Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Thursday, 5 Nov 1953

Vol. 142 No. 10

Private Members' Business. - Valuation Bill, 1953—Second Stage (Resumed).

Question again proposed: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."

With regard to this Bill introduced by members of the Opposition, while it does not go far enough to cover every section of the community the sponsors of the Bill deserve the highest credit for opening up discussion on a very vexed question throughout the country. Even though it is not a fully comprehensive Bill, it could be amended on the Committee Stage. It is well worth spending the time of the House to debate it, as there is definitely a crying need throughout the country for such a Bill.

Every Deputy and every local representative at some time or other has been approached to make representations to arrest the soaring rates, especially by those people who have reconstructed their houses or built new ones. Of course, provision is made in the present system for appealing against the increase of rates, but although you lodge the appeal the rate must be paid and very often the appeal is not successful. The present system of assessing the valuation of property needs very badly to be repealed. It works inequitably and causes very irritable discussions at meetings of local bodies. To my mind, it is a tax on initiative, on enterprise and on improvements. I know the Government is satisfied that the valuationgenerally throughout the country should be revised.

If Deputy Allen is to be accepted as the mouthpiece of the Government, then if this Bill is not accepted by the Government the Bill which the Government will bring in will give no relief to the ratepayers. He stated definitely last night that the value of property has gone up and therefore the valuation should be increased. That is a rather harsh statement for any public man to make. At the moment, the rateayers are over-taxed. Even members of the Government and the Taoiseach have said that taxation has reached its limit and that the community could not bear any further increase. Yet we have the local authorities and the county managers advising the rate collectors and rate inspectors in the different counties to make an inspection and to report on any improvements that have been made on property. Of course, we cannot blame rate collectors—it means increased pounds for them and they are only too glad to avail of the opportunity to increase their annual salaries. It would be all right if the increase of rates took place on houses that were renovated, but I know cases in my town of property almost 100 years old and where it is probably 100 years since any repairs were carried out—yet they were reported for an increase of rates. Some have appealed successfully and others unsuccessfully. That is a state of affairs that should not be allowed to continue. Some of those people are not in a position to meet the increased demand. The alternative is to let the house collapse, to apply for a corporation house or, if they are old and feeble, retire to the county home or the nursing home. That is the position as I know it in Sligo. There are some derelict sites in Sligo which are an eyesore, especially to strangers coming into the town during the tourist season.

If the Government intends to intro duce legislation to amend the present system, I would advise them to start at the foundation and value the whole country. That will be costly, but it will at least satisfy the people that each and every one is getting a fairdeal. Those responsible for introducing this Bill deserve the greatest credit and I am sure that, by the time it is fully discussed, the Government will realise that there is a serious problem which they must face. The onus will be on them to introduce legislation to provide a more equitable system of valuation throughout the country.

Many Deputies have taken part in this discussion from all sides of the House and their approach has been in some instances very different. I want first to express our appreciation of the number of people who have taken part, whether they took part against us or with us, because by and large most of them dealt with it in a very calm and constructive way. Unfortunately, I must except from that statement the speech of the Minister for Finance. We all hope that he will soon be recovered from his illness and personally I would prefer that he were sufficiently recovered to be here to-night, so that he would hear what I am going to say about him and his approach to this Bill. It is unfortunate for him personally that he is laid up and I hope he will be back again soon. When he does come back I hope he will take advantage of the opportunity to read some of the speeches of some of his own back benchers and the more reasoned criticisms that came from them. I would be ungenerous also if I did not say that we appreciate the constructive line taken by Deputy S. Flanagan last night; I do not agree with all that he said just as he does not agree with all that we say, but he did approach this matter in a constructive way. The same applies to Deputy Colley in the earlier stages of his contribution, though I differ from some of the opinions he expressed; nevertheless he did try to consider the problem on its merits and see what solutions could be found.

This is by no means a new problem. It is not a problem that was hurriedly considered by our Party. This Bill was not produced in a hurry. When our Party gave us directions to go into the matter and when we were considering the problem, there weretwo ways in which we could have brought it to the attention of the House. We could have dealt with it by means of a motion but it was inevitable that a motion would not pinpoint the difficulties and that we would not be able by means of a motion to offer any constructive solution to some of our difficulties. We decided, therefore, to do it by way of a Bill because we felt that in that way we would at least be putting some of our proposals before the House in a concrete and constructive form.

We did not think for one moment that the Bill we would produce would be the be-all or the end-all of the matter. Private Deputies have not got anything like the advice and facilities available to Governments and for that reason they are not in a position to see all the implications and ramifications of the proposals that may be put forward.

We fully realised that because of that disability we might be told that some of our proposals had not been examined home in the way in which they could be examined home by a Minister with all the resources of the Civil Service behind him. But we did think it was at any rate worthwhile. We still think it was worthwhile to come to the House with these proposals, partial though they may be in respect of one section of what is an extremely complicated code.

I was very amused in the earlier stages of this debate to hear Deputy Briscoe—I think he was the first speaker on the other side—say that the type of Bill he wanted dealing with this matter was an extremely simple Bill and, subsequently, to hear the Minister for Finance in the next few minutes say that this was a most complex code and that the matter could not be dealt with in a simple fashion. I think that was about the only remark made by the Minister for Finance with which I was able to agree completely.

The valuation code is a most complex one and it is one which it is difficult to deal with without all the resources that are available normally at any time to a Minister. Before one considers any question of revision ofthe code, it is necessary, first of all, to clear one's mind as to the approach from the local authority point of view. There are two approaches in every local authority problem; there is the short-term view and there is the long-term view. The short-term view is typified by the speech we had last night from Deputy Allen. It is his view that members of a local authority should seize any and every opportunity to get as much as they possibly can through valuations being raised as often as they can. It would be necessary for me, perhaps, to deal with that approach of his in greater detail were it not for the speech that followed from Deputy S. Flanagan; he made the true position quite clear.

The long-term approach in relation to the problems of a local authority is, we suggest, the approach that should be adopted as regards the aspect of this problem that we have put before the House in this Bill. I, indeed, suggest that that is the approach that should be taken to all the problems that come before a local authority. As individuals we may be here only for a short time. County councillors are in the same position. A local authority has to go on and the affairs of a county have to be considered on a much wider basis than a short-term basis.

