway connections north, south, east and west; it has a canal and lakes all round it. The local authority has built nearly 200 houses and is prepared to build more. We have an industrial development association there, but as I have said, it is in debt due to the expense incurred in bringing people there with a view to starting industry and then nothing coming of our efforts. We have plenty of people with plenty of money who are ready to invest it in industry. Nothing, however, happens. Our late chairman came to Dublin several times in connection with the establishment of an industry, and he said that there appeared to be some black mark against Mullingar. I would ask the Minister to do something to rub out that black mark. The Minister for Justice was in Mullingar on Sunday— I was not able to be there—and referred to the fact that the Government was now over two years in office. I hope something will be done as regards starting an industry in that town.

During the last three or four general elections I had the experience of canvassing the people in Mullingar. I called to every house in Patrick Street, but the only people I could find in the houses were old men and old women. In view of that, I do not think the Commission on Emigration is going to solve the emigration problem. All the young people are gone. Therefore, I say we want industry in Mullingar. We have the people with money to invest in it, the local authority is prepared to build more houses for the workers and we want to keep the young people at home by finding employment for them.

The majority of the farmers in the county have between 60 and 70 acres. You have in almost every house three or four sons. I have here with me a list containing the names of 100 or more farmers' sons who come to me looking for jobs. Some of them may have £100 or £200, others between £200 and £300 and some of them even more than that. They cannot find employment at home and so they must emigrate. The same thing applies to farmers with smaller holdings. They may have a couple of daughters. They get a good national school education, and some of them a secondary education, but still they find it impossible to get a job. I know girls who have got the leaving certificate or who have matriculated, and they are unable to find employment. I think we need a Minister for Labour whose job it would be to deal with this problem of finding employment for our boys and girls. This morning I was speaking to a girl who had been employed in a hospital in England. She is looking for a job here. She said she had not been trained as a nurse, and that her mother would not allow her to go back to England. I do not see that any real effort is being made to stop emigration. During the war, the young boys and girls could not go away, so that on a Sunday evening you could see 20, 30, 40 or 50 of them dancing at the crossroads. They are not to be seen there now. Some have gone to America and others to England.

As I have said, I think this is a problem that will need the attention of a Minister to deal specially with it. It is terrible to see our flesh and blood being exported, simply because this problem is being neglected or not tackled properly. I would ask the Minister to convey to the Taoiseach that it is an urgent one, and that something should be done about it. There is nothing for a lot of those boys and girls but the emigrant ship. Even if it were necessary to subsidise work to enable them to remain at home, I think that should be done.

With regard to the butchers, I do not think the Minister has treated them properly. I admit that the question is a difficult one. It is most unfair, I think, for any Government to ask one section of the people to bear a loss so as to keep down the cost of living. I know that the butchers are not very popular. I know many people think that they are making lots of money. I think I know their position quite well. I have dealings with them every Wednesday. I know that they are not able to meet their obligations to-day. I know decent honest butchers who do not want to be growling and they are losing money.

I know one English firm which has 18, 20 or more shops in the City of Dublin. The manager told me that on their audited accounts for last year they had lost between £2,000 and £3,000. They employ a big number of people, and how are they to carry on if they continue to lose money at that rate? How can the poor honest-to-God hard-working butcher live if a big firm, such as the one I refer to, is losing over £2,000 a year. The butchers used to have a lean period from March to June, but now they have a lean period the whole year round. How the Minister can rectify it I do not know.

What about the wool skins? In the first war, the butchers were getting £3 for skins, or something enormous like that, but I believe, they are only getting 30/- now, which is very little. I do not know if it is they who are getting the profit. That should be looked into, to see if the profits could be cut down a bit and passed on to try to help the butchers. Regarding wool, is the Minister alive enough? The price of wool is good, but I am afraid there is a ring of wool buyers and that you cannot get beyond them. There is a time when wool is dear, but when the farmer commences shearing the price seems to drop. It is hard to know how to get inside the wool ring. It is the same as the skin ring. If that were looked into, it would help the butchers. The Minister may ask: "Will the farmers reduce the price for cattle?" We will reduce the price, if he reduces the overhead cost. At present we have the foreign market, or a fixed price to go to England. Last Thursday I had a number of fat heifers to sell, fit for the Dublin butchers, and the Northern Ireland men bid the butchers out 1/- a cwt. and I sold to them, as I sell to the best customer. The price is fixed for another year and if the Minister wants us to take less we will if our costs are reduced.

Unemployment is the principal thing this House has to consider and something must be done about it. Every father and mother is desperate to find something for the boys and girls. The mothers say: "My girl is home now; get her something, so that she will not have to go back to England." The Government should set up some Minister for Labour to take a list of all these people and put them into work, subsidising the scheme and voting millions to do it, through capital expenditure, borrowing huge sums of money to put them into work so as not to force them to go across to England.

I feel very disappointed, and so do the people of North Mayo, because of the stoppage of the machine-won turf scheme. That has caused a lot of unemployment in the area. I do not see why it was stopped. It was the only industry we had there and was giving good employment in the area. It would be very easy to put some scheme into operation there to keep the industry going and I do not see why that should not be done. Without hardship to any part of the country, the Minister could stop the importation of British coal, at least into Connacht. That should be done, especially in regard to coal for domestic purposes. I would not mind coal coming in for industrial purposes for which it would be needed. The home product should be supported and it is a shame that it is not. The Minister would be well-advised to do that. If that were done, we could sell all the turf that would be produced in Connacht and it would give employment locally and save the people having to clear out to England or America.

There is always talk about solving the unemployment problem, but there is no sign yet of solving it. Another suggestion to help to solve it in North Mayo would be the setting up of a hydro-electric station to generate electricity from turf. That would dispose of all the turf produced in the area and would be a means of opening up that area and making it a new area in regard to employment. Later on, we could set up little industries and factories to keep the people employed at home. They could be set up more cheaply then than now. There is an unlimited supply of turf in Erris—the best bog in Ireland yet is in the Barony of Erris—and there are as good men as in any other part of Ireland, and better, and it is a pity to see them going to the coalfields in England to produce coal, to be brought back here to destroy our little industry which could be kept going satisfactorily. I would ask the Minister to see that this is started. I do not see why we could not get a generating station in Erris as well as the one at Portarlington.

Some years ago, Bord na Móna produced a plan for generating electricity in the Barony of Erris. They also produced a plan for the housing of the workers and for a small town in the immediate vicinity of the projected site of the generating station. That plan has been hit on the head and I do not see why it should not be revived. We have the men, as 1,000 clear out every year to England. We have also a good water supply, with several rivers and loughs in the area, to supply water for cooling the machinery. I do not see what is to stop the carrying out of such a scheme. There is very little chance that the Shannon scheme will ever reach Erris—at least for ages—or Achill or Ballycroy areas. If the generating station were set up, it would light up that area, as well as contributing to any other part of the country where current may be needed. We should have a generating station in Erris similar to that in the Midlands. It would give employment locally and we would not have to import people. It is not like the Portarlington one or Boora Camp, as we have the workers locally. We have the best of turf and water. I do not know if there is any ore mixed with it that could be a danger to machinery.

There have been speeches about cement factories. I think Ballina area would be ideal for one. We are far removed from the present cement factories, which are in the south and east of Ireland. If a cement factory were set up in the Ballina area, it would be of great benefit and would save the carriage from Drogheda or other places. Then cement could be sold more cheaply than at present there. I would like the Minister to consider that. In Ballina alone, there is the biggest unemployment problem in any town in Ireland. I do not think there are as many unemployed anywhere as there are in the Ballina area. A cement factory or some other type of factory—I do not care what kind—is very much needed.

Another matter I wish to mention is the condition of the roads as a result of turf hauliers using them. During the emergency and since the turf hauliers have torn the roads to pieces and it will be a terrible job to try to fix them. Two main roads in my county are almost impassable. The Minister travelled over one recently from Mallaranny to Ballycroy. He got a good shaking and he should have some sympathy for the people who have to use it. The road from Ballycastle to Belmullet is in a desperate condition. They were steamrolled before the war and nothing could be done since because there was no grant. Twelve miles of that road is in a terrible condition. There was a bus service on it last year but it could only go on for six months. I know that this is not the responsibility of the Department but the Department of Industry and Commerce is responsible for the terrible condition of these roads.

The Minister is not responsible for roads.

The Ballycroy-Mallaranny road is in a desperate condition.

The Minister for Industry and Commerce has nothing to do with it; it is the Minister for Local Government.

Yes, but the Department of Industry and Commerce is involved. It was the turf industry that destroyed those two roads and I would ask the Minister if he has influence with the Minister for Local Government to ask him——

The Minister is not responsible for roads.

I would ask the Minister for Industry and Commerce to put the roads back in the same condition in which they were before the turf scheme started. The harbour at Ballina is in a terrible condition and I would ask a subsidy or a grant to clean it. It is very much needed as no large ship can come there with a cargo and something should be done about it. The channel at Belmullet Harbour was completely closed some years ago. The Board of Works took away the pier at Picklepoint and since then no ship of any size can come in there. On account of taking away the pier the Board of Works should dredge a channel into the town and it would be 20 or 30 years before it would have to be done again.

My friend Deputy Fagan referred to a wool ring a few moments ago and I referred some time ago to a ring of manufacturers' and builders' providers. I put down a question asking the Minister to examine the position and at that time I was informed that legislation was being considered. It appears that under existing legislation the Department can do nothing with these people and as far as I know nothing has been done. I received information from some small builders' providers in my own county who tried to obtain building materials direct from the manufacturers. They were informed that before they could get them they should become members of the federation. There was a further condition even then: they should have orders of so many tons of each material before they would be admitted. It is a cleverly designed system to exclude these builders from getting materials direct and the net result at the moment is that they have to go through three sets of people before the materials are available to contractors down the country or to any man who wishes to build a house. If they could get materials direct, it would make a difference of approximately £100 per house and if that is not a serious matter for the country and particularly for the county I represent, I do not know what is important and I again urge and request that something should be done immediately.

I was a member of a deputation who approached the Minister some time ago with regard to another manufacturer who refused to give a quota to a trader in my county. There certainly was differentiation in that case. We asked that if the Department could not come to the assistance of the trader they should at least allow him to import the materials. We were informed that legislation was necessary; that under existing legislation, manufacturers could not be compelled to supply materials to that man. There was already an agent in the town sufficient to meet the demand, it was claimed, but the trader proved to the Minister that towns of similar size and population had three agents selling that material. Yet that differentiation goes on and a trader who is doing good business is deprived of that particular type of article.

I know the difficulties and I do not blame the Minister one iota. He is dealing with a system which was handed down to him but if legislation was not passed in previous years that is no reason why it should not be passed now to deal with these people. It cannot go on indefinitely. The position regarding building materials is very serious and I would like the Minister to take up the matter even if legislation is necessary. Certainly there is abundant evidence of the existence of rings from all parts of the House and all over the country. Deputy Fagan referred to a wool ring and other people have referred to other types of rings and combines. The reason I am disappointed is that I furnished evidence from traders in Kerry and Limerick to the Department that a ring was in existence here in Dublin and yet no action was taken.

Another matter which affects us in South Kerry is the matter of slate quarries. One mistake that Deputy Lemass, as Minister, made was that, in 1944, he sent down the manager of the Killaloe slate quarries, accompanied by an expert from the Department, to examine the Valentia slate quarry. It was natural to expect that the manager of the Killaloe slate quarries would not report favourably on Valentia. I have here a statement signed by Mr. Ford in March, 1944, giving reasons why the Valentia quarry was not a practical proposition. I challenge every phrase of that report and all I ask the Minister now is to review this matter. We have a development committee on the island, on which all political Parties are represented, and which will be prepared to facilitate any inspector who goes in there to examine this quarry. If they can prove that it is not a workable and economical proposition, we will be satisfied but we believe that this report is a bolstering-up affair. If they had made up their minds to destroy the proposition and to reject it, they could not have made out a better report than this. The evidence on the spot is quite the opposite and I should like the Minister to give it fair consideration, to send down an independent surveyor or engineer to the district to co-operate with the people on the island and to get advice and information from them as to the proper location of the quarry.

This was a famous slate quarry which was worked economically under very adverse conditions. They had no proper equipment at that time, but nevertheless the material was excellent and was sent all over the country. We claim that, with the use of modern equipment, it would satisfy all the requirements and all the tests applied to it by whatever expert is sent down. There is one point on which I do not agree with the Minister. He will always give the answer, like the former Minister for Industry and Commerce— and if there were a new Minister tomorrow, he would probably give the same answer—that if local enterprise will take up such projects as this, they will get all possible encouragement from the Department. I submit that, in relation to this type of material, the State should step in and direct interest.

