Ba mhaith liomsa beagáinín níos mó Gaeilge a chloisteál sa díospóireacht seo. 'Sé mo thuairmse go raibh i bhfad níos mó le cloisteál suas le cúpla bliain ó shoin. Tá fhios ag chách go mba cheart go mbeadh dlú-bhaint níos láidre idir an Roinn Tailte agus muintir na Gaeltachta. Blianta ó shoin is cuimhin liom scéal a chloisint faoi fear a bhí ag foghlaim na teangan. Bhí mórchuid Gaeilge aige i dtosach, ach leis na blianta chaill sé aon tsuim nó dúil nó spéis a bhí aige innti. Tá faitchíos orm go bhfuil an scéal céanna le rá faoin Roinn seo.
Is féidir leis an Roinn a lán maitheas a dhéanamh in obair na teangan. Tá an-chumhacht acu chun an teanga a tharraingt isteach in a gcuid oibre agus molaim-se go ndéanfaidís é chomh maith agus is féidir leo. Tóg, mar shampla, ceist na litreacha a chuireann siad amach. Nuair a cuireadh an Stáit seo ar bun, do dhein gach Roinn iarracht mór an Ghaeilge a thabhairt isteach agus úsáid níos mó a dhéanamh dí; chuir siad tús le na gcuid litreacha le "A Chara" agus críoch leo mar seo: "Mise, le meas" nó "le mórmheas"; ach suas trí na blianta chuireadar cosc leis an nós sin agus níl acu anois ach "Dear Sir" agus "Yours sincerely".
Creidimse go mbeimíd indon an Ghaeilge a thabhairt tharnais, ach caifear í a aithbheochaint in dhiaidh a chéile. Níor cheart do scríobhnóir, mar shampla, fanacht go mbeidh mórchuid Gaeilge ag chuile dhuine; ba cheart dó tosnú a dhéanamh le habairtí simplí Ghaeilge ag tús agus ag deire a litir. Sa chaoi sin, beidh sé ag tabhairt cabhair mór don chúis. Molaimse anois go gcuirfidh an Roinn atá i gceist anseo tosnú ar an obair sin.
Deputy McQuillan spoke, yesterday, about possible savings in the Land Commission in the number of officials and in other aspects of expenditure. My opinion also is that there could be a considerable saving. While some may be pulling their weight, the great majority are not pulling their weight, and they are not giving a full day's work for a full day's pay. That holds for the field staff as well as for the office staff. I think that there could be great retrenchment and a great saving for this State in the Land Commission. I have that opinion of the whole Civil Service, but in this particular Department there is a call for retrenchment and it should be examined.
I am not one of those who say that the Land Commission should be abolished, when it does no useful work, that in the policy of migration it is very slow and is not meeting with the spectacular success that people anticipated, and that, therefore, it should be abolished. I do not agree with that at all. I think that in the rearrangement of rundale and in migration, the Land Commission have done a very big work and a great lot of good for the country as a whole.
I have been in Connemara several times and I have seen the homes from which people were translated to Meath and to other parts. They were never translated to Tipperary because the Government and the Land Commission were always afraid of Tipperary, but that is another question. Anyway, I have seen the homes from which they were migrated. The land from which they were taken was added to other homes. I have seen, after a number of years, the sons in the houses which got an additional holding building houses on the old holding, so that you had the congestion all over again.
You see all that from Donegal to Kerry, but that does not deter me from praising migration, and it does not suggest to my mind that the Minister or the Land Commission should change that. It does indicate, however, that you have no quick solution for this problem of migration or congestion. Candidly speaking, I would far sooner see a rural slum than a slum in a city area because in the former independent men and women have a better chance of developing their individuality and their citizenship in a rural congested area than they would have in a congested tenement area in a city.
There is another point with which I should like to deal. The Land Commission had been operating before there was ever an independent State in this part of Ireland. One notable fact about the old Congested Districts Board was the slovenly, half-hearted way in which they did things, and the way in which they left things unfinished. They divided an estate say in Meath or Kildare. The old British Government voted so much money to make ditches and roads into the homes of the people. We will say that the sum was £50, which was a lot of money at that time. They made the road half-way or three-quarters of the way and left it there. The people at the end of the estate were left without any road. That is a fact, and you can see evidence of it in County Clare and in County Westmeath. That evidence is there until this day where you see people having to carry their goods across the unmade part of a road, if one can call it a road because it is little more than wheel tracks.
Things have improved a bit since then. The grants are meagre and the officials do the best they can with these grants. But, again, there is often neglect in completing the work. I know an estate in my own parish, the Hempenstall estate, which is situate at Ballinascary. I wrote to the Land Commission recently about it. There was very bad mishandling in the matter of administration there. I want to draw the attention of the House, the Department and the Minister to certain details. The ditches were never completed; they were never fully made. The ditch between a man named Reynolds and a man named Philip O'Reilly was never finished. The pump was never properly sunk, and who is to blame for that I do not know. The fact, however, is that these men have to pay their annuities and their rates and there is no protection to keep their cattle and sheep from crossing one another's land. The Minister is not to blame for that, but I am drawing his attention and the attention of this House and of the Land Commission to that particular estate.