If a local authority sets out deliberately to encourage development and to encourage building, then obviously that encouragement will show results in the form of revenue at a later date. Speaking as a member of a local authority I suggest to the House that to grant a remission of rates for a short period is a small price to pay if, by doing so, modern buildings will be erected which, in turn, will produce revenue over a long period of time.

That viewpoint is not now being put forward by this Party for the first time. In the original Local Government Act passed after the foundation of this State provision was made for the remission of rates on business premises under Section 69 of the Act of 1925. That provision was not exclusively restrictedto a remission on residential premises and I think it was re-enacted and continued in Section 12 of the Local Government Act, 1927.

As far as I can remember the first time that the restrictive scope of remissions was introduced was in the Local Government (Remission of Rates) Act, 1940. The whole basis of those earlier remissions was that by encouraging building the result would be that in the long run we would not merely be able to modernise our buildings and develop our towns but, in addition, it would have the effect of ultimately bringing to the local authority more revenue arising out of the new buildings that had been erected. Some three and a half years ago when one of the annual renewal Bills was before the House I endeavoured to bring an amendment that would extend the scope of that Bill to include business premises.

My amendment was ruled out of order on the grounds that it would extend the scope of the Bill. Nevertheless, there was a certain amount of discussion on it, and anyone who is interested can see the viewpoint that was put forward on behalf of our Party on the 8th March, 1950.

The objection that was put forward at that time seemed to us a valid objection for the time being. The objection was that materials for building were in short supply, that it was still necessary to ensure that all the available materials would be utilised in building homes for our people rather than that there should be widespread encouragement to build business premises. When that point of view was put forward we agreed that it was better to defer that encouragement, because at that time the question was how best to control the volume of material available so as to ensure that it would be put to the best possible use.

For the last 12 months at least, that position has altered. For the last 12 months and more there has been an ample supply of all materials required for building of every type and kind; there has been an ample supply of skilled labour—not merely has there been an ample supply of skilled labour over and above what was needed forbuilding homes for the people but, unfortunately, a large volume of that skilled labour has been unemployed and has been forced in some cases to emigrate in search of employment.

In those circumstances it seemed to us that the position which operated in 1950 no longer operated and that it was essential to do something which would encourage and urge people to modernise and improve their premises, both from the point of view of the employment thus created and the point of view of the long-term benefit to various local authorities in whose areas the buildings are situate.

No matter on what side of the House he is, no Deputy will deny that it is absolutely desirable in the present position to take every possible step to encourage building, no matter of what kind, so long as it will be useful to the community in the long run. Such encouragement will assist in the creation of employment and will therefore help the general economy of the country. That view being universally held, it is unnecessary for me to stress that aspect of the situation further. If we embark on a policy of inducement, the revenue of local authorities will increase and they will derive that revenue in a way that will make it easier on those who have to pay it. Therefore, I would strongly urge the House not to adopt the short-term view, the hand-to-mouth view that was urged here by Deputy Allen last night. Not merely will it not solve any valuation problem or solve the problems of the local authorities but rather will it make them increasingly difficult every year.

Having accepted the position that it was desirable that something should be done to create that urge, we wanted at the same time to try to do away with one of the difficulties and one of the injustices that, I am sure, has been brought to the attention of almost every Deputy.

As I said a moment ago, the question of valuations is a complex one. When I say that it is difficult for us to understand how valuations are fixed, I do not suggest for one moment that the Commissioner of Valuation and his staff are fixing valuations other than in accordance with the law, but I dosuggest that the law is so complex that it is difficult sometimes for people to understand it. I suggest further, that valuations, being fixed in accordance with the law, it is nonsensical for Deputies to suggest that the fact that there is only a small number of appeals against valuations is a sign that everybody is quite happy about them.

Obviously, when a person receives a notice of an increase in valuation if, indeed, he gets it within the 28 days provided for appeal, he must consider whether the increase in valuation was made in accordance with the law. If it was, it is quite useless and a waste of money to appeal against it. I am surprised that certain Deputies who take every opportunity of having a crack at the lawyers should have been the Deputies who would state that the fact that there was such a small proportion of appeals meant that everybody was satisfied. What it did mean was that people felt that the valuation may have been fixed in accordance with the law, that the law was unfair and should be varied.

It is because we felt that the law should be varied that we brought this Bill to the House. Time after time people who have made small additions to their business premises and who budgeted for an increase in valuation of £2 or £3 having regard to the size of the addition, found, when the valuation of the holding was revised, that it was not the valuation of the addition that was considered but the valuation of the entire premises. We found more and more resentment throughout the country on the part of people who had made an attempt to modernise their premises, whether they were small premises or not, against the manner in which the valuations had been increased out of all possible proportion. That resentment had become so great, with the rates at the figure they are at to-day, that it was beginning to act as a very strong deterrent from the carrying out of any type of improvement or extension.

I quite understand, and I think it is fair, when a person builds on an addition to his business premises, that that addition should be valued. It is a building that has been put there fora purpose and it is only right that an estimate should be made of the improvement or the value of that building but I do not think that it is right or that it makes for progress that when a small addition is added to a business premises of any sort the valuation authorities should take advantage of that, particularly—as indeed they are entitled under the law so to do—to go in and revalue the entire premises. That is a method of getting piecemeal revision which is objectionable and unjust, and which more than anything else will stand as a bar and act as a deterrent to progress.

We had during the course of this discussion some considerable debate as to the manner in which valuations are struck. As I understand the position —and I do not pose at all as being an expert on it—there are three bases on which valuations can be determined: the letting value, which is simple enough when the property is let or when it is capable of being let; the contractor's value, which is, I understand, taken by arriving at the capital cost and taking a fixed percentage of that capital cost; or the profit basis, which, of course, is arrived at by estimating what profit can be made out of the particular building that may be there. Exactly how those methods are put into operation is a problem that has defeated many people who have studied all the Acts and who have made an attempt to investigate as fully as they can.

The figures that come to us from the Valuation Office are largely a question of opinion. Leaving out purely values for rateable purposes, if anybody asks for a valuation of a farm before they decide that they want to sell it, or if a valuation of it has to be made for probate purposes, it is always in the long run a matter of two people's opinion. One person will have a lower opinion than the other. Usually in a probate case the auctioneer or the valuer who has been asked on behalf of the estate to suggest what his opinion is will be lower than the official figure; but it is always a matter of opinion. While it would bedesirable, if we could, to get this whole question and problem of valuation out of the realm of opinion it is difficult to see how it could be done. I merely mention that in passing because of the suggestion that was made from time to time on the other side of the House that it was desirable to shelve the particular aspect of the problem that we have put into this Bill until there had been a new conception of value introduced. A new conception would be entirely desirable. If one could find that conception it would probably save many people headaches, but I do not see that that conception can be got in any reasonable time. If it cannot be got in any reasonable time, surely it is better to endeavour to remedy some of the injustices that exist at present without waiting to be able to make a perfect job of the whole thing. After all, in any walk of life if we are going to wait until we can get a perfect solution it will usually mean that we will wait until we will never get any solution at all.