By all means have local investors to co-operate with the Government, but before that, as in other countries, the State should come in in relation to a national project of this kind.

If we asked the Minister for Agriculture to establish a chain of creameries in a district or to provide travelling creameries, and he said: "If the farmers buy this equipment, I will give them every encouragement I can," the people would not like it and we would say that it was not a proper answer. There is somewhat of an analogy between that and what I am appealing for here. This is a national matter. If we are importing foreign slates, as we are, to the detriment of our own natural resources, it is time the State came in and ceased to shelter behind the answer that, if the local people will take an interest and invest, the Department will see what it can do. The Department should at least carry out some borings and should carry out some preliminary surveys, involving an expenditure of some few hundred or even thousands of pounds, to lay bare the rock and prove, once and for all, to investors and all concerned that it is a feasible proposition. The State should at least do that preliminary work and bear the responsibility for that preliminary expenditure.

What is wrong with the Department now, as in the past, is that they are working on an old record, on an old geological survey carried out hundreds of years ago. Even in the case of the survey carried out at a later period, it was not a fair criterion of the mineral wealth of the country, because the British sappers, engineers and geologists at that time did not give a fair report. We had a silver and lead mine in Castlemaine which was closed down about 90 years ago, simply because it was in competition with a lead mine in a part of England, and some of the British investors withdrew their share capital from it. Deputy Lemass always put me off with the answer that there was nothing in the locality that the geological survey did not indicate, but I bet that if some American or British engineers were brought over here and asked to give a fair report on this place they would show mineral deposits never indicated on these geological surveys. The people know that certain counties are very rich in mineral wealth of all descriptions and I am giving a fair outline of the position with regard to these deposits in South Kerry.

I may say I experienced the same difficulty when a member of the previous Government Party — Deputy Lemass—had the same hostility to rural districts as the Department now has. The same outlook is there on the part of the officials of the Department and this Minister will have the same difficulty because they will advise him to do as they advised the former Minister to do, to ignore the small towns in rural districts, as they have been ignored in the past. It was all a question of Dublin then and probably still is all a question of Dublin. We must get away from that, if we are ever to succeed. I am anxious to cooperate in every possible way with the Minister and I am trying to give him a true picture of our position in South Kerry. I have evidence here with regard to the building ring. I have a statement from one of the builders' providers who approached me in regard to the matter and I am anxious that the Minister would give some indication of what can be done. Some time ago I raised the question of a turf generating station for South Kerry. The experts of the Electricity Supply Board expressed the opinion that it was at a dead-end and that it would not be economical for them to operate a generating station in that area. They are not prepared to do it. I ask the Minister, why not utilise turf for the purposes of a generating station in that area? Have not we the same claim to that type of development as Clonsast and other places? In the modern world there should be no question of a county being called a dead-end. We should be past that. I was informed at one time that because Caherciveen, Kenmare or West Cork were 100 miles from a given centre of development, a scheme would be uneconomical. What about all the modern equipment and transport? That idea should be obsolete now. I submit to the Minister that there are thousands of acres of turbary in South Kerry, that could be used for the purposes of a generating station which would supply electric power to that peninsula. It would be an inexhaustible supply.

I know that some people do not want development even though they know the scheme is feasible. Sometimes there is an ulterior motive. They know that whatever Government is in power that that Government will be blamed for their inactivity.

I want to be quite frank and the Minister is frank with me. I appreciate the things that he and the Government have done and are trying to do for the people but at the same time. I am pointing out our dissatisfaction at being turned down in connection with some schemes and I would be grateful if the Minister could again consider them.

This debate has continued for a considerable time. Having heard the ills that South Kerry is suffering expressed by Deputy Flynn, I propose to switch the attention to East Cork, the constituency I represent. The debate will prove very helpful to the Minister but I feel that this century would elapse before the Minister could put into effect all the suggestions that have been made.

Every Deputy is most anxious that Irish manufactured goods should not be relegated to a secondary position. The industrial revival has been in progress for the past 25 or 30 years. Each Government did its best to see that Irish manufactured goods alone would be available to the people. I want to pay a tribute to the first Government, the last Government and the present Government for the energy they displayed in putting Irish products in their proper place. This is a small country with a population in the Twenty-Six Counties of 2,750,000. It is our bounden duty to do all we can to secure a livelihood for every man in the country. It is incumbent upon every Government to ensure that the young men and women of Ireland should not have to emigrate. Anyone passing through the towns of Ireland, particularly those near Dublin, can see the magnificent factories that have been erected in the last 20 to 25 years. The people responsible for that progress deserve great credit.

I am speaking as a business man. I visualise a dark and ominous future for the smaller towns of Ireland if industry is not decentralised. I suggested, when the Minister introduced the Bill setting up the Industrial Development Authority, that he should keep that authority out of Dublin for the next two or three years. I repeat that suggestion now. It is perfectly apparent that Dublin is top-heavy and overloaded with industries and factories. I feel that the Minister, who comes from a rural constituency and who is also a Munster man, will agree that the constituents that we represent should receive the attention of this authority. It is a saying in the country that Dublin is Ireland. Dublin is the capital of Ireland. Anyone who wants to start a factory comes to Dublin. The Government must remember the claims of the country towns in connection with factories that may be erected in future. Otherwise, as Deputy P.D. Lehane suggested, there is nothing but decay facing the rural towns. That is a great pity.

I do not see why any business man should have to go outside Ireland for anything he needs, with very few exceptions. Speaking for the particular business in which I am engaged, namely, the drapery business, I say that nobody need go across Channel or anywhere else for wearing apparel. Ireland has always been renowned for the magnificence of its wools. The range of patterns and styles that Irish manufacturers have in their books for this year would reflect credit on any producer. We have magnificent woollen mills in the South and in other parts of the country. Some people seem to think that unless a shoe comes from Switzerland or Northampton or any other cross-Channel town it is not a good shoe. Irish manufacturers can turn out shoes comparable with any that are produced in the world. I pay them that tribute.

In the matter of hosiery, there are times when we have had an avalanche of stuff from across Channel. It is being sold at a certain price in order to put it into the Irish shops. That should be stopped. Every hosiery manufacturer in Ireland can produce goods of design and quality in keeping with anything any Leicester house can produce. I do not want to go through the items seriatim but I say that there is no need to go outside Ireland for our needs.

As regards the problem of coast erosion, that has been a matter of very serious consequences for many centuries. People living on the coast have been worried about this matter for a long time.

A few men called to see me at my own place on Saturday night. These are people who for many years past were allowed to draw an odd load of sand, perhaps to brighten up the front of their little cottages or something like that. They took a load of sand and the next thing they got was a very threatening document from the Department of Industry and Commerce. Some of them applied for licences and were refused. I would say that 15 to 20 loads of sand would be adequate for these people during the year and yet, if they go down and pinch—if I may put it that way—a load of sand, they are threatened with a prosecution. It is more or less a God-given right that people living along the shore should, if they want a little gravel or sand, be able to take it without having to apply to the Department which, in most cases if not all, has refused them.

I am now going to refer to the harbour in my town. Deputy Kilroy mentioned harbours. Small harbours throughout Ireland received a nasty knock during the war. In my own town of Youghal we had a fairly good shipping trade in pre-war days. During the war there was very little trade of that sort and considerable siltage took place. Previously we could berth vessels with eight, nine, ten and 11 feet draft at our quays. During the war there was nothing of that sort; we had no vessels in during those days with coal or other commodities. The result was that considerable siltage took place. The harbour authority made an application to the Department on one or two occasions, but it was turned down.

Local authorities of that type have no borrowing powers and their total income is derived from vessels entering the harbour and berthing there. A harbour like ours would have an income of £300 or £400 a year from that source and by the time you have the harbour master and the secretary paid there is very little left. As a matter of fact, some of us had to give a guarantee to the bank for little jobs which had to be done when we had no funds in hands. I think the Minister and the Parliamentary Secretary should give serious consideration to that aspect.

We cannot borrow. The first thing the skipper of a vessel will ask is "What is the size of your dock?" If he has a vessel of ten or 11 feet draft, he finds he cannot unload there; he has to keep some distance out from the quay and, of couse, that adds to the cost. I trust the Minister and the Parliamentary Secretary will remember small harbours of that type which were in days gone by, long before my time, of considerable importance.

There is another matter which has caused me a certain amount of pain and I think it is only right I should mention it now, although it might be more appropriate to the Estimate for the Department of Local Government. I have in mind the very severe knock the trade of Youghal has got by the continuous neglect of the bridge crossing the Blackwater.

That would be more a matter for Local Government.

I quite agree, but I am speaking now purely from the trade point of view. Many people in my town have had their business cut in half because of the very great neglect in regard to this matter. I know that people have had on various occasions threatened to do drastic things with a view to focussing the attention of the Government on the matter. At the northern end of the town, through which many of you, no doubt, have passed when you were down there making political speeches or for other reasons, the people are more or less dependent on the County Waterford side. Most of that trade has been diverted to neighbouring towns due to the condition of the bridge, which sways this way and that way as you cross to County Waterford. I want to impress that fact on the Minister.

I suggest that when the Industrial Development Authority starts visiting country towns, they might visit Youghal and compensate us somewhat for the neglect in the matter of the restoration of the bridge by giving us a factory of some kind. We have a very excellent factory at the moment which gives considerable employment, but we could do with another one which would absorb the male members of our community who are unemployed. Seaport towns like mine have considerable unemployment at certain times during the year. During the months from February to July the fishing season employs quite a number. This year, thank God, the season was a record one for them. In the months when there is no fishing done these men have no avenues to explore for further employment and they must go on the dole. I am not bemoaning that. It is a kind of tradition with these seaport towns, so far as the fishing industry is concerned.

Every Deputy here is appealing for a factory for his own area and I am making an appeal for another factory in Youghal. The factory we have gives employment to a couple of hundred people, and between wages and salaries the workers are spending up to £900 a week. We are grateful to those who gave us that factory.

There is another town down there that has passed through various vicissitudes, and that is the town of Fermoy. You will all appreciate that in other years, in my young days for instance, Fermoy was one of the best towns in Ireland. A change took place and when the army of occupation marched out in 1922 Fermoy was relegated to a rather unfortunate position and the business community suffered. I think a town like that should receive some compensation in the way of a factory of some kind. I was interviewed by residents of Fermoy, men who are quite prepared to put their hands in their pockets and contribute what they can afford towards the erection of a factory. They are prepared to do that, but they seem to be overlooked. I was over there on Sunday speaking to sound business men. The people there are somewhat soured by all Governments and they say that nothing has ever been done for them by any Government. I would like the Minister to consider the needs of that town. In the old days they had a garrison of 4,000 or 5,000 and there were colonels and majors with incomes of £5,000 to £6,000 and they were spending it in and around the town. There was a lot of money then spent in Fermony, but those days have gone. The great era of prosperity for Fermoy passed away. I have mentioned two towns that would welcome factories and the Minister should remember them when he sends his Industrial Development Authority down the country.

There is another matter which I should like to mention. It has been touched on by other speakers. I refer to unofficial strikes. Labour has got its rights and it is out to do the best for itself. Industrialists are in a similar position. I was always of the opinion that strikes are bad for everybody concerned. They destroy the harmonious relations that exist between employers and employees. We can see these strikes occurring almost every day in Dublin and elsewhere through the country. We have another one in Dublin to-day. These strikes must come to an end. Why not end them before they begin? Commonsense men representing the workers and the employers usually meet at a table conference and then the strike comes to an end. Why not have the matters in dispute considered at a conference in the first instance? I find such an arrangement always very satisfactory in any of the little disputes where I was ever asked to intervene.

I am not going to worry the House unnecessarily on this matter, because I think most Deputies have referred to it in the course of their speeches. I really must give the Minister credit. I think his speeches throughout the country have been excellent. I think he is inculcating spirit of confidence amongst industrialists and workers. The present Minister, in my opinion, is doing a very effective job and the confidence and buoyancy which he himself excudes permeates the Department over which he rules. Some Deputies allege that the staff of that Department are not quite up to the standard of the staffs of other Departments but I must say that since I became a member of this House I have found them very helpful in every way. The life of a Deputy at times is pretty hard. He has occasion to visit practically every Department and whenever it became necessary for me to approach the Department of Industry and Commerce, I found the officials there very satisfactory. Finally, may I say that I am not in the least sceptical as to the future of the country? I think there is a great future in store for this little island of ours and if we could only get all our people guaranteed constant employment, it would be a great achievement for us. I feel certain that Deputies on all sides of the House are anxious to do their utmost to achieve that desirable end. There is at the moment a feeling of happiness amongst most of our people. Of course here and there you will get the person who has a growl or a grouse, but the thought that should animate every one of us, during the years we are here, is to do our best for the land to which we have the privilege to belong.