Another matter to which I should like to draw the attention of the Minister, and of the Government, is that when an estate, like the Chapman estate, at Southill, near Delvin, County Westmeath, is acquired where you have big belts of woods or forests, the Land Commission, with its child, the Forestry Department, should put their heads together and see what is to be the ultimate national result in a few years in the wiping out of those forests. The Minister and the Land Commission know of that. You have it from Galway to Dublin and from Cavan to Kerry in the case of big estates which have been acquired. Whatever we may say against landlords, and there is very little good that we can say of them, one thing they did was to preserve any forests that we had in the country.
I should like to deal with the question of the division of estates on which there are belts of trees. Take the case of Joristown. There you have one of the finest belts of elm and larch to be found around any estate in the country. I cannot tell the exact depth of it. What is going to happen to it? It is going to be knocked down and sold by the incoming occupiers of the land. Is it going to be replaced? Not a whin bush will be set in its place. Any afforestation that takes place will be of a nature which will not grow timber that will be one-tenth as good, because it will be on cut-away bog, and will not yield timber of the quality that you have in Southill and in Joristown and on a number of other estates.
I should like the Land Commission and the Minister to look very seriously into this matter and see what can be done about it. I can see young larch and mature larch, I can see elm and oak, mature and immature, being felled every week that I come to Dublin. What is going to take their place? These are posers for the Minister and are of national importance. I suggest it would be very desirable if the Minister could deal with them when he is replying.
On the question of migration, local requirements should be met as far as possible. Sometimes they are not; sometimes there is a lack of justice on the part of the Land Commission, and deserving people are put out. I do not want to minimise the problem that there is in the West. I know that where you have a lot of small holdings with valuations of £10 and £15 you have to deal with them, but I would ask the Minister to bear in mind that, in the Midlands, we also have small valuations. For instance, if anyone looks up the Statistical Abstract for 1938, the latest one that I have seen, he will find that there are 8,000 or 9,000 holdings in my own county under £10 valuation and you have quite a big number with valuations of £2 10s. I suggest that the position of these people should be considered when they are near an estate and that they should not be left out.
Coming now to the question of the big migration to Delvin, you are going to deal with an estate in Adamstown. Why not give the locals there a chance? You brought decent people, good citizens, who are a credit to the country, up from the West. Now give the local people a chance when you are dividing the Adamstown estate. In the same way, why not give the people in a comparatively congested area like Dysart a chance?
In the Kilbeggan electoral area, the farms are all small. It is not the grazing part of Westmeath. It adjoins Offaly, and the farmers there are great growers of barley and all grain crops. Why not look into their claims when dealing with the 100 or 200 acres of land which you are about to divide in Dysart?
Deputy Donnchadh Ó Briain dealt with the question of cottages. We have successfully gone from the conditions when the British were here in regard to the number of cow parks in the County Westmeath. The cottiers there may have one or two cows and calves and may need accommodation. I am making the case that the people from Dysart should get a cow park.
You have an estate at Joristown, which I mentioned before, and on which there is a big holding. I think its valuation is £35 or £36. You brought innumerable people, as you were entitled to do, from the West, to inspect that holding, to see if they would give up their holdings in the West, and take that over. The valuation on the house frightened them, and they have gone back. I will give you 20 people within 20 miles of that holding who will not be frightened of the valuation, and who will give up their holdings and go into that. I appeal to you to give them a chance. They will make good farmers, will not bog down on the rates, but will pay every cent of them. Every one of them is a good mixed farmer, and will make a success of it. You are two or three years tinkering with it now. Give the Westmeath and Meath people a chance—it is only a couple of miles from the Meath border—of proving themselves and going in there, after yielding up their own farms. This will aid the relief of congestion.
I do not subscribe, for one moment, to the doctrine that a man should have a limited amount of land. If a man had 10,000 acres of land, gave good employment for which he paid a good wage, and drew a good yield out of it, more power to him. Why limit the amount of land he should hold? It is only the man who is a chain-grazing farmer whom I would make work. The size of a man's farm does not frighten me in the least. One of my constituents wrote to me, condemning us for the handling of the Land Commission. He wrote:—
"If I had the handling of the Land Commission, I would get a map of Ireland and divide the land into squares. You would do it in 12 months."
I do not believe in that kind of thing. As I said, if a man is giving good employment, and getting the best out of the land, he should be left in his holding.
But, side by side with that, you have the Land Commission going after Westmeath holdings of 20 or 30 acres, in the vicinity of Dysart