This Bill, therefore, does not attempt to deal with every aspect of the problem. It only attempts to deal with certain limited aspects. It does not deal with private houses because those are covered by the 1940 Act. which is automatically renewed every year. While in its primary wording in the Long Title it deals with business premises and certain farm buildings, yet we deliberately included in the end of the Long Title the phrase, "to amend the law generally relating to the revision of valuations". We did not restrict, as we might have restricted, that final phrase in the Long Title to business premises and farm buildings such as are mentioned in Sections 3 and 4 of the Bill. We wanted deliberately when we were phrasing the Long Title of the Bill to leave it in such a way that on the Committee Stage, if it were not killed by the Government before then, any and every suggestion that might be coming from any side of the House in regard to valuations would be in order under the phraseology of the Long Title.

So far as we were concerned we felt that it was undesirable to havethe piecemeal type of revaluation that has been going on for some years. Some Deputies with whom I have been discussing that problem agreed with that point of view but felt that it was unfair to stop that piecemeal revaluation to-day, and that we should go back and make the Bill retrospective from any particular date that the particular Deputy had in mind. There was an instance of piecemeal revaluation to some extent in the town of Buncrana in Donegal, I believe, some little time ago. I heard something about that. It might be felt that by stabilising valuations now, as Section 2 of this Bill provides, it would be unfair where piecemeal valuation had already taken place.

I do not think that view can hold water, because we must always make a start at some point of time. There will always be hard cases and hardships, no matter when one makes the law operative, with a commencing day. The fact that it might not deal with injustices that have already taken place is surely no argument to prevent one now bringing in a measure that will prevent further injustices of the same nature taking place in the future.

Under Section 2 of this Bill we suggest that unless a building is improved or enlarged or unless a new building is erected the valuation of the holding should not be increased. There is, of course, no power except in very limited instances such as coast erosion and so forth, to change the valuation of land. Therefore, any question of changing valuations really applies only to buildings. I heard the Minister for Finance making a case here on the second day that this Bill was before the House that it was possible for a person to go into a private house and without making any improvement to it at all or any enlargement of it to convert it into substantial, satisfactory and almost luxurious offices.

Of course, anybody who knows anything about Dublin business premises knows that that is not true. He mentioned premises in Merrion Square. Often and often I have had occasion to go into premises in Merrion Square thatwere once private houses and that are now being used as offices. I venture to say that if the Parliamentary Secretary and I took a stroll round the square some day, and went into any house that he or I might choose, we would find that in 99 cases out of 100 there had been structural alterations. It stands to reason that the structure that is satisfactory for a private house —particularly for a private house of that type—is entirely unsatisfactory for an office building. Therefore, I think we may take it that when the Minister for Finance was saying that under Section 2, people could change a house from a private dwelling-house into an office without spending anything —without, to use his own words, "even using a pot of paint"—it was one of these far-fetched flights of fancy to which we have often listened from that particular Minister. It was one of these far-fetched flights of fancy of which he, with the undoubted powers which he has as an orator, likes to avail himself but which we all know have no relation to the ordinary hard and practical things we meet in everyday life.

Why should the owner of a building that has not been improved or enlarged suddenly find himself faced with a very substantial addition on his overheads, not merely in rates but in income-tax —which, of course, is assessed and based on the valuation of the building —and in E.S.B. charges which, likewise, are based on the valuation. If the premises happen to be a licensed premises there is an additional tax on the licence duty that is payable out of it.

These are four separate impositions and they are four separate sources of revenue. It is for that reason, and only for that reason, that we had the impassioned oration by the Minister for Finance when he spoke on the Second Reading of this Bill but never spoke about the Bill at all.

If it had any inherent defect of its own then we would have been entitled to hear from the Minister some reasoned analysis of the provisions of the Bill and some reasoned analysis of the objections which he saw to it. The Minister confined himself to a flowery political diatribe, interspersed now andagain with personalities about Deputy O'Higgins, Deputy Morrissey and occasionally even about myself. That is not the approach that the country wants to this problem of valuations. I know that the Minister's approach is that there should be a general revaluation all over the country. As far as I can gather, that is the approach of certain other Deputies who have already spoken in this debate. I think it was the approach that was indicated by Deputy Allen when he was speaking here last night.

Theoretically, if a valuation of, say, £12,000 in a particular town, where a rate of, say, 30/- in the £ brings in a sum of £18,000, is increased overnight to £18,000 then, theoretically, a rate of only £1 in the £ should be needed to meet the services in the town. But we all know perfectly well that one of the real brakes on unnecessary extravagance and unnecessary spending by local authorities is the fact that we consider the figure of the rate that is being struck in the £ too high and that if that figure were brought down, on an increased valuation to bring in the same amount of revenue, there would not be the same curb on rate assessment that there is at the present moment. It is, if you like, a psychological problem. It is not a mathematical problem. Mathematically, it should be exactly the same. But there is more than that to it.

The effect of a general uplift in the way that has been suggested as the solution for our valuation problem by the Minister and by other Deputies would also have the effect of increasing electricity charges, of increasing income-tax charges and of increasing licence duty charges, to mention four aspects of it that readily come to my mind. Naturally enough, I suppose that, in these circumstances, Ministers for Finance will shrink from the problem. But shrinking from the problem and making a political diatribe about it will not ultimately bring us nearer to a solution of the problem. I think it is fair and reasonable that we should agree that it is improper that one particular house in any street should bepicked out by the local authority and, having been picked out by the local authority, sent forward for revision of valuation without the adjoining house in exactly the same position being so sent forward. We were told by some people in the course of this debate— and, of course, they were right—that the principle of taxation was to ensure that it would be just all round. Is it a just principle of taxation for an authority to be in a position to say, in regard to two absolutely identical and equal premises in every respect, that they will send one of these premises forward for valuation revision, with the consequent increase that is inevitable thereupon, and that they will not send the other forward? Could any of us who brought it down to that close analysis accept the proposition that that is just or proper?