I should like to endorse the remarks of the last speaker with regard to Irish industry and in fact to congratulate him on the tone of his speech. The only remark, by way of jarring note, that I should like to make is that it is a pity that more of his Party have not delivered themselves of that type of sentiment, rather than the very damaging speeches which unfortunately are to be read in a number of the Official Reports. In fact a Deputy went so far on one occasion as to bring in here a sample of an Irish commodity, which I do not think was representative, and to hold it up to public ridicule in the House where it got the greatest possible kind of adverse publicity. I hope that Deputy O'Gorman's mentality is the one that now operates on that side of the House and that his Party in the matter of Irish industry will be informed with his spirit and his views.

I would say that this country has every reason to be hopeful as to the future of Irish industry if it is approached from the proper attitude and favourable circumstances for its progress are created. I think everybody will admit that Irish industry, in view of its close proximity to a high industrialised country, must have protection. It is obvious also that another sine qua non is that there should be peace in industry and contentment amongst the workers. It does not matter how favourable other circumstances are, if the men who roll up their sleeves are not satisfied, then the whole outfit must fail. From time to time we come across cases where the protection that should, be given is not forthcoming. It was only yesterday I was approached by a manufacturer of perambulators. I understand that this industry has been giving good employment and that, with the reasonable amount of protection which it had got, it was able to give a good account of itself. Now I understand that there are to be free unrestricted imports of the parts. So far as I can understand, no good case can be made for this free unrestricted importation of parts for perambulators. The intention, I understand, is that, just as in the case of the assembly of motor cars, parts will be imported on a scale to create a rather serious assembling industry as a rival to the genuine industry that has been built up. I do not want to elaborate that, as I have said. I have made representations to the Department and I hope that the Minister will give the representations which I know he has received from the people immediately concerned the most favourable consideration possible.

One speaker opposite referred to the importation of flour and expressed the hope that it would not have to continue very long. I do not intend to refer to flour but I should like to say a few words on something which is, I suppose, next in order of importance, namely, fuel. We were appealed to here by some of the speakers across the House in relation to things like tourism and machine-won turf and asked to approach them in a non-partisan spirit. Those same speakers repeated allegations here with regard to hand-won turf. My constituency is very interested in the hand-won turf industry and it conferred great benefits, on the people there while it lasted.

I want here categorically to deny that the Fianna Fáil. Government stopped in any way the production of hand-won turf. No proof can be brought forward that Fianna Fáil did otherwise than to promote the production of hand-won turf. If the statements made include the western region that was administered from the Galway office of Bord na Móna, I can contradict them quite flatly. I should like those who make these statements to come to places like Cornamona, Rosmuck and Recess, repeat these statements there and see what the reaction of the people will be.

The development of the hand-won turf industry had been put on a new basis in September, 1947. The men to operate the new scheme were taken in for training in that month; having got their training and their instructions, they were assigned to their areas and districts. A fortnight after the change of Government these men got two weeks' pay in lieu of notice. I would like if these men could be told from a public platform in their districts that it was Fianna Fáil who stopped the hand-won turf scheme. That statement will not hold water in my constituency. Someone referred to a circular. A circular will carry very little weight with the people who lost their employment and their income. They were not all Fianna Fáil supporters. Let someone on the Government Benches ask Deputy Mongan who stopped the hand-won turf. Let him ask some of his supporters in the parish of Rosmuck who stopped the hand-won turf. Deputy Mongan, if he tells the truth, must support what I am saying. His most prominent supporter in the parish of Rosmuck was one of the supervisors appointed by Bord na Móna. He got his dismissal notice by telegram and two weeks' pay in lieu. Whatever happens in Kildare, the Midlands or the South, the statement that Fianna Fáil stopped the hand-won turf scheme will not be accepted in the western areas.

I want to reciprocate the invitation issued to us in relation to turf and tourism. It is a pity that that new outlook could not have found expression when, under extreme emergency difficulties, the Fianna Fáil Government was trying to put these industries on their feet. From the middle of 1946 to the middle of 1947 we had the worst turf weather for a generation. The Opposition at the time cashed in on the very bad situation created by that bad weather. Then the turf had a political value. We are asked now not to do as they did then. We are not doing what they did then. We are giving our fullest support to every effort made to create genuine industry and employment.

It is unfortunate that the Minister did not wait more than a fortnight after the change of Government to examine the hand-won turf position. As soon as the hand-won turf scheme stopped every single man who felt himself free to go cleared out of the country. When the Minister found that the coal situation was not as favourable as it was expected it would be and when he changed his mind with regard to turf development, he then went looking for men who would be free to move around to any place employment would be on offer; he found that these men were no longer available. The result in my constituency is that even local supplies of turf will be pretty short this winter. Potatoes will be pretty short because there is no labour available.

Public opinion in my constituency is that young single men are no longer wanted in the country. They must go where they can get employment; they must not ask the Government to provide employment for them. Fianna Fáil produced a programme on turf development. That programme appeared in a White Paper issued in 1946. I want to see hand-won turf brought back again on a rational basis. I do not ask for a heavy subsidy. The Irish consumer is subsidising British coal to the extent of 25/- per ton. I know a ton of coal goes further than a ton of turf. If we are prepared to subsidise British coal to the extent of 25/- a ton, why can we not find some subsidy for Irish hand-won turf consumed at home? The Minister said that it is proposed to expend £94,000 on the type of turf production formerly done by the county councils. That expenditure will bring a return in the sale of the commodity, but there will be an unfavourable balance of £14,000 which the Minister says he will have to find by way of Supplementary Estimate. I think that is a comparatively small amount when one considers the importance of the industry. I think that provides a sufficient justification for my request for a subsidy for hand-won turf.

Naturally we must accept the information supplied to us by Bord na Móna on the failure of that semiautomatic turf. I think that, too, could have been saved in my constituency had the Government been prepared to help the industry in the way I have suggested. In this pamphlet it was estimated that it would cost 20/- to 25/- per ton to produce turf at the bog. A subsidy of 15/- or £1 on that basis would give turf a fair chance of completing with coal on the open market. I do not approve of closed or confined regions for the sale of fuel. That was all right when emergency conditions existed. I do not think it could be justified now. I do not think the people would stand for it.

If the problem is approached in the way I have suggested, I think the people will be won over to turf. I know people who have gone back to turf, having got over the disappointment suffered as a result of the bad weather conditions in 1946-47. They tell me they find turf more economic. These people live in Dublin.

The Minister did not give us any information as to the capital sum it is proposed to invest in turf production. In this pamphlet to which I have referred a programme covering eight or nine years was drawn up; £483,000 was to be invested in the year 1946-47; in the year 1947-48 the sum earmarked was £548,000 and it went up gradually till it reached a figure of £983,000 in 1950-51. Then, of course, it dropped. I do not know if I am correct in making a comparison between the figure for 1950-51 in this White Paper and the figure of £94,000 given by the Minister. I may be quite wrong in doing that but, in so far as we have been supplied with information by the Minister, these are the only two figures I have for the year 1950-51. I shall not delay any longer on the question of turf.

However, I reciprocate the invitation made to us to deal with the matter in a non-Party spirit. I only wish that questions such as tourism had been dealt with in the same way.

Tourism is referred to in the Minister's report. He tells us that last year he got in £28,000,000 in that connection. That is rather a large sum in view of the income we receive from our exports. The Minister stresses that the most important aspect of it is the fact that it brought in 12,000,000 dollars out of a total of 30,000,000 dollars which was earned from all sources. That represents about 40 per cent. I think that that in itself is a justification for the policy adopted by the previous Government. I understand that the Swiss Government established hotels for the purpose of earning hard currency. They were quite indifferent as to whether these hotels made a book-keeping profit or not. That was the attitude which the previous Government had towards this very question—to provide attractions that would bring in these dollars to it. It is regrettable that such a sustained attack was made on this industry.

The Minister finds that the come-back is a bit embarrassing. In relation to the come-back, he decided to send a deputation to America. I should like to hear from the Minister, when he is concluding, what were the terms of reference to that deputation that went to America, what sort of a report they brought back and, in particular, if they had any terms of reference in relation to the operation of hotels or the advisability of any public authority operating hotels here in this country.

I notice that £20,000 is provided for mineral exploration at Slievardagh and £120,000 at Avoca. I welcome that expenditure. I would wish that the Government could find a little more money for similar exploration in other parts of the country. Only a few days ago I was looking up a few reference books in relation to geology. West of Galway, in my constituency, I listed 80 places in which various minerals have been located by the geologists who took on the job early in the last century. There are such minerals as silver-bearing lead, iron barytes, sulphur, copper and, to a lesser extent, iron. One very uncommon mineral is to be found near Roundstone—molybdenite. That also is referred to in the report. Some of these places have been worked within my own time. Copper was worked at Cleggan and, shortly before that, a lead mine closed down at a place between Maam and Cornamona. I do not want to make the claim here— it is not made in any of the references I have looked up—that these minerals are to be found in such quantities as make them capable of economic working in every one of the places mentioned. I know from the stories which were handed down, in respect of the district of Camus, that there was an iron foundry in the place where iron was smelted with the aid of turf charcoal. The experts who were dealing with that subject in the books I looked up pointed out that iron treated by turf is a much better commodity than when it is treated otherwise—that it is more ductile and, generally, that it is a better product. If that is so and if we have the iron—we certainly have the turf—it is obviously something of the first importance in a constituency such as mine. Therefore, on this question of mineral exploration, I should like that some attention be given to those parts of the country—I do not confine my remarks to my constituency alone— that are similarly circumstanced in relation to land and other factors that are not quite so favourable as they are elsewhere.

It is a matter of great gratification to me and to the people whom I represent that the rural electrification scheme has not been dropped and has been gone on with. I was, however, disappointed that the survey of the water-power in the western end of my constituency has not held out any promise that a successful hydro-electric scheme might be established there. We are so far back from Galway in that end of the area that it is likely to be a fairly long time before we shall get the supply of current from the central source. We had hoped that our own local water-power might supply the need. However, the reports available, according to the Minister's replies, have dashed that hope. We must remember, at the same time, that he said that the survey which was carried out was a preliminary one. If that is so and if there is any glimmer of hope that a further survey might produce better results, I would ask that that further survey be carried out to see if it would be possible to find the necessary power.

I come now to the question of the Tourist Board. One matter that has not, I think, been undertaken by them —and which they are empowered to undertake by the terms of the Act—is the matter of loans to small farmers and ordinary households in the Gaeltacht for the purpose of getting some advantage from the tourist trade. One of the big difficulties in a place like Connemara is that the ordinary sized house is not sufficient to provide accommodation for the visitors that come in, say, to learn Irish. Usually, such visitors have the double purpose of having a pleasant holiday and of acquiring a knowledge of Irish. This was the feature of the Tourist Act, as far as we in the West were concerned, that made the greatest appeal to us. So far, nothing has been done about it. I quite recognise that the shortage of building materials and so forth during the war years made it difficult or impossible of realisation. I would appeal to the Minister not alone to treat all applications as favourably as possible but also to ask the Tourist Board to advertise the fact that the Act provides for such facilities and to have brought to the notice of the people living in these districts the fact that they can extend their houses and establish guest-houses on a very moderate scale. If he does that he will, in my opinion, help the people in the poorest parts of that area to enhance their income very considerably.

It was gratifying to hear that industrial employment continues to increase. As I said at the opening, if industry is given the necessary favourable aids that Government policy can provide, there is not any doubt but that industry will go ahead. Protection is necessary for the reasons I have mentioned and contentment among the workers is also necessary. It is noticeable that, from the end of the war in 1945 when materials again became available, there was an increase in industrial employment at the rate of 12,000 a year for the three years 1945 to 1948 when Fianna Fáil went out. There was a setback for the first year after the new Government took over. I am glad to note the trend of a steady continuous increase in industry was then resumed and has been continued since. It is regrettable that that has been counterbalanced by a drop in employment on the land. I take it that the figures for employment on the land include the turf workers to whom I referred earlier.

I want now to refer to a matter on which the Minister has heard from me on a few occasions. I referred to it this time last year on the Estimate, and also by way of parliamentary question—that is the application of the Galway Harbour Commissioners for a grant in aid of the second part of their programme. In looking over some statistics recently dealing with this question of harbours, I found that some works put up by the Cork Harbour Commissioners, for a grant had been passed, and that the harbour commissioners' application had been granted to the extent of 90 per cent. of the cost of the works. I do not want to indicate in any way that I begrudge the Cork Harbour Commissioners this assistance. I feel that they had a good proposition, and that it was deserving of the help which has been given. But I do think, in view of how the western area has been hit, and in view of all the talk we hear from time to time abut the Gaeltacht, that a scheme such as that put up by the Galway Harbour Commissioners, one which would give a fair amount of employment to people from the Gaeltacht, ought to receive some more sympathetic consideration from the Government than it has got so far.

The amount of money that is provided in this year's Estimate for harbour works leaves me without any hope that the Minister, or his Department, has any intention of granting the Galway harbour commissioners' application. It may be that money will be provided by means of a Supplementary Estimate or otherwise, but the intentions of the Minister, or the Department, so far as one can gather from the Book of Estimates, are not calculated to leave one very hopeful. I would ask the Minister to give the Galway harbour commissioners a decision as soon as possible—they should be taken out of suspense at all events —as to what they are to expect, so that some policy can then be devised by the harbour commissioners in relation to Galway harbour. The position is that one half of the scheme has been carried out. That was done out of the resources of the harbour board, with the help of the local authorities. As this was the first application that was made for aid from the Central Exchequer, there were high hopes that the request would have been met in large part. All I can say to the Minister now is: Will you please give the Galway commissioners a reply as soon as possible?

I would also like to point out to the Minister—if he has arrived at a decision or an arrangement with the Galway Bay Steamboat Company for the operation of the Aran services by Córas, Iompair Éireann—that I think such a change is a desirable one. I imagine that Córas Iompair Éireann will give a better service to the islanders than that which they have experienced in the past, particularly in meeting an emergency situation. If it were not for Córas Iompair Éireann I think the service would have collapsed over long periods during the war. Both Córas Iompair Éireann and the Army corps came to the islanders' assistance and gave them a service which, while inadequate, met their minimum needs.

I do not pretend to know a lot about the motor manufacturing business, but I would like to say to the Minister that I have heard the deepest regret expressed, by those with a knowledge of that business, at the decision of the Government to abandon the chassis factory. One man who has an intimate knowledge of the business and who had many headaches during the war owing to the unavailability of parts expressed himself to me in this way. "It may be," he said, "a strange thing to say, but I feel that I would not be-more disappointed if the Government had decided to hand over Donegal to the Six Counties than to abandon the chassis factory." That statement was made to me by a man who knows this particular business thoroughly. Very often there are two ways of looking at every question, and in politics, I suppose, you choose the way according to the side of the House in which you sit. Last week, I heard a Deputy deliver himself of this: "The rich are bearing more of the subsidies in food by buying unrationed goods."

Now when the then Minister for Industry and Commerce, early on in the war, asked the people of this country to clear out their warehouses by selling their goods while the importation of more goods was still possible so that these warehouses could be filled with fresh supplies of goods and so that we would have the greatest possible supply of necessary goods in the country against the worsening of the position which was bound to arise during the emergency, what was said about his suggestion? It was said he was offering an invitation to the rich to fill their larders and storehouses but the poor could not do likewise as they had not the space or the money and had to go without.

In regard to this two-price system adopted by the Government, with two categories for flour, sugar, tea, and now for butter, I suppose it is possible to say that the rich are bearing more of the subsidy on food by buying unrationed goods, but you can also say about it, like the people who denounced the recommendation of the Minister for Industry and Commerce at the beginning of the emergency, that it has been an invitation to the rich to supply themselves well, that provision was made for those who had more money than was needed for necessities. That has been the viewpoint taken by a large number of people regarding the two-price system. I want to say definitely with regard to flour, that there was no justification for it. If there had been no change of Government, I would have opposed as vehemently as possible any increase in the supply of flour under a two-price system until the people in the poorer areas who depend largely on flour had got an adequate ration. They put up with an inadequate ration during the war, as they knew the difficulties there were and that the ration could not be increased.

It is all very well for people who live in parts of the country where they can grow wheat and have supplies of flour and meal, and who have in the middle of the day a substantial meal of bacon, cabbage and potatoes. That is not the case in my constituency, where they have to use flour all the time. The ration would only keep a man going for three days, where the people work on the short and on the bogs. If it were not for the fact that the wheat-growing areas are able to let a little overflow into the poorer areas, the position would be very bad. There is no justification for increasing the supply of flour to people who can pay more for it, until the places that depend mainly for their sustenance on flour get an adequate ration at the subsidised price. I want to make my protest here, particularly on the question of flour, that there should have been any alteration in the scheme until the very poor had, been given an adequate ration at the ration price.

I have heard several speakers refer to the film industry. I am not going into that in detail, but I have been supplied with some information on the matter and with particulars of the help which foreign countries—some of them smaller than our own—are giving to the native film industry. I back up the other speakers who made an appeal to the Minister to do whatever he can to protect this industry. It is not so much for the employment it gives, though that is a consideration, but I am endorsing the remarks of the others largely from the cultural standpoint. I know that is more appropriate on the Estimate for the Department of Education. The time has come when something definite should be done by the Government of the day to help the incipient film industry we have. The ways in which this has been done are very similar in the other countries— usually by a tax on the profits from the exhibition of foreign films. I do not see why we should not do that here. We hear people in the film business denounced from various angles. It would be far better to collect some of the spondulicks from them and save our breath.

I repeat, in the spirit in which Deputy O'Gorman spoke, that anything for the permanent good of the country, in the way of extending our old industries or establishing new ones, to cure the awful sore of emigration, particularly from the poorer areas, will have the wholehearted support of this Party.

While I agree with some of the criticism of the Minister made on this Estimate, I am more inclined to agree that on many matters he has made considerable progress during the last year. The statement we heard from him indicates that he has put in a very active year and has done a hard year's work. His activity in the drive to encourage our people to buy the goods produced by the workers of Ireland and by Irish industry generally, is alone sufficient to merit the highest commendation from every bench in this House. I hope the Minister will be spared the energy and the health to pursue that in the coming year, as I have no doubt that further desirable progress will be made.

I come from a constituency where we have a number of industries. The Minister's work stands out in the case of the Moccasin boot and shoe factory. I live in the city and know full well what the position was in Kilkenny up to a short period after the change of Government. The Minister plugged some of the holes which were left in the 1938 agreement which enabled more than a mere trickle of foreign footwear to get into the country. For that alone, the workers and the people in general in my constituency feel very grateful to the Government and the Minister, for the prosperity which has been brought to the workers in that industry.

We had the woollen and worsted industry and I am sorry I cannot say the same in that case. I am not blaming the Minister or the Government exactly, but I maintain that the Minister should keep a very watchful eye on the situation. By doing so, I believe he could bring about a desirable improvement. In one mill which specialises in blankets, the position from the point of view of employment is very bad at the moment. I would ask the Minister to take particular note of that and I hope that by his efforts an improvement can be brought about without delay.

There has been a good deal of reference to slate production. No one can deny that the Governments from 1922 up to date have called on the taxpayer time and again to provide very substantial sums of money to help this industry. Unfortunately, there has been a terrific amount of failure in part of my constituency, extending into County Tipperary. I think what happened some years ago was a tragedy. I am not blaming the last Government or its predecessor or the present Government for anything in connection with the matter. At least in the future, any moneys advanced should be more carefully watched to ensure that they are properly dealt with by those who obtain those trade loans. Notwithstanding the failures. I believe that, even at considerable risk, we ought to help this industry. I am not an expert by any means, just an observer, but I have seen slates taken off buildings 150 years old, and any that were not damaged in the dismantling of the building were as good as ever for the roofing of a new building. We should do anything we can to get away from flimsy, useless and short-lived tile roofing. There is no doubt that there will be terrific weeping and gnashing of teeth on the part of local authorities in less than 20 years when they are trying to grapple with the expenditure they will have to meet to re-cover the houses which are at present being roofed with this very flimsy type of cement tiles.

In some cases I have noticed that after one or two years' exposure to the weather they seem to lose colour and to lose the very thin glaze that covers the cement. We all know that with regard to cement a lot depends on the type of glaze, the type of material mixed with the cement and the quality of sand that is used. I hope that everything possible will be done to bring back to our people that industry which has such a very fine tradition behind it.

Another industry in the part of the country I come from has unfortunately been superseded by terrazzo and other new inventions. I still maintain that if the Minister's Department could do something about the material that is there to be exploited in the marble quarries of Kilkenny, and likewise in Cork and Galway, we would be able to earn a good many dollars and give great employment. Up to a comparatively short number of years ago a considerable amount of this material was exported to America and other countries and it was used in some of the larger buildings which were erected here during the last 30 years. I hope that this matter will be brought to the notice of people who are in a position to invest money and that that industry may be reopened in Kilkenny. It gave valuable employment up to the time it was ousted out of the market by modern substitutes such as terrazzo.

I know that every Deputy who spoke in this debate wanted a cement factory to bring home, but I think that the claim of Kilkenny was elaborated by my colleague, Deputy Thomas Walsh. I notice from the Official Reports that he seemed to complain that Kilkenny was being left out. We hope that it will not be left out but Deputy Thomas Walsh is fully aware that before this State was set up the quality of the material at the Rock, County Kilkenny, was brought to the notice of the powers that ruled the country at that time. As he was a member of the Party which governed the country for just 17 years is it not strange that it is only now that he realises that it has been neglected? After all, we all give credit to the last Government for starting the production of cement here. It was one of their great achievements and it is a great pity that Kilkenny was not favoured at that time as we have that material which we think is second to none in the country. I hope that if the Minister is in a position to revise the plans which I understand are being made to extend the two existing factories he will not overlook the very special claim of Kilkenny where that excellent material is still available in some millions of tons.

I am very glad to be able to say that our coal industry is providing full employment and maximum output but unfortunately it is true that we had a long stoppage of work due to a strike. Again I notice from the Official Reports that an effort was made to attach some blame if not actual responsibility to the Minister, but Deputy Thomas Walsh knows perfectly well that the Minister's predecessor introduced legislation which set up certain machinery. We all approved of it and welcomed it and I only hope that it will last for ever, that is, the Industrial Relations Act which provided for the Labour Court. The Deputy is fully aware that the present Minister was just as powerless as his predecessor in dealing with that dispute as well as any other. It was in the hands of the Labour Court but it was open to any citizen to intervene as Deputy Davin and Senator Seán Gibbons did on a previous occasion. On the last occasion Deputy Crotty and myself were neither ashamed nor afraid, politically or in any other way, to approach the people who constituted the mining company, meet them at a table in their office, discuss the pros and cons of the matter and make suggestions. We did that before Christmas as we thought that the time approaching the holy season was an appropriate one to make the effort. Deputy Crotty and I decided to try and even though we failed we went in January and tried again. We failed again but at least we tried as representatives of a constituency to do something. I am glad that the trade union subsequently brought about what I believe is a very satisfactory and permanent settlement.

There was a strike—if the Leas-Cheann Comhairle will permit me to refer to it—in Castlecomer mines. It was a dreadful strike because it was a stay-in strike. The miners refused to come out from the bowels of the earth and stayed there for over a week. I was one of those who were in close touch with the situation. I came immediately to Dublin and tried to get something done but the Wages Standstill Order seemed to be the most sacred thing in the eyes of the Government and nothing could be done. "Strong Government" was the reply and the miners were to die if they wanted to; there would be no surrender on the part of the Government. It is a pity that Deputy Thomas Walsh is not here to give his views on that strike.

Eventually the Government had to yield and realise that these men were engaged in a very particular type of work, a very hard occupation, and that they were producing a very essential commodity. In fact, it could more fittingly be regarded as a gold mine at that particular occasion and it required men enduring the torture and hardship of living down in the bowels of the earth for several days and nights to secure a few shillings' increase by forcing the Government to amend the Wages Standstill Order.

There is another matter affecting the coal miners which I think I should mention. The trade union catering for the Castlecomer coal miners—the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union—endeavoured to get the Minister to use his power under the appropriate section of the 1936 Conditions of Employment Act. At the union's request, I put down questions to the Minister urging him to use his power under that section to reduce the maximum number of hours from 1,800, in order that these men might qualify for the bare week's annual holiday. We know that it is impossible for a man working at coal mining to avoid some absenteeism during the year, due to illness, and, by reason of that, there were very few who had the required maximum of 1,800 hours. Deputy Lemass, however, Deputy Walsh's colleague, refused time after time to use his power in order to make any concession to these men, but, three or four days before the voters went to the poll in 1948, he issued a communication to the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union stating for the information of the men concerned that the number of hours had been reduced from 1,800 to 1,500. I suggest that that was done deliberately to try to trick the miners—to borrow a word very frequently used by Deputy Walsh—into voting for his Party. Apparently the miners saw through it and made sure that the concession of a few hundred hours was not going to be given on those conditions.