Section 2 of this Bill endeavours to provide that where work is not done on existing premises, where they are not improved or enlarged, the valuation will be kept at the present figure. It does not, as I heard Deputies suggest, state that the valuation must be kept to the same figure where improvement work or enlargement has been carried out or where, by structural alterations, the premises are made suitable for another user. Where these premises are structurally improved, or extended, or enlarged, it is clearly provided that the valuation can be increased in respect of that improvement, but we do say that, particularly at the present time, it is essential that every possible inducement should be given towards the employment of men, towards new buildings, towards modernisation of our buildings, many of which are now becoming far too old and are getting worn out.

It is because we feel that inducement should be there that we have provided the method suggested in Section 3.

We suggest in that section, in the first place, that, when an addition is placed on a building, it is the value of that addition that should be considered for the new valuation. The fact that some small addition is made to a particular business premises does not justify the old premises as well as the new being revalued and the valuationsubstantially increased, with a resultant addition to the overheads on each of the four bases I have mentioned. We suggest, too, that with the aim and object of improving the revenue of local authorities, taking a long term view, a further inducement should be given to people to modernise and improve their premises in the form of a remission of rates on the addition over the first seven years. That period of seven years is the period already operative in relation to residential premises under the Act of 1940, and it is because that period is enshrined in that Act that we suggest a similar period here. Whatever we do, it would be desirable so far as possible to simplify it by making the two run side by side in the matter of terms, so that people will know and understand readily what period of remission they will get.

We have heard suggestions in regard to Section 4 that it was entirely unnecessary and was already the law. What the law is in regard to the revaluation of farm buildings—not using that term in the sense of residences— has been shrouded in mystery for some little time. We were approached by a deputation from an association of certain farmers who gave us facts and cases where farmers had added a new bay to a hay-barn, had increased the size of a cowshed, had made an addition to a barn and so on, and in all cases there had been a revaluation and, in addition, they did not get a remission of rates for any period. When those cases were brought to our notice —it was not a matter of a single case but of many cases—we were bound to assume that there was some deficiency in the existing law which some people believed did grant that type of building a remission of rates, and, to put the matter beyond yea or nay, that aspect has been included in Section 4.

One of the greatest barriers to our agricultural production is that we have not got adequate farm buildings on our farms. Surely it is worth while doing everything we possibly can, not merely by means of grants under the farm building scheme, but by means of easing the load in respect of valuation, for the purpose of encouragingfarmers to improve their buildings and, with improved buildings, to bring about increased production. We are often told that in Holland and Denmark they are getting ahead with agricultural production to a much better and much greater degree than we are. The Minister for Agriculture recently paid a visit to these two countries, and anyone who has been through Holland and Denmark must agree that the one thing that stands out, the one thing that strikes the traveller in the eye, is the fact that their farm buildings for their stock and for their grain are infinitely better on the average than ours.

If we are to say we want to improve our agricultural production, to bring it to the pitch to which we all believe it can be brought, we must remember that the best way of doing it is to improve the buildings on the farms. Many people will agree that, so far as the winterage of our cattle is concerned, we feed them on the dearest food of all—their own fat and their own flesh —because we have not got proper houses in which to accommodate them against the rigours of a winter's night.

We all agree that we must deal with that problem, and is it not better to be certain beyond question in respect of the buildings around a farm that they will get the inducement that a remission of rates and a stabilisation of valuation will bring rather than that we should merely push that section aside because the Minister for Finance wants to be somewhat clever at our expense?

This section provides, in respect of farm buildings, just the same easement as Section 3 provides in respect of business premises. If a man has a three-bay hay-barn at the moment which has a certain valuation on it, and if he adds a fourth bay, as the law stands, the whole shed will be revalued and the whole valuation increased. We provide in this section that that cannot happen, that all that can occur is that the additional bay, and only the additional bay, can be valued and that it is only in respect of that addition the new valuation will be placed upon the building in question. It is exactlythe same principle as we suggest for business premises—that where a small improvement is carried out, it should not be the excuse for an overwhelming impost being placed on the building there already.

There is no use in our endeavouring, on the one hand, by grants under the farm building scheme, by verbal urgings from Ministers, Deputies and everyone else, to get farmers to improve their buildings and, at the same time, whenever a farmer does improve his premises, hitting him as hard as we can with an increase in his valuation.

When that has been done once or twice in a parish and news of it gets around, we know only too well what the effect of it will be—that no one else in that parish will go in for the same sort of improvement. That, very shortly, is our aim in introducing this Bill.

We do not suggest for one minute that it is perfect. As I say, we quite deliberately introduced into the Long Title of the Bill the last phrase: "to amend the law relating to revision of valuations generally", so that the Committee Stage could be as wide as anyone would wish. But we did bring in the Bill because we felt that there is an essential need at the present time to do everything possible to urge and encourage people to modernise their premises. Whether by reason of the hygiene regulations or for any other reason, the modernisation of business premises is a thing that all of us would wish to see if the country is to improve and go ahead as we would desire. We are all agreed on the necessity for the encouragement of agricultural production. We should also, I suggest, be all agreed on the necessity for the provisions introduced in Section 4 of this Bill. Every one of us who is a member of a local authority at the present time knows and understands these problems. It is not merely those who are in this House who are faced with these problems. When I say "understands the problem" I mean acquainted with the problems, because the problems are sometimes difficult to understand to the full.

Everybody will agree that there is universal dissatisfaction throughout the country in regard to the valuation code, a dissatisfaction which must be remedied in some shape or form. The problems with which we are endeavouring to deal in this Bill are, we suggest, the source of the worst forms of that dissatisfaction—the method by which, because a local authority arbitrarily decides that a particular building should be revalued, that building is selected and sent forward for revaluation although a neighbouring building may not be so sent forward; the method by which, when small structural alterations are made, these structural alterations are seized upon as an excuse for putting an intolerable rate on the building as a whole; the method by virtue of which a man, having improved his land to carry ten cows instead of six, and then extends his cow-barn to provide for the additional four cows, he is hit with a new and additional imposition. That is not the way to secure progress; that is not the way in which the local authority can ultimately get its revenue most satisfactorily. The way in which the local authority can get its revenue most satisfactorily is to encourage enterprise and the erection and modernisation of building by every means in its power The most beneficial and efficacious method, the one that operates most in people's minds, is to ensure that for the first few years after the additional expense has been incurred, there shall be a remission of the annual burden so that the business will be enabled to stand on its feet. In that way we shall ultimately secure a greater revenue for local authorities.