I am glad to note that, in addition to the miners, the Deputy is developing a worry and a concern about the road workers, because I know that on every occasion he could he refused to vote for any increase in wages for them, as chairman of the county council. He did vote in favour of it a couple of months ago and there are local government elections this year, so that an election means a lot. There is a great difference when the threat of democracy is hanging about.

Deputy Larkin and others referred to the desirability of improving the inspection of factories and I feel that there ought to be surprise inspections and frequent inspections. I know that the emergency and other difficulties dislocated that activity, as well as others, but now that we are getting back to normality, the Minister should not only restore pre-war conditions in that regard but should improve on them, because they have never been up to the standard which workers and trade unions would wish. He ought at least to follow the headlines set by the Department of Public Health and I hope he will give some special attention to it as soon as possible.

There is another very important matter about which I have made representations to the Minister and on which I should like to hear some definite statement from him, because fundamentally it is very serious. I refer to certain restrictive practices in particular trades. I know of a number, but I will refer merely to one without mentioning names. I feel that members on all sides of the House will agree that it should not happen. I know a young man and but for the part his father played as one of the leading men in the fight for freedom, this House would not exist as a Parliament. He and his family figured very prominently in that struggle and it is a frightful state of affairs that one of his sons, after payment of a large fee in order to become a qualified motor engineer, should be debarred from going into the business himself, simply because he is not able to start off with a floor area of 3,000 square feet.

That is a serious interference with the rights of a citizen. Surely the fact that he is qualified, the fact that he has the scientific and technical training and knowledge, and not the fact that his shop is big or small, should be the qualification. Some of the big places with more than 3,000 square feet of floor space may have all kinds of quacks and handymen doing the work and I know several large garages which do not employ by any means the best qualified men for doing this work. I do not know any method by which, when a car is overhauled in any garage, it is certified as being absolutely road-worthy when it leaves. Everything depends on the experience, the training and the ability of the man who does the work and it is fundamentally wrong that a young man so highly qualified should be condemned to be an ordinary wage earner all his life and prevented from being enterprising simply because he cannot start off with a floor space of 3,000 square feet and a lot of gear and machinery.

This young man will not get even a petrol pump and I hope the matter will be dealt with by legislation. I would welcome a statement from the Minister—his concluding remarks on this Estimate would be an ideal occasion—that the remedy will be provided at a very early date. I know that my friend sees no future except to pack up and leave the country if this Parliament and this Minister cannot remedy that kind of interference. Highly qualified men like that, when they went for training, had in mind going into business, expanding and becoming employers.

Again I wish to compliment the Minister on the good work he has done in the last two and a half years for Irish products.

Mr. Brennan

Almost 90 per cent. of the Deputies who intervened in this debate referred to the cost of living. On this side of the House it has been argued that the cost of living has increased. Some of the Deputies on the opposite benches also admitted that the cost of living had increased. The Minister and the greater number of his supporters argued that the cost of living had not increased and as proof of their contention pointed to the cost of living index figure. Figures can be twisted to prove anything. The best authority as to whether the cost of living has increased or not in the past two and a half years is the women whose responsibility it is to balance the weekly household budget. Invariably, their comment is that everything has become very dear, that the cost of everything has increased by leaps and bounds and is almost beyond their capacity to bear. I shall not introduce figures into the debate but I submit that these women are the surest and best authority as to whether the cost of living has increased or not.

Deputies on every side of the House are deeply interested in the old Sinn Féin programme of industrialisation. We would all like to see new industries established throughout the country. During the Fianna Fáil régime great impetus was given to industry. I am quite satisfied that but for the intervention of the war, during which it was impossible to procure raw materials, industrialisation would have proceeded at a fast rate. We would all wish to see small industries established in rural areas and small towns. We would all like to see employment being provided in that way to absorb the rising generation, particularly those who were brought up on the land and who unfortunately cannot continue to work on the land owing to the fact that the number in family is too great for all of them to find employment on their fathers' farms. While we would all take great delight in the progress of new industry, old established small industries should not be neglected and, no matter how important it may be to protect the young industries, that protection should be operated in such a way as not adversely to affect established industry.

I have in mind a small iron industry in one of the principal towns in County Wicklow. The proprietor runs the industry himself. While the raw material was available he was able to employ ten to 12 men. Some time ago he secured a contract for gates and other things. He got a quotation for angle iron and flat iron from Belgium of £23 10s. a ton. He approached the Department for a licence to import the iron. The Department granted him a licence for the angle iron but insisted that he should buy the flat iron from Irish Steel Holdings, Ltd. That was all right. Irish Steel Holdings, Ltd., quoted him £40 a ton and, in addition, there was the contingency that they could not supply it for many weeks. The contract had to be carried out within a reasonable time. The contractor was left in the position that he could not keep his workers employed. He could go to a local or city merchant and secure flat iron at £52 a ton.

While we all agree that protection for our infant industries is absolutely essential, nevertheless, protection in this case has been carried too far, particularly in view of the fact that the local firm that supplied that rolled flat iron was not in a position to supply this man for weeks. In that case a line should be drawn and the Minister or the Department should be empowered, where material cannot be produced by the national firm, to grant a licence to an individual to import it from the Continent or wherever else he can get it—as in this case, Belgium.

The position in that case was that the Department refused to grant an import licence for flat iron to that man, although he was prepared to comply with the Department's ruling. He could not get the iron from the particular firm the Department told him he would have to buy it from, and that in itself should have been sufficient reason to show the Department that their action in refusing the licence was reacting against that small industry and men were losing their employment. In a case such as that, the Minister should see his way to give the necessary licence, particularly when the material would not be available here for a certain length of time.

As regards general supplies, I would like to draw the Minister's attention to the position of lead. It is impossible for a building contractor to secure pipe lead or waste pipe lead without having in scrap the weight of the amount he needs. There is a big housing drive in progress both in Dublin and throughout the country and there is a certain amount of private house building. One of the most essential items in the completion of a fair-sized house, a house that contains sanitary arrangements, is lead. The Minister should give some attention to this matter of scrap lead. There is no doubt there is a certain amount of it in the country, wherever it is. We hear of buildings being pulled down and a certain amount of lead comes off them. Where does that scrap lead go to?

Hammond Lane.

Mr. Brennan

It does not go to Hammond Lane. If it was available in the country it would be all right. It must be available somewhere. Does it go out of the country? So far as the purchase of pipe lead is concerned, you must provide the same weight in scrap lead before you get one foot of pipe lead. It is not every contractor who is in a position to provide the scrap lead and certain contractors are held up in the carrying out of certain work. The scrap lead is in the country. I hope the Minister will give some attention to the supply of lead generally, with particular emphasis on the position of scrap lead, so that the lead mining company will be in a position to provide the necessary amount of pipe lead for housing purposes.

I will now refer to our slate quarries. The Deputy from Kilkenny already referred to it and Deputy John Flynn mentioned it. Prior to the war we had a number of slate quarries operating and they were fairly well distributed over the country. What has happened these slate quarries? The only one now in production is at Killaloe. Last year, on this Estimate, I referred to the slate quarry in Carrick-on-Suir. I have it on the best authority—a manager of a slate quarry who reported on Carrick-on-Suir very favourably—that it was only a question of working Carrick-on-Suir properly and we would find nearly the best slate in Ireland there. This man was operating a slate quarry himself and he had no axe to grind by reporting on the Carrick quarry. He was asked to report on it. He was an honest man and he gave an honest report.

What has become of the slate quarries that were operating—seven or eight of them—in pre-war days? I suggest the Minister should have an inquiry into that matter, and particularly the possibility of having our requirements met from the quarries we have. While we have a certain amount of covering in the way of tiles and asbestos, I would prefer the natural slate. It is the type of covering that is most suitable for our country. The Minister would be well-advised to get the Industrial Development Authority to examine into the possibility of producing enough slate in the country to meet our housing requirements.

As regards cement, I am glad to see that the Minister has decided to increase the areas of existing factories so as to permit of increased production. That is very essential. In many parts of the country, but particularly in my own area, the position in regard to the supply of cement is rather acute. The sooner that work is put in hands the better for the building industry as a whole. Apart from the fact that we would be able to provide the amount of cement we need in this country, the price of cement would be considerably reduced if we were able to produce all our requirements here at home.

Another matter to which I wish to refer is the question of mineral exploration. Provision was made for a total expenditure of £120,000 spread over a number of years, on mineral exploration in the Avoca mines. Last year the portion of that £120,000 set aside was £13,000. This year the amount set aside is £5,600 and included in that is expenditure on the exploration of gypsum deposits in another part of the country. I do not know the amount actually allocated out of that £5,600 to Avoca nor do I know—and I should like to know—if the £13,000 that was earmarked last year for mineral exploration was spent but taking the two sums, £13,000 last year and £5,600 this year, we have roughly a total of £18,000 for the two years or an average of £9,000 a year. The total amount provided for exploration in Avoca as I have said is £120,000. Portion of the expenditure this year is on exploration work in the gypsum deposit areas but supposing the whole £9,000 last year and this year was spent in Avoca, if we divide £9,000 into £120,000 we find that it will take 13 years at the rate we are going to find out definitely whether these deposits of lead, copper and zinc, which it is hoped to get in Avoca, really exist there. As I pointed out before, the lead position in this country is serious. If you want sheet lead at the moment —and again I say it is an absolute essential for the building industry— you have to buy it as virgin lead. If you want lead piping, you supply the same weight of lead in scrap lead and you get the new piping at a certain price. Lead piping is worth approximately 70/- to 73/- per cwt. If you want sheet lead, which is used in valleys and for flashings, you have to pay £150 per ton for it—an item that as recently as 1939 could be bought for £1 per cwt. or £20 per ton.

If the mineralogist under whose authority this exploration work is being carried out is satisfied that there is lead there, I think the Minister should take any and every means to have the mining of that lead stepped up as quickly as possible because at the rate we are going it will take 13 years to spend the £120,000 set aside for this work. The Minister, as I say, should step up that work so that this very essential item for the building industry can be made available with the least possible delay. The same remarks apply to zinc and copper. What goes for one goes for the other.

In regard to the tourist industry we are all glad to see that the Government have come round to looking at things from the Fianna Fáil point of view. I am glad they have seen the light in that direction. Whilst the development of the tourist industry is all important from the dollar earning point of view, I want to point out that we should do everything possible to provide visitors to this country with all the amenities necessary to make their holidays pleasant. Quite a number of people visit Arklow every year and almost every year I hear the one complaint—that no transport services are provided to take tourists to Glendalough, Avoca, Glenmalure or to other historic or scenically famous portions of the county. I think that is a mistake. Córas Iompair Éireann should take steps to provide the necessary transport for such people. Some time ago I made a representation on behalf of a man in Arklow who was prepared to provide a bus service during the season to cater for the needs of the people in that direction. Unfortunately, the Department could not see their way to grant the necessary licence. If the Department are not prepared to allow a private individual to operate the service, I hope they will see the importance of getting Córas Iompair Éireann to provide such a service for the benefit of tourists. They must see the necessity of providing a service of some kind to cater for the needs of these people and to offer some inducement to them to come back again next year. I hope that Córas Iompair Éireann will be influenced to provide the necessary transport to cater for the needs of the people to whom I have referred. If Córas Iompair Éireann are not prepared to do it, then private enterprise should be allowed to step into the breach.

I am glad to note that a commission has been set up of representatives of Industry and Commerce, Fisheries and other Departments to deal with the proposed development of certain of our harbours. There is a heavy financial burden placed on the Arklow Harbour Commissioners every year because of the fact that this particular harbour is prone to silting. When that silting reaches a certain stage shipping can neither enter nor leave the harbour and the local fishermen are unable to fish. Practically every year the harbour commissioners have to spend anything between £1,500 and £2,000 to keep the bar clear. They appreciate the assistance given to them in that direction by the Departments of Industry and Commerce and Fisheries. The harbour commissioners could never hope to carry out any permanently remedial measures because of lack of revenue. It was for that reason that they called in a marine engineer to examine the position at Arklow. A scheme was put up and that scheme has been in the Department for some time. I presume this special commission will examine it. I appeal to the Minister to consider the scheme sympathetically so that we may at least be in a position to carry out one portion of the scheme; the expert believes that the satisfactory carrying out of that portion will determine whether or not it will be necessary to go on with the major scheme.

Wages were referred to in this debate. In order to get a true reflection of the wage position at the moment I think one must go back to the pre-war period. Where it can be shown that wages have not increased very considerably over that period, I think there is justification for an increase now.

You would want to be careful now.

Deputy Lemass made suggestions to the Minister with regard to the threatened industrial trouble as a result of certain statements emanating from the Irish Trade Union Congress. I think he was right when he suggested that, where wages have not increased, the men are entitled to an increase. I think he was right when he suggested that the Minister should take steps now to prevent a general strike during which the people would be held up to ransom. Exception was taken to that suggestion. I do not know why. Deputy Larkin took very grave exception to it. The whole trend of Deputy Larkin's speech on this Estimate was an increase in wages, a better standard of living and better amenities for the workers, and full employment.

I have always approved of equitable increases in wages. I am a worker myself. I have worked all my life. I know what it is to do a good day's work. There are people here, particularly on the Government Benches, who never did a day's manual work in their lives. I know what it is to pay wages. We hear a good deal from the Labour Deputies about increasing wages. We hear nothing about Connolly's precept—increased production. I think increased production is a bit of a misnomer. I think it is fair production we want based on output per man per hour, a principle that obtained 14 and 15 years ago when a man felt that because he was getting a good day's wage, he was morally bound to give a fair return for it; not alone that, but he felt that unless he did a certain amount of work he could not consider himself a good worker. It is not increased production we want. It is fair production based on the output per man per hour. We must get back to the standard where a man took pride in his work. Deputy Larkin asked what is the incentive to the men for increased production or what is to become of the profits that would accrue as a result of increased production. It is obvious what would happen to the profits that would accrue. They would be reflected in the final cost of the finished article. The article would be reduced in price if the necessary fair output were given. In that way Deputy Larkin would be reaching the particular ground he would like to reach. He prefers that the cost of living should be reduced rather than that wages should be increased. If the Labour representatives over there who talk so much about wage increases were to talk a little about a fair output from the individual—there by placing the particular employer in a position in which he could reduce his working costs which, in turn, would be bound to be reflected in the interests of the worker—they would be doing a good day's work for themselves, the workers and the people of the country as a whole.

I should like the Minister, particularly, to look into the question of scrap lead and I should also like to draw his attention to the absolute necessity for spurring up the mineral exploration scheme in Arklow so that we may hope to have the necessary information as to whether lead, zinc and copper deposits are in the Avoca mines, as we hope they are. I urge that we should be given that information a little quicker and a little sooner than is indicated by the amount of money expended for the past two years and likely to be expended this year. To judge by the figure of £120,000, it would seem that it will take 13 or 14 years to find out such essential information.

I join in the appeal made by other Deputies to the Minister to expedite the promised revision of the Factory and Workshops Act. It is some years now since the Minister's predecessor promised that revision and I have been asked to impress on the Minister that the promise be implemented as soon as possible.

There has been a great deal of talk over a number of years about the tourist industry. I wish to refer to a small matter but it is, nevertheless, one which would make all the difference in the world. To my mind one of the first and most important things to encourage tourists to come here is the provision of a reasonably comfortable railway service between Carlisle Pier, Dún Laoghaire, and Westland Row on their way to the city and, on their way home, from Westland Row back to Carlisle Pier. A tourist's first impressions and last impressions will be his most lasting impressions. At the moment people are forced to pack themselves and their luggage into dingy old-fashioned little coaches in which they have really not enough room at all.

As a representative of a constituency which is almost entirely a working-class area, I should like to assure the Minister that he need have no qualms of conscience whatsoever about taking as drastic action as he likes to quell unofficial strikes, especially where essential services such as transport or gas are concerned. The average worker is just about tired of the position—his patience is exhausted with these unofficial strikes. The average worker and his wife, and people generally, will support the Minister through thick and thin in whatever action, no matter how drastic, he may take to quell unofficial strikes.

Deputy Brennan from the benches opposite referred to the question of wages and made certain insinuations. I should like to point out to him that this Government has no objection to paying good wages provided a good day's work is done in return. That position obtained until the Fianna Fáil Party took office but, in their efforts to secure the support of the Labour Party, they promised a land of milk and honey and, what with doles and sops, a good day's work ceased to be done during that period. There is no suggestion that the present Government—or anybody connected with it— does not want to pay fair wages but they do expect that when they pay fair wages they will get an honest day's work in return.

Deputy Bartley mentioned that the Opposition are quite willing to cooperate with the present Government in its industrial drive. I do not know how he can reconcile that statement with the statement by Deputy Lemass, when replying to the Minister's speech on this Estimate, in which he more or less incited all the trade unions to demand an increase of wages for their workers. I do not think that that is the proper spirit in which to assist an industrial drive or industrial development in this country. There was then a statement made after Easter to the effect that public opinion must be aroused in order to prevent this present Government from doing any further damage. These types of statements have not the effect Fianna Fáil would like them to have. They do not do any injury to the Government but they certainly do injure the Party which makes these irresponsible statements.

Like other Deputies, I am anxious to see an industrial revival in my own constituency, particularly in Sligo. I set out to revive an industry there which had collapsed over a period of years and not through any fault of any Government or any individual. I refer to the development of Sligo Harbour. I am very grateful to the Minister for his promise to give a grant towards the development of that harbour. It used to be a regular beehive of industry in the years gone by and it was a port which was mainly used for the export of agricultural produce and so forth from the West of Ireland. A serious situation has arisen there to-day in relation to shipping. Naturally enough, our imports are not as great as they used to be in days gone by because we are manufacturing a lot more of our requirements now which, years ago, we used to import. The shipping companies are complaining that it is not a paying proposition to bring cargo to Sligo Port now. Therefore, I urge that the Minister should have a special fleet of merchant ships designed for the western harbours so that we can use them for the export of the agricultural produce of the western areas, especially our cattle, sheep and pigs, instead of, as at the moment, sending them by rail from Sligo to be exported from Derry.

With regard to the development of Sligo Harbour, I would urge that when the Government is voting a sum of money towards that project, the Minister should have power to appoint members to that harbour board who represent the Government so as to ensure that the money is being properly spent and put to a good use. At the moment, in relation to that port, there are vested interests and I am afraid that there is not an all-out and serious effort being made by the members of that board to develop Sligo Harbour.

There is another industry in my constituency which is threatened with fading out. I refer to the Arigna coal mines. We have five or six mines there which are privately owned. As the Government is encouraging private enterprise, it is up to it to see that these mines are not closed down. There is one mine owner in the happy position that he has not had to close down. He has been able to keep it going and to maintain employment in it. The other mines are fully equipped. They have as up to date machinery, such as cutters, as you would find in an English mine. I would urge the Minister to come to their assistance and see that they have not to close down. Deputies know that if a mine is not worked for some time it takes a considerable amount of money to put it back into working order again. The quality of the coal taken from the Arigna mines has improved immensely in quality. It is very little behind that of the coal imported from England. I suggest to the Minister that he should be able to find a market for the Irish coal without that having any serious effect on the turf industry. The matter has already been brought to his notice, and I feel that he will do his utmost about it.

In my county we are interested very much in tourist development where we have a couple of seaside resorts. Speaking with American tourists I find that most of them are very anxious to visit those parts of the country from which their ancestors emigrated years ago. They are interested to find out what sort of life obtained here in the days of their grandfathers or fathers. I suggest that the Tourist Board, with the financial backing of the Government, should build guest houses which, in design and equipment, would be as near as possible a replica of the houses that were to be seen in this country 50 or 80 years ago. If that could be done, I think American tourists would appreciate it very much. At least, I have gathered that from them in the course of my conversations with them.

Perhaps the Chair would allow me to digress for a moment and suggest to the Minister, in connection with Sligo Harbour, that he should have consultations with his colleague, the Minister for Local Government, with a view to the carrying out of a drainage scheme on the Garravogue river under the Local Authorities (Works) Act. If that were done it would help to ease the position so far as Sligo Harbour is concerned and would eventually, I believe, result in an immense saving to the Government.

As regards turf production a lot has been said. It has been urged that the present Government should proceed with the production of hand-won turf. I would like to point out that it was not this Government which was responsible for abandoning the hand-won turf scheme. It was abandoned by the then Minister for Local Government. I know that the idea was spread about in my area that it was this Government was responsible for that, but it was not. I am glad to say that, in my county under this Government, the hand-won turf scheme is coming back gradually.

Mr. Maguire

I am sure the Minister must feel that the importance of the post which he fills in the Government has been greatly enhanced in view of the fact that practically every member of the Dáil has spoken on his Estimate and has suggested, in one way or another, that he is responsible in a very big way for the things that really matter in the economic life of our community. I cannot say yet whether he has met that situation to the degree that the public might reasonably expect from him. The general consensus of opinion expressed here would seem to indicate that the Minister or his Department is responsible for what is known as the increased cost of living. That part of our economy has been very much stressed because it is the easiest way for the general public to understand whether they are doing well or otherwise since the increased cost of living enters into the livelihood and economy of every family, great or small, poor or rich. From one side of the House we have heard speakers state emphatically that the Minister is responsible for the increased cost of living while Deputies on the Government side repudiate the charges made against him.

As an Independent Deputy, I have no hesitation in saying that the cost of living has gone up, that it is still going up and shows every indication of going up still further. I am not blaming the Minister for Industry and Commerce for that. My own experience has been that an increase in the cost of commodities generally means greater prosperity for the whole community, and that when prices are depressed, when there is less money in circulation and less employment available, the community is the poorer. Those who are versed in that sacred thing—finance and money—will, of course, argue that a continuous increase in the cost of living will bring about inflation. I suppose it may do that, but if it brings about greater prosperity for the community as a whole, then to me that is a good thing. I have never seen inflation destroy anything. I have seen inflation in two major wars in which this country was directly concerned. I have seen, too, the results of deflation so far as our £ sterling is concerned. I am not at all sure that the wise people, the Solomons who speak of this sacred thing "finance", are always right, or that they should threaten as being Communists those who take an opposite view to their own, saying that they should be ostracised from all society. I am not in agreement with that. The increased cost of living, the inflation of the ready flow of money, as against the stoppage of the slow flow of money is a good thing. My experience is that the more money in circulation and the more easily it flows, the more prosperity there is and that a decreased circulation of money always brought about depression and want. How could it be otherwise?

If we reduce prices, where could we start? We must start with the essential food for the workers. Whom do we start on? The producers of food, the farmers. They produce surplus for export, by which every other industry is maintained, as the export surplus enables us to buy the raw materials for our factories. I am not an expert on this. I know that money is regarded as something on which the layman may not offer an opinion. Personally, the Minister, or any other Minister in his position, would never get from me one word of criticism if money is made flow freely and is distributed equally and to the necessary degree amongst all sections of the community. I would stand with him, as against those who would curtail the flow of money. The first persons who would be hit, if we restricted finance, would be the farmers and then the workers, who would not be able to buy sufficient. They would have to purchase less from the industries depending on their goodwill and purchasing power. That is very far away from any practical proposal, but I give it for what it is worth.

As regards the other forms of industry for which the Minister is responsible, I would not at all say that he has discharged his duty. He has set up an excellent industrial board, with men of understanding and sympathy, earnest in their search for industrial production to help the community and, by research, eager to help those interested in starting industries. The search for new industries is one problem. Every Deputy would like to see an industry established in every town and rural district in his constituency. Again, in spite of all the arguments Deputies may use, we are confronted with that hard, rigid, remorseless thing known as finance. We are told: "An industry in your town might be all right, but I am afraid its position and location would make it uneconomic." The town is either too far inland or too far from other facilities required to bring in the raw material or market the finished product. Will we ever get over this problem? Could the Minister not set up a commission to investigate how industry could be carried on on some basis apart from that cold, merciless thing, finance, which eternally and everlastingly crushes the efforts of people in every country?

Could our people not learn in some way to produce for use rather than for profit? Our notion of industrial projects in the past has been that a group of people got together with some money and energy and, no doubt, a bit of patriotism and a desire to help locally. They invest their money and come to the Government and say: "We intend to produce this commodity in Carrick-on-Shannon; we want you to help us and give protection to these goods."

That is in your area.

I have not been as successful as the Deputy in his area. I may have made representations, but they have fallen on deaf ears. These are the representations that are made to the Minister. Incited again by the best desire to help the country generally towards further industrial development and more employment for local people, the Minister fixes a tariff. The moment he does that, remember that he has increased the cost of living on the consumers here. Almost invariably that has happened. One section of the House put up their hands in horror and say that the cost of living is going up. We must do these things if we are to be nationally-minded and preserve our economic life. We must give protection to a group of people untrained in industry, as against allowing free import from countries where there are trained, experienced people who can, by mass production, produce more cheaply than we can. We must be consistent somewhere and all this criticism is neither fair nor national. These are very often essential industries which would involve the import of goods running into millions of pounds a year, when those millions could be saved by producing at home. That is so often repeated that it becomes nauseating for us to repeat it at this stage. Why are not these things done? Instead of looking for new industries, why not protect the ones that are here?