Major de Valera

From the discussion in this House I think everybody will agree that this valuation code of ours is a subject for thought. It has its problems but does this Bill present the answer to them and, if so, is it a workable answer? I trust that Deputy Sweetman will not take offence at the statement that this Bill is a typical Opposition Bill. It is typical of the sort of Bill that Oppositions bring in because Oppositions do not have to think of all the ramifications and the problems involved. I think it is faircomment on my part to ask: Why, when Deputy Sweetman and his friends were on this side of the House, this Bill was not introduced? I think, too, I can give Deputy Sweetman the answer out of Deputy McGilligan's mouth, when Deputy McGilligan was Minister for Finance.

The Deputy was not in the House when I gave the reason why.

Major de Valera

That may be but I think I know the explanation from the records. I am not saying that it is not an unreasonable explanation. What I am trying to suggest is that the complications involved in this problem are such that this Bill does not answer the problem that is there. The answer I am giving Deputy Sweetman will be found in the Dáil Debates of the 6th December, 1950, Volume 123, column 1751 in which it is reported that Deputy Pádraig Ó Cuineáin asked the Minister for Finance: "If he will take steps, if necessary by the introduction of proposals for legislation, to ensure that the poor law valuation of premises, which will have to be altered to comply with the requirements of the food hygiene regulations, will not be increased?" That is one aspect of the problem and mind you I have a great deal of sympathy with anybody who wants to save people in such circumstances from a compulsory increase in valuation.

The answer given by Deputy McGilligan who was then Minister for Finance was:—

"Legislation would be required to give effect to what the Deputy has in mind and as many premises, in addition to those referred to in the Deputy's question, are subject to regulations which may necessitate alterations involving an increase in valuation, I regret that I cannot see my way to introduce proposals for the necessary legislation."

So that, presumably, if it came to a division, Deputy McGilligan in Opposition would undoubtedly vote for the Bill but, when he had responsibility as Minister he regretted that, because of the complications and the ramifications involved, he could notintroduce the necessary legislation. I am afraid that pretty well sums up the position, that the problem is so complex, that, frankly, I do not think a simple Bill like this will meet the problems of our valuation code.

I need not go over all the things that have been said in the debate already, but there are problems. The question of ultimate fairness which Deputy Sweetman referred to, a proposition to which I think everybody would subscribe, means this, that if you strike a certain valuation at any particular time it cannot go on for ever. As a matter of fact it is the age of this legislation that has created one of the difficulties. Presumably in the original valuations there was a certain equitable apportionment which pretty well reflected true values at the time. It has been the efflux of time, with a number of other factors, that introduced the disproportion, and disproportion there is in certain cases. Therefore, the essential thing in the valuation code, because it is a form of taxation, is to secure a balance of fairness, a balance of equity.

Leaving improvements and enlargements for the moment, does anybody suggest that the equitable thing to do would be to freeze at this late stage all valuations when already, through the passage of time, a great disproportion has entered into the picture? That is point number one. Is not that the approach of the first effective section? Section 2 really proposes, short of anything else, to freeze the present position. A moment's thought and reflection would show that that particular approach is hardly the best one.

What we are up against, and I think the reason why Deputy McGilligan shied at it and why any other Minister would approach it with caution, is that what is involved here is really a question of a complete revision of valuation on some new equitable basis, which is so formidable a task and has so many ramifications that it cannot be disposed of in a simple Bill like this, and could not be disposed of without a great deal of preliminary inquiries, statistical and otherwise. That is the first thing I see wrong with the Bill. Itdoes not meet the basic problem which is there and, in so far as it legislates to freeze the existing position, it is consolidating and perpetuating whatever injustices there are at the moment.

The exception which is made in this Bill is in regard to improvement and enlargement. It has been suggested that structural improvement is what is intended, but it might be capable of wide interpretation. I concede to Deputy Sweetman that very possibly some particular cases which are in mind at the moment would be covered. For instance, the food regulation one. I have a great deal of sympathy with anyone objecting to that. If the State steps in and compels a person to do something, then there should not be indirect penalisation for the carrying out of a legislative provision under compulsion such as an increase in valuation. Personally, that would be my view. To a certain extent the Bill would achieve that. But that can be achieved in another measure which would be more equitable without doing the other things that this Bill would do.

Deputy Sweetman and other Deputies advocating this Bill have, very naturally, stressed the fact that there are cases where an increase in valuation has been disproportionate to, say, the valuation of similar premises in the town and even, in fact, a discrimination. There is, however, another side to the picture, which was mentioned by the Minister for Finance in his remarks on this Bill in the opening stages, and it is this. Supposing you have a premises which is a private dwelling-house and you have next door to that premises another house of exactly the same type but intended to be a private dwelling-house and somebody starts a remunerative profession or business in it and uses it for business purposes. That can be done. We need not go into the argument as to whether it is or it is not, but it can be done without any alteration. Let us take a hypothetical case. Supposing the person was a solicitor, then in the face of this Bill, knowing the law, he would take care not to do anything which would mean an increased valuation. Therefore, youwould have another type of disproportion. There is an arguable case on it.

Deputy Sweetman may say that it is a hereditament—that he did not see why it should make any difference with that building—that that building is not an office, but a habitation. That case could be stated and is one for argument. But suppose you start thinking of it in terms of real return from the business, you have another point of view completely. I leave these arguments as something that could be developed and talked about. But the fact is that in freezing valuations at that particular stage, you are perpetuating, short of actual reconstruction or improvement, whatever disproportions there are to-day. In fact, you are doing something to inhibit a revision, because fundamentally what is needed is an equitable revision of the valuations, which is a very formidable task.

Now coming to another angle of this Bill, I wonder if Deputies have thought of the effect of Section 2. Very recently some of us, on this side of the House anyway, have been concerned about employment and the incidence of employment in the building industry. Some of us put up a proposal— I think it has been acted upon in the Dublin Corporation and other places —that if one could stimulate private interests to renovate and reconstruct, or even construct new premises, that you could probably contribute towards the employment of that floating pool of labour that needs to be employed in regard to building, perhaps more effectively than some local authority or State schemes. Not only would you be doing that, but you would be getting work of lasting value done for the community; in other words, the real wealth of the community so far as it is in buildings would be preserved, if not enhanced. In order to stimulate that it was proposed, and I think the Government have made some statement on the matter—I think I saw an announcement published—in which a remission of rates for a period for anyone who would embark on such a scheme was stressed. Now, if that argument is valid, and it seems to be good, then it carries certain grounds for criticism of Section 2.