I have had occasion, since the Minister came into office, to visit him, to plead with him to protect the coal industry in Arigna. What has happened about it? He has allowed the workers there to drift to England, Scotland and Wales, to produce coal, which is then imported here and used by our railways. I challenge the Minister here and now to ask his own employees on the Cavan and Leitrim railways about it, who have been using that coal always. The engine drivers there who have experience of working on other sections of Córas Iompair Éireann have told me—and they are prepared to make statements about it —that the coal they used from Arigna is just as good as the imported coal, and very often better. Speaking on this subject some months ago the Minister stated that experiments were being carried out on engines to see if they could be adapted for the use of Arigna coal. The Minister did not know what he was saying then as these methods are in operation on every engine in Córas Iompair Éireann.

Deputy Pattison referred to the stay-in strike of the miners in Castlecomer when the workers refused to leave the mine. When the then Minister for Industry and Commerce was appealed to he informed them that the determination of the Government would not be altered by any type of strike and that the Standstill Order in wages must continue. The strike continued and ultimately the Minister altered the Standstill Order and the strikers went back to work. I thought at that moment that the families in Arigna should go do the same thing; the men should go on strike and their women and children should parade the area instead of exporting their breadwinners and sending them away from their families. They are a slack people and Deputy Pattison gave me an idea which in due course I will convey to the workers in my part of the country. They should have a stay-in strike and no emigration. The present Minister may then do what his predecessor in office was compelled to do. "New industries.""A committee to investigate the possibilities of new industries"; existing industries have been destroyed such as peat development. I am well aware of the problem and of its immensity.

Is there any industry in the country, protected or non-protected, that is not in some way provided for by law in the event of disemployment except our peat industry and our coal industry? They are natural industries that grew out of the district. The employees of our protected industries and transport service must be provided for and alternative employment found for them, but our natural native industries are recklessly treated without regard to human interests and without respect or charity to those concerned.

The Minister may say that these things were dropped before he came into office. I do not know whether they were or not and I do not care; it is the Minister's duty to protect existing industries that are native to the soil and racy of the soil. We have a trained staff of workers—there are none better in the world, I am told— who are producing a commodity equal to anything in the world. These men should not be forced because of economic conditions or because of the weight of the mighty monster, finance, or because of trade agreements between one country and another to separate them from their families in the interests of expediency. What is to prevent the Minister from prohibiting the import, except a certain quantity under licence, of outside fuel? Would that not solve the problem? I state emphatically that, according to the users of our railway system, the Arigna coal is equal to any imported from Wales, Scotland or England, so why not use a percentage from our mines with a percentage of that excellent fuel, machine-made turf? "No market." If we depended on a market for our industry without protection, how many would we have in this country? Why not give to these people who produce a natural product which is worth an immense amount of money a semblance of the protection which you are willing and seeking to give to new industries and with doubtful results? There is a committee to investigate new industries, but what is done for the destruction of industries? A new committee should be appointed to investigate that.

We must inquire the reason why the Sligo boot factory, which was established in 1933, went up in smoke when it was a paying proposition at the time.

What does Deputy Roddy mean by that? Any industry that was established in Sligo during the past 15 years, I was responsible for it. I was responsible for the shoe factory which was burned as a result of an accidental fire. I had great difficulty in getting the people of Sligo interested financially in order to resume it. I did not succeed. I was directly responsible for the establishment of Barytes, the only factory which exported anything from the harbour about which there is so much talk. Go you and do something for your town if you can. I am backing you in your appeal for Sligo harbour; I am with you there. There is no reason why that harbour should not have facilities to cope with the business of the West and the North-West of Ireland.

Representations have been made here on behalf of different harbours in the country. As the Minister has very wisely established one committee could he not establish another committee to examine the various claims all round the coast for the development of this, that or the other harbour? All cannot be developed as it would be quite uneconomic. Sligo is one that would stand out and merit a substantial advance from the Government for its improvement.

Could the Minister not try to coordinate the whole theme of economics in the country by some scientific approach? He is the head of a Department which is overburdened and overloaded. It is beyond the power of one Minister to operate it. You cannot deal with the economic problems of this country without the closest cooperation with agriculture, which is the foundation of our whole industry. Every other industry which you can establish should be linked with it. There is no industry which should not have as its foundation, as its background, agriculture. How far can agriculture be advanced and to what extent should it be linked up with industry? Smaller industries should get more attention from the Government than the larger ones, the smaller industries which could be established in rural areas where there are congestion, big families, small land holdings and small incomes. Can some scientist not be found to show what form of production can be created in that portion of the country which would find an export market or even a home market?

Look again at economics and that dreadful monster financial control which has strangled the world to-day and has separated East and West. They are facing each other as lions in the jungle. The only result is that men are afraid to speak of finance lest they be termed unsuitable people to live in decent communities. Surely there should be some way by which these co-operative works could be done by small people, retaining our rural population in a simple way in the remote parts of the country. It may be uneconomic to develop industries in this way, but surely the existence of the great majority of our people in the West, and some of the southern counties, is quite uneconomic.

That is the problem which the Minister must try to solve. It is not through big industries or by the investment of money by big financiers that the problem will be solved. The Minister must try to get the workers to take an interest in industry and try to get them to take part in industry. That is not communism. That is the problem that must be solved. I can give the Minister two instances of big industrial undertakings which built up successful businesses and which refused to buy Irish products as raw materials, preferring to continue to buy imported stuffs, without justification. Cannot something be done to get a better understanding and a better basis of cooperation? Can we not get these people who are investing in industries for the sake of making profits to realise that there is another importance in industry? Can we not get the workers who see employment in industry as a safeguarded job in which they can sit and make demands from time to time for unreasonably increased wages to realise that industry has another importance? Both these interests must be told that industry is neither for the making of unfair profits for those with money to invest nor for increased wages beyond what is reasonable and above the standards of the community in which they live for those who are lucky enough to find employment in industry.

Deputy Roddy said that Fianna Fáil criticism was encouraging strike action and therefore discouraging new industries. I, as a former member of Fianna Fáil, a Party for which I have no love, say that that is not a correct statement. Fianna Fáil, as a Party in power, was strongly protectionist and anxious to bring about industrial development. I have been in the House longer than Deputy Roddy, and, with due respect, I tell him that he is not correct when he makes that statement.

May I ask the Minister if, in the course of his reply, he will be good enough to tell the housewives of this country when the rationing of essential foodstuffs will end? I understood that, when supplies of essential commodities became plentiful, rationing would cease. It was originally introduced as an emergency measure, and, according to all standards, should now have disappeared, because apparently there are sufficient supplies of these commodities in the country. This is borne out by the fact that the Government has now introduced a dual price system and anybody who can afford it can get any amount of tea, sugar and butter by paying a higher price. That does not solve the problem, however, for the people with moderate incomes, the people who have only a standard wage, the working classes and the people with no incomes at all. They will still have to live on their rations and some of them are not able to buy even their rations.

I am not concerned with people who can afford to buy luxury goods at any price, but I am concerned with the people who hoped that, when the emergency period passed, they would be able to get their necessary commodities at reasonable prices. Surely it is no solution for the housewives to be told that the Government have taken threepence off beer and that the Minister for Finance encourages them to smoke as much as they can. That is all very good, I suppose, but if ever that advice is taken and they all start drinking beer and smoking, there is a poor look-out for future generations. There will be very little nourishment in the home, if that goes on. It would be far better if the Minister adopted some other form of taxation, because that is what it amounts to, in practice—this dual price system is just a means of extracting revenue for the State. Are we the only country in the world which has adopted that system or are there others? Does he think it a good economic policy for the country?

We are all anxious to have happy people and the housewives of this country have been harassed, during all the war years and since the emergency, in their efforts to make ends meet and secure essentials for their families. I heard a Deputy say that the Government's increase in wages to workers balanced the cost of living for the housewives, but that does not follow. If that were so, we would not have these unofficial strikes, with people clamouring for increased wages because of their inability to live on their incomes, owing to the increased cost of living, so that argument falls.

Most of the unofficial strikes have nothing to do with wages.

I am glad to hear that. Perhaps the Minister will have happy news for the housewives that rationing is to end. Or is it to continue indefinitely? Will it end this year or next year? Surely it cannot be continued now, when we are living in normal times. I hope that housewives can look forward to good news in this regard. Last year, when I asked about the ending of the rationing of tea, I was led to believe that, when supplies increased, rationing would probably be done away with, but we know what has happened. Any amount of tea can be got now by paying an increased price, but that is little consolation to the people who cannot afford to buy at that price.

I was very glad to hear the Minister say that a number of new industries had been started in the country outside Dublin and I hope that more people with capital will start industries and give employment in the rural areas. I presume that they have all been started by private enterprise, with the approval of the Government. It would be an excellent thing to provide employment for men and women, and especially the men, in the rural areas. If industries are started in rural Ireland, they are usually industries which give employment only to women and girls, while the men go about idle on the dole. That is not a good thing, because the man should be the breadwinner. These little cottage industries are not very profitable. They give employment to a certain extent, but not sufficient to keep a house going and until we have industries in the rural districts our people will leave the country.

I hope that, with the present expansion of industry, most of our graduates leaving the universities will be able to find employment and to give their services to their own country. It was very sad for some time past that they were forced to leave the country and that their talents were lost to us. We know that these men and women of education always make good in other countries and it would be a pity, now that the industrial drive is in progress, if that should still happen and they should be compelled to leave the country. The Government should devise some other method of rationing and extracting revenue from the people than this method of dual prices. I do not think it is fair to the people. It is really only a blind.

I do not think that the Minister has anything to do with the increase in the price of butter. I cannot understand why butter has to be increased by 10d. a lb. If the Minister could take butter off the ration and sell it at 3/- a lb., even that would be better than the present situation. 10d. a lb. on butter seems to be exorbitant.

I do not put forward these suggestions in any form of criticism but I am very anxious that the people of the country would get some alleviation of the hard times they have had, especially the women. Where there is a houseful of children, it is very difficult to cater for them if they have not sufficient butter. Bread, butter and tea are the main food in the ordinary country house and in the house of the lowly-paid worker. Meat is out of the reach of many people at present. I am sure that the Minister and every Deputy who supports the Government are as aware of that fact as I am. Anything that is possible should be done to relieve these people. We are not at all concerned with the people who can buy luxury goods, at any price, at any time.

I did not intend to intervene in this debate. Being primarily a representative of agriculture, it might appear more or less impertinence on my part to intervene. At the same time I realise that from the agricultural producer's point of view the development of industry is of great interest. I would much prefer to see the produce of the land used by the people in our own country rather than that we should produce on particular lines for export to a place where we have no control over price, where we have to meet unlimited competition, which, therefore, provides a lower income for the farming community than they might otherwise get in a protected market.

So far as the development of industry is concerned, the Minister announced that within the past year 22,000 additional workers were employed in industry. Even at the risk of making the Minister blush, I would like to congratulate him on that. As I proceed, I may qualify that congratulation. Nevertheless I am glad that the industrial revival is such as to give hope for the future that it will continue and will be of benefit to the country.

The fact that there is increased employment in industry lays the bogey that one Party and one Party only were interested in industrial development. That is a good thing because I am quite sure that anyone in this State who has any kind of reasonable national spirit is anxious to see industrial development. When everyone gets it into his head that everybody is anxious for the development of industry then we may have a better outlook than we had hitherto, when it was believed that one section was completely opposed to industrial development.

While I am not an advocate of bureaucracy, I think that the appointment of the Industrial Development Authority will be helpful in the respect that it will raise the question of the development of industry beyond a Party wrangle. It will leave the development of industry independent of changes of Government or anything that might retard steady progress. Anything that gives confidence to people with capital to invest it in industry, knowing that any change of Government will not interfere with the prospects of the continued success of the industry, will encourage capital to invest in more and still more industries.

The question of the extension of industrial development is of importance. All things have value only in relation to something else. The increased employment in industry, when balanced against the considerable decrease in agricultural workers— 47,000—certainly would not give confidence that our country is at the moment travelling along proper lines. Just as the £ sterling has value only in relation to the almighty dollar, so the development of industry, if it leads to diminution of the number of people engaged in agriculture, is not a net benefit. I hold that it is a great disadvantage. Because the development of industry, particularly in the bigger centres of population, leads to very considerable problems, particularly of housing, tuberculosis hospitals and other amenities. In that way, it puts a heavy strain on the national resources in providing housing and other amenities that are required for an influx of population, say into the City of Dublin, whereas, if the people who are still left in rural Ireland could, by remunerative employment on the farms or in small industries in the rural areas, be induced to remain there, I am fairly certain that the housing accommodation in rural Ireland, even now, which, although in many cases it is primitive, is comparatively good, could easily house 25 per cent. more people than are accommodated there at the moment. That would give a much better net result than the establishment of new industries in the bigger centres of population, which would draw people still further from rural Ireland.

What is the cause of such development of the industrial arm at the moment? Why is it that industry has made such a remarkable recovery since the war while agriculture lags behind? What is it that induces so many people to rush into industry, that induces people to invest money or workers to leave the farms and cottages of rural Ireland and take up industrial employment? The answer is readily available: water does not flow uphill. The reason why people leave rural Ireland is the better wages and better conditions of employment in industry. Anything that tends to exaggerate that difference, must necessarily cause continued drift from rural Ireland into the cities and larger centres.

Furthermore, from the investors' point of view, how many investors would even think of putting their capital into an industry if they were not assured of protective tariffs and quotas on imports so that they will be sheltered from competition and so that they can extract from the consumer a higher price for their products? I am not by any means opposed to anything that will boost the native product in comparison with the imported, but if it is necessary to have protection for industry—and we have had that protection since we got a native Government close on 30 years ago—why also should the same protection not be afforded to the agricultural industry? I may be getting near the borderline, and the Chair may call me to order but, nevertheless, I make this point simply in the hope that Deputies from all sides of the House will remember the general drift of this debate when, in a week or two, we are discussing the Estimate for the Department of Agriculture.

To give an instance of the discrimination in favour of industrial production through all these protective tariffs and quotas against imports, we have not heard here a word of protest when food-stuffs for animals are imported, because those imports increase the amount of bacon, butter and eggs and so on, in order to provide cheap food for the industrial population. Representatives of Labour, who would raise an outcry if there was any import of articles that would increase the production of manufactured articles to a point where there would be a surplus and therefore reduce the price, are strangely silent when it leads to an increase in agricultural production to a point where there is a surplus and where that surplus has to be exported and sold in competition on the world market. I only mention that in the hope that it will be remembered in another debate here in a week or two.

I was struck by the speeches on the Estimate of Deputy Larkin and Deputy Dunne. They made the point that the first charge on industry should be a reasonable standard of living for the worker engaged in that industry. I entirely back them on that. Any industry, no matter what it is, that does not give a reasonable standard of living to the workers engaged in it, is a sweated industry. I mention that simply in the hope that it will be remembered when, in a few weeks, we will be discussing the price of agricultural products.

Dealing with industry, I do not intend to go into details—I would not be qualified to do it—but I would just like to mention rural electrification. A great effort was made by the last Government, and it is being continued at an accelerated pace by the present Government, to develop rural electrification so as to provide for country people some of the amenities enjoyed by the city population. From my experience of rural electrification, I say the cost of it, although it is subsidised by the State, I think to the extent of 40 per cent.—I am not quite sure of that figure—is beyond the reach of most of the people in the rural areas. The charge for lighting alone, in comparison with imported oil, would be something like two or three times higher.

I am quite prepared to concede that the electric light has many advantages when compared with oil lamps but, nevertheless, 2/- or 3/- a week for one particular lighting convenience means quite a lot in a small farm-house or a labourer's cottage. The test of that is the small proportion of people in the rural areas who avail of electricity. To my mind, the basis on which the charges are levied is not in the interests of the rural community and, I think, it is not a good business proposition in so far as the Electricity Supply Board is concerned because of the small proportion of people who are able to avail of it. The charge based on the floor area of the dwelling-house and out-offices is a permanent charge, apart altogether from the amount of electricity used, and it is a heavy charge. The cost of the electricity used is comparatively small.

In a small farm-house electricity cannot be used for many purposes beyond lighting and, therefore, it is too expensive for lighting alone. In the larger farm-houses it might be possible to divert electricity for power purposes or for some purpose that would make it more economical. I suggest to the Minister that he should advise the Electricity Supply Board to put their charges on a different basis. I suggest the valuation of the holding rather than the floor area. In this way it would be more comparable with the income of the people using it and the fact that it would be more reasonable would encourage people to install electricity and utilise it perhaps to a much greater extent.

The installation of electricity over an area involves a capital sum, no matter what that capital sum may be, and if only a small proportion of the people, say 30 per cent., make use of it, that particular scheme must be regarded more or less as a white elephant, whereas if the charges were brought more within the reach of the people, and 85 or 90 per cent. of the people used the electricity, would that not bring a greater income to the Electricity Supply Board than the present system? I think the Minister should pass that suggestion on to the Electricity Supply Board and get them to consider it seriously in the hope that electricity will be made more available to the people living in the smaller holdings, the small farm-houses and cottages throughout the country. I believe that in that way, in the course of a few years, the board will be more than repaid.

I would not like to ask for any increase of the State subsidy beyond 40 per cent., if that is the figure. I believe that better business methods on the part of the Electricity Supply Board would lead to greater use of electricity and would provide that particular amenity in rural homes that the city people enjoy.

I do not know if I should mention tourism, but perhaps I could do so if I referred to it in its relation to the development of industry. I believe the more tourists who come to the country to eat the produce of our farms, the better. I do not intend to make any suggestion to the Minister or his Department in regard to the development of tourism as he has got a surfeit of advice in the course of the debate. The important thing is to leave the tourists satisfied. If they are satisfied and can return to their own country and tell how they were treated in regard to food and everything else, that will encourage more people to come here. Over the past few years I have heard a considerable number of Irish Americans and some native Americans who came to this country, complain bitterly of the charges to which they were subjected in some instances.

They complained that once they left the boat or the plane they were shoved around from one official to another, in getting through the customs and other formalities, and that a system appears to exist whereby officials will lead a visitor a small distance, receive the usual half dollar tip and then say: "I will now pass you over to this fellow to get you on a bit further," with the result that in many instances they had to pass through three or four sets, with a half dollar changing hands each time.

"If you meet a Yank sting him."

The Americans are people who work hard for their dollars and naturally they like to get value for their money. Anything that would encourage them to part with more dollars in this country, in a genuine way, would certainly be to the national advantage. Furthermore they complain that the cost of the food they get in hotels is out of all proportion to what it would cost them in their own country. They complain, in general, that it is much more expensive to move around in Ireland than it is in the United States where the average income is probably three times what it is in this country. I do not know that the Minister could control all these things which, so to speak, happen behind his back. Hotel charges are supposed to be more or less standardised by direction of the Tourist Board but obviously in some instances these charges are being evaded. I would suggest to the Minister that he should recommend to the Tourist Board to employ a few observers who might come in here in the guise of——

A Deputy

Yanks.

Yanks, if you like, and see how they would be treated. It would be very helpful if a system such as that were introduced. If you give Uncle Sam a fair deal, it will mean that you will get more dollars and dollars are a very desirable acquisition at the moment.

He would be a quick fellow who could fleece Yanks.

If the Yanks go away satisfied, more of them will come here as result of what they hear. I do not propose to detain the House further but I hope that the Minister will give due consideration to the suggestions which I have made.

I rise to support the plea that has been made for decentralisation of industry. Several Deputies have expressed different points of view as to what might be done by the Industrial Development Authority that has been recently established in this connection. One thing on which I think there has been general agreement is that Dublin at the moment is overindustrialised and, as a result of that, housing and other problems in the city have become more acute. The same remarks apply to a few of the other larger cities throughout the country. If the Industrial Development Authority is going to be effective, there is a wide field open to them in which they can get to work immediately. A thorough survey should be carried out to ascertain where different industries might be located throughout the country. Many people are complaining of the flight from the land and on many occasions here, in debates on the Land Commission, we have expressed the point of view that the area of land available for division is not sufficient to satisfy all the people who require additional land. We have suggested that something should be done by way of establishing industries throughout the country which will give employment, not merely to the workers available in all the towns, but to farmers' sons who at the moment have to seek employment elsewhere.

It is regrettable, as we pointed out on this Estimate last year and the year before, that the one industry we had in rural Ireland was crippled every time this Government could possibly seize any weapon that would help to kill it. I refer to the peat industry. We had first of all the efforts that were made to do away with the production of hand-won turf. Last year, after all that was said in this House about it, the Minister was not satisfied with the damage that he had done and the unemployment he had created by the closing down of the production of hand-won turf—the only industry, one might say, that we had in the West of Ireland— but he has hit the industry another blow by the policy that he is trying to pursue at the moment. We were told that the reason the hand-won turf industry closed down in the different centres where it was in existence was due to the fact that it was not possible to find a market. I submit to the Minister that if he were able to procure a market at the moment he would be a marvellous man, having regard to the amount of abuse that was poured forth, on the turf industry in and out of this House by several Deputies prior to the last general election. One would imagine that when the election was over we would have heard an end of the talk about "the muck that was dumped in the Phoenix Park". The Government, however, were not satisfied after they had finished the election campaign to call a halt to the abuse against the industry which served a very useful purpose during the years of the emergency.

They kept hammering at this peat industry. I could not possibly describe or even use the type of abuse, that they hurled at this industry. Turf had served the town and country well during the emergency; it had provided a tremendous volume of employment. People talked about the dump of muck up in the Phoenix Park. Some of the Deputies who described it as that are themselves country Deputies. I saw the dump in the Phoenix Park. I am one of those who was brought up in the use of turf. I never saw coal used in my particular part of the country. I do not know whether the Minister, or the members of the Government generally, or the supporters of the Government here know that for every ton of turf produced there is about half a hundred-weight of what we, in the West, call "sprus," or turf mould. In the dump in the Phoenix Park you had 1,000,000 tons of turf one year, and a 1,000,000 tons of turf the next year and for nine years or ten years after that; naturally there had to be 1,000,00 half cwts. of turf mould left. You can call that "sprus," or what you like, but that deposit will be left in every turf rick. I do not believe that coal taken out of the pit is 100 per cent. perfect. I believe that there is a lot of waste coal which is dumped to one side. The turf mould in the Phoenix Park accumulated there year after year.

We have now a Government in office that over the past three years has tried to ensure—and they have been pretty successful in their efforts—that no turf will be used in any town, city or rural area. Lo and behold, they woke up last year. I do not know if they are yet fully awake. They woke up to the fact that as a result of all the abuse they had hurled at the peat industry they could not succeed in finding a market for it. That is what happened. I notice that Deputy McQuillan has awakened out of the anæsthetic administered by Fine Gael when they took that Party under their wing. He is just coming out of the anæsthetic now and, like all people waking from an anæsthetic, he raved quite a bit in the House last week. He made some very silly and rather amusing statements. He said he could not understand the attitude of Fianna Fáil with regard to turf; that he admired the "brass neck, if he might describe it, of Deputy Lemass when he blames the Government for destroying the turf industry." There is, of course, an implication there that it was Deputy Lemass and the Fianna Fáil Government who destroyed the peat industry. That is not so. The facts are there and the Deputies supporting the Government should wake up and realise them. Deputy Lemass and the Fianna Fáil Government had established machines in a number of bogs all over the country; the peat industry was killed overnight when the present Government took office.

That is what you think.

That is the position.

What happened on 12th February, 1948?

The Deputy may explain to the House what happened on 12th February, 1948. All I know about it is that he was not producing turf.

No. You were the Government then.

Never mind what happened on 12th February, 1948. I shall make my own speech in my own way, and the Deputy can make his speech when he likes. Were it not for the machines installed by Deputy Lemass and the Fianna Fáil Government in bogs throughout the country, much more coal would have been imported during the last few years and turf would not have been produced. Deputy McQuillan said he did not want to go back to the county council schemes of hand-won turf production because Fianna Fáil was responsible for destroying those. Perhaps there is an excuse for Deputy McQuillan since he has not yet completely recovered from the effects of the anaesthetic. Deputy McQuillan is one of the Deputies I have heard abusing the peat industry, not merely the hand-won peat but the machine-won peat as well. When he now invites us to see how successful machine-won turf is in industries and invites us to visit the Glentex factory in Athlone in that connection he should go a step further and give the House some information as to what happened to Bord na Móna, which is controlled by the Minister, and that particular turf industry. There is a splendid factory in Athlone; there is an excellent man at the head of it. That man is prepared to produce as much Irish material as he possibly can for Irish workers. Sitting across the floor of the House here we have a Minister who closed down the particular peat industry that was supplying that factory. The man in charge of the factory negotiated with Bord na Móna and told them that he required thousands of tons of turf annually. What assistance did the Minister give him? He sold him a machine for a very reasonable sum—I think £100—and this man was about to start operating this machine in the particular bog to produce turf there cheaper than Bord na Móna could produce it. Bord na Móna came down and took the machine from him, started to operate it themselves and supply him with the turf.

How could the machine be taken from him if he had bought it?

There were certain conditions. The Minister may inquire into it and see if I am wrong. The man got the machine for £100 and Bord na Móna came down and took it back again.

Progress reported: the Committee to sit again.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Wednesday, 7th June, 1950.
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