I know remissions are provided for in Sections 3 and 4. But, if you give a man a guarantee of his existing valuation, presumably for all time, as this Bill stands, provided he does not improve or enlarge his tenement, are you not practically inviting him to ensure that he does not improve his premises? I have not the Valuation Act here, but the word "tenement" is pretty wide.

It is not a tenement house.

Major de Valera

No, but it is pretty wide. Take the question of agricultural holdings. One of the things we have deplored and commented upon right through the years was the horrible situation in regard to Irish holdings in the last century whenever an effort for improvement was made. We have often expatiated on the need for stimulating a farmer to improve his buildings and his holding. We talked about the unfortunate effect of tradition from these other days. If you guarantee a man that his valuation will not go up provided he is careful not to do anything to his holding, surely that cannot be called encouragement. I know that can be pursued too far. At the moment there is the deterrent that the valuation can be increased if a person improves his property. I know there are provisions to meet that but by putting it in that blunt, definite form in this Bill and in legislation you are contributing to that effect whatever contribution there is in the direction intended by Deputy Sweetman or the other sponsors of this Bill. Whatever about whether or not we are in sympathy with the general approach, I should certainly like to find some other formula from which to start than the wording of Section 2 of this Bill.

In regard to Section 3, the large class of dwelling-houses is covered. As to Section 4, if my information is correct—I have not yet checked on the legal end—there is a deferment of seven years in the case of farm buildings, so that Sections 3 and 4 do not introduce anything very novel beyond the restriction of the effect of revaluationto the actual improvement or enlargement.

The actual remission provisions—I may be wrong but I think I am right —are already in force so far as private dwellings and farm buildings are concerned. The case in respect of business premises has been met very recently as a result of the activities I mentioned, so that, when we examine this Bill, we find it confers no very great benefit on the three most important classes of property, farm buildings, business premises and ordinary houses. After that, I leave you to see what are the important hereditaments to be covered.

With regard to the provision remitting the incidence of increased valuation in view of improvement, there may be a point there which should be considered for the future. There are many people who might think there was a point there but that point of itself is not enough, in view of the other defects in the Bill, to get the Bill through in its present form. This Bill fails completely to meet the fundamental trouble in regard to valuations, the disproportion that has entered into the picture with the passage of time.

Deputy Rooney—I hope I am not misquoting him—referred to houses recently built and old houses and the disproportion in their valuations. That is one thing that I cannot see this Bill do anything for. If there is a house recently built with a much higher valuation than an equivalent older building—I think somebody made the point that the older buildings are more substantial and would last much longer—you are going to freeze that disproportion. Is that desirable? What is the answer to that vexed question? It is a thing that has arisen from the passage of time. Somebody may still preserve a private house in a Dublin street as a private house at a certain valuation and somebody next door may have let his house in offices. Its letting value as a premises is about four times that of the other building. In one case you have the value of the premises as a dwelling and in the other it is a business return. After the passage of this Bill that situation would befrozen. What is the answer? As I say, the position could be faced squarely if somebody could argue that that was an equitable situation but if it is argued that it is not an equitable situation, then the Bill falls by the board completely.

I can only say that this Bill is a typical Opposition Bill. I say that in all seriousness without intending it to be a jibe. When I say "typical Opposition" I mean opposition generally, no matter who occupies the benches. The Bill is typical of the type of Bill an Opposition will bring in. In many ways I cannot blame the Opposition for that. They have not all the resources for bringing in a Bill to cover a matter of this nature. I do not want to be too hard on them by talking about the bluff of trying but the fact is that they have not got the resources to go into a problem of this nature. The only one who has the resources is the State. Deputy McGilligan's answer is on the record. He realised what he was up against when he had the responsibility.

I will go this far with the Opposition. I think this problem, as Deputy Sweetman said, will have to be looked into sooner or later but what our approach is to be I do not know. I think it is no harm that the subject should be brought up. Perhaps it is the function of the Opposition to raise such matters. It is no harm. This is a very big problem and if we are going to tackle it seriously we must realise the fundamental problem in it is something in the nature of a revision to secure at the present moment an equitable distribution of the rate burden. It does not matter an awful lot what the actual value of the valuations is. I know Deputy Sweetman has answered it in regard to the incidence of remission. In actual fact it does not matter an awful lot. Let me put it this way to Deputy Sweetman.

The local authorities are going to collect what they need for running their business. That is what it boils down to. The rates struck will be struck to meet that and the only effect of an increase in valuations would beto reduce the incidence of the rate. A decrease in valuations would simply mean that the rates would go up. There is no answer to it. It is not the valuations that determine the rates at all. It is how much money the local authority wants or needs to do its business and pay for its outgoings and commitments. The actual rate of assessment is largely a matter of secondary importance. If by any scheme or device you were to lower generally all valuations the net result would be to put up the rates and the net collection would be the same.

Now, the net conclusion being the same, it is questionable whether any other approach, except that of an equitable revision, should be the approach to this problem. Incidentally, another objection that I would have to Section 2 would be this: Suppose you do what Deputy Sweetman has in mind in Section 2 and that the effect of it would be, as I think it probably would be, to inhibit an enlargement, you would then freeze valuations, so that the incidence of rates would lie in the same pattern more or less permanently. Any increase in rates, and there may be an increase in rates in the future, I am afraid, would fall more heavily on those people who have suffered an injustice in that freezing, so that, if one may put it this way, people who should not be getting away with murder would be getting away with it. Therefore, in all seriousness the point on which I join issue with Deputy Sweetman on this Bill is on this question of the tendency to freeze. I think that a far better approach would be on the basis of revision which might very well include a number of provisions rather similar to some of those in this Bill.

I might point out that remissions are nothing new. We already have remissions in the case of new houses that are being built, and some on the same lines as the Deputy provides for in Section 4, in the case of farm buildings. Therefore, there is nothing new in that, and as the House knows, remissions have already been announced. We are providing remissions regarding business premises. I cannot see that there is very much else in the line of newimprovements where remissions are not about to be provided for.

To sum up, I suggest that the Bill fails, and fails completely because of the fact that it fails to meet the problem of an equitable revision of valuations. I do not blame those behind it for not wanting to tackle that chestnut. Frankly, I do not see how they could, nor do I know how any private group of people would have the resources for tackling that colossal problem. I have a great deal of sympathy with Deputy McGilligan and with other Ministers who thought twice before they would embark on that problem. Apparently, Deputy McGilligan, when Minister for Finance, thought so much about it that he went so far as to say that he regretted he could not see his way to introduce proposals for the necessary legislation.

There is a problem here, and there is no harm in talking about it. Perhaps it is legitimate tactics for the Opposition to bring in their Bill as a device—Deputy Norton called it a device—to talk about the problem. Therefore, I do not think that Deputy Sweetman can, in all seriousness, ask us to pass it into legislation and inflict it on the community. If he wants support for it, he probably will get it from a number of people on the argument that, having regard to the efflux of time and the disproportions that have taken place with the passage of the years, and with the situation as it is to-day, it is perhaps time now that the major task of reviewing our whole valuation code not by an amending Bill like this but with something much more substantial and comprehensive and much more effective, was undertaken so as to redress whatever want of equity there is at the present moment. That is what I think is needed, and that is what this Bill does not give us.

I have great sympathy with the people opposite on this, more sympathy than perhaps Deputy Sweetman might give me credit for. I, too, have suffered in another place in going through that code. I know a little bit about its difficulties and a lot about what the citizen is faced with. I knowof cases that could hardly be called equitable, but even though all that may be so, I feel that this Bill would provide no solution to the problem, and that to support this Bill would do the reverse. Therefore my voice must reluctantly be added to those who say "no."

Mr. A. Byrne rose.

Perhaps the Deputy would allow me. Deputy Byrne moved the adjournment of the debate last night, having spoken for about five minutes. He was not in his place this evening when the debate was resumed at 9 o'clock as he was under the impression that the time fixed for the resumption of the debate was 9.30 p.m. For that reason alone, the Chair is disposed to allow the Deputy to conclude his speech, but the Chair wishes it to be understood that this is not to be taken as a precedent, particularly as the House is not in Committee.

Mr. A. Byrne

I was about to make my apologies to the Chair for not being here in time. I understood that the debate would not be resumed until 9.30 p.m. I spoke for about four minutes last night and during that time I tried to put forward the point of view of Dublin people, and to indicate why the House should accept the Bill that is now before it. There is one section of the Bill which appeals to me and must appeal to every representative of the City of Dublin, no matter what Party he may belong to. That is the section which seeks for permission for business people to improve their premises, so that if a man puts in a new window—one six by six to replace one four by four-he will not be immediately subject to an increase in his valuation. That is what is happening every other day, that reports of improvements of that kind are being sent into the Commissioners of Valuation, and in due course, valuations are increased. The people who carry out those improvements very probably have done so on borrowed money. The Bill certainly recommends itself to me if that sort of difficulty can be got over, and if, in cases where improvements are carried out, peoplewill not have their valuations increased with a consequent increase in rates and taxes.

I submit that people who do good work of that kind should be exempt from an increase in their valuations and from the payment of increased rates and taxes for a period of at least seven years so as to enable them to recover the amount of money they have spent on the improvements. Very often people have to borrow money from the banks to carry out these improvements. Therefore, they should be exempt in the respects I speak of until they have paid back to the banks whatever money they may owe them.

The putting in of a new shop front may cost a man £400 or £500. That is a class of work that provides good employment for carpenters, bricklayers and others, and it is work that should be encouraged. It can be of great help in relieving the unemployed. The Taoiseach and the members of the Government have appealed to the corporation to go ahead with schemes to provide work for the unemployed. Here we have an opportunity of doing so knocking at our door. If the concessions asked for in this Bill are granted they will be an encouragement to the people to carry out improvements and alterations to their premises and so will be a means of providing work for the unemployed. We all know that under the food and health regulations it will now be necessary for people to carry out improvements to business premises. That provides another reason why the concessions asked for in this Bill should recommend themselves to the House. If there is no increase in their business by the new improvement in the premises, and if it is only a replacement of an old frontage or something that will not add to their profits, those people should be encouraged to go ahead. We should not step in and increase the valuation at least for seven years, as in the case of houses. There could be a graded system over ten years—one-tenth the first year, two-tenths the second year, and so on.

There is a desire for the type of BillDeputies Sweetman and O'Higgins have introduced. It is one of those measures that the Government might have brought in, and they should not have hostility to this because these Deputies brought it in.

I am afraid there is an atmosphere being created in the House for a revaluation of the whole country. That would mean increases everywhere and no decrease. It would mean an increase on big shopkeepers, small shopkeepers and business people, taking money from an already overtaxed and overburdened people struggling to maintain a business.

In Dublin City, the customers of most of those shops are being sent to the outskirts to live. The houses around the business premises have been left empty, and are going into decay, yet the shopkeepers are paying the same high rents and high taxation. Their customers are being pushed out of the city altogether to new areas. In Dorset Street the traders see their customers pushed out, with heavy bus fares to come in, and high rents; and those shopkeepers are left without their customers. The Government themselves may have to give instructions to another authority not to do that, but to build up the old city again, to give the people a chance of carrying on their business and of keeping assistants employed at decent wages.

I am afraid an atmosphere is being worked up for a general revaluation, which would mean that all our constituents would have a further tax placed on their shoulders. In 1938—I wish Deputy de Valera were here now, but it is well for the new members to know this—a Revaluation Bill was brought in here. It was carried forward on the Order Paper from 1938 through 1939 and then the Second Reading was passed by 67 votes to 51. That is a substantial minority, is it not? Having carried it by 67 votes on the 1st of March, 1939, the Committee Stage was ordered for the 22nd March. I looked up all the documents for the 22nd March but, would you believe it, the Government had not the courage to go ahead with it, because of the indignationthat, within a week, had spread over the whole country. It frightened every member of the House. Constituents were wiring and telephoning and writing to say this would ruin them. As a result, there was a Party meeting in this House that night and on the 22nd March the Order of the House was not given effect to, and a measure that was carried by 67 votes to 51 never came before the House. There is no Order on any document of the House dealing with the matter— the measure just fizzled out, because of the fear of the harm it would do all over Ireland.

If that was the position then, what has happened to change the people now? They are now more heavily taxed than ever and their customers in Dublin have drifted to the outskirts. More are being sent out, but they will not be sent out much further if I and one or two others can stop it, as the old Dublin shopkeepers must be protected. That Bill got a good discussion from both sides. I remember that the points I am trying to make now were well put at that time, that a revaluation would ruin the people.

I wonder if even 1 per cent. of the appeals made to the Commissioners of Valuation ever brought about a reduction for the unfortunate businessman or the owner of property. I will take a chance and say that not 1 per cent. was successful. Last night when speaking I was touching on a point that I think most unjust. I see one of my Dublin Corporation colleagues here, Deputy Dr. ffrench-O'Carroll; it is a pity there are not more of them. People have written to us sending a notice they got from the city treasurer for the rates and they express horror and surprise that the rates have gone up £10, £15 and £20 without their knowing a word about it. Under the code they have, the commissioners increase the valuation and they do not give notice to one person to appear in court or show cause why the valuation should not be increased. The first time they hear of the increase is when they get the notice for the rates.

I have neverknown a case where they were not given a certain length of time to appeal.

Mr. A. Byrne

I will ask the city manager and the city treasurer to tell the Deputy what is going on. I am glad I have drawn him to say that. If this debate is adjourned and what I say proves correct, I am sure the Deputy will protest against any future revaluation.

The Deputy says that has been the case and that the practice is there?

Mr. A. Byrne

I want to put the facts over to you.

Deputy Byrne should address the Chair.

Mr. A. Byrne

Yes, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. Then a person writes to his local representative and asks him to appeal about this. The city manager and city treasurer write and say: "We can do nothing in the matter; you must pay this increase and take steps to appeal." Some of these people have no money to take an appeal to court. They go to court but in the meantime they are already stuck for the extra £20 or £40 on the half-year's rates and must pay, as I understand there is no way of getting out of it.

I am sorry to interrupt, but that is not correct.

Mr. A. Byrne

If you think it is not correct and I prove it is correct, you will join with me on this point?

You can appeal only after you have been notified.

Mr. A. Byrne

Now you are going back on it. What I said was that the only notification they get is the rates bill from the corporation, and in many cases that is the first they have heard of it. They are told to look up some public list. They know nothing about it. I earnestly hope my colleagues of this Dáil will recollect what happened on the 1st March, 1939, when theRevaluation Bill for the whole country was carried by 67 votes for to 51 votes against.

The Deputy has already said that twice.

Mr. A. Byrne

I remember well what took place, that the Government of the period would not go on with the Bill because of the indignant protest all over Ireland. Dublin was revalued about 1905—at any rate, between 1900 and 1910—and Waterford was revalued within a few years afterwards. Therefore, it is not back to 90 or 100 years, as some speakers have said.

I greatly fear what is going to happen if revaluation occurs. These people will have no money to bring an appeal to court. They will have to accept the increase and the harm will be done. The Government was afraid to go ahead the last time. I remember the night well, when there was a meeting of the present Government Party in their own rooms in this House and the majority of the members protested so severely that the Government let the Bill fizzle out without making an Order. I remember, as I was present here that night.

I appeal to the Government to accept the section in this Bill that will give permission to shopkeepers and business people who are anxious to improve their properties. It will give work to carpenters and bricklayers who are unemployed. Those people should be given at least the protection that will allow them to pay back the interest on borrowed money to carry out these improvements, spread over a period of seven years.

I have little further to say. Maybe I am speaking the way I am because of my recollection of the speeches I heard then and that I heard here last week. I remember the things said on both sides, those for and those against, the difficulties that arose and that became so great that the measure was allowed to fizzle out, so that nothing was heard of it from that day to this.

The Deputy has said that four times.

Mr. A. Byrne

My reason for standing up is to try to get work for the unemployed, especially in the building trade. There are business people and small manufacturers ready to put up new walls, roofs and windows, but the fear of extra heavy taxation is preventing them from doing so.

Deputies who have introduced this Bill are rendering a distinct service to the country. The speech we heard just now from Deputy de Valera was a reasonable one. Anyone listening to him would read between the lines that he really was in agreement with the Bill to a large extent. Undoubtedly the majority of people are apprehensive of an increase in rates. We know there will be a further increase in rates and the Deputies opposite know that, too. This is affecting the country seriously, no matter what arguments Deputies across the way may produce. It is seriously affecting reconstruction and the building of new premises. It affects agriculture, industry and business as a whole.

This is a reasonable Bill. No Deputy on these benches claims to be perfect; we claim only that we are trying to do our duty by the people. I have no doubt that if Fianna Fáil produced the Bill it would be perfect and every Fianna Fáil Deputy would have to accept it as being perfect; but, being a Fine Gael Bill, it is not to be supported by the Fianna Fáil Party.

It would be far more reasonable for the Government Party to accept the fact that a revaluation or a control of valuation is necessary. If they let this Bill through its present stage, and if they are not fully satisfied, they can improve it on the Committee Stage.

The Long Title of the Bill itself says:—

"An Act to amend the Valuation Acts so as to provide certain reliefs in respect of increased valuations resulting from improvements to business premises and to certain farm buildings and outhouses and also to amend the law relating to revision of valuations generally."

Section 2 would stop the activities of the revaluing officer, whose duty it is to increase valuations at present, whether the buildings are touched or not. The fact that it will do that will establish security in the country. No one knows at the moment how he is going to make ends meet. Added to that, people have the fear that overnight an increase may be made.

Even a neighbour, who may have a grouse against a particular businessman may try to persuade the revaluing officer to re-inspect the premises and increase the valuation. Everyone is fighting hard to make ends meet. Fianna Fáil Deputies, although they say they believe the situation has improved now—we cannot see it personally—know how hard it is to make ends meet. It would mean something if a Bill like this went through and people knew that, as long as they did not extend, alter or improve their premises, their valuation could not be increased.

I know the reason the Governmentdo not accept this. They want to increase the load of taxation on the people. We are told by the Leader of the present Government that the limit of taxation has been reached. At the same time, Deputy Vivion de Valera says this evening that he believes the rates will go up. We all know they are going up, but at least we would like to know where we stand in relation to things generally.

The argument has been adduced by the Minister for Finance—I was not here when he was speaking, but I read the record of what he said—that it would be possible for anybody to convert part of a premises—he cited the instance of Merrion Square—for other purposes without any structural alteration whatever. I move the adjournment of the debate.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 11 p.m. until 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 10th November, 1953.
Top
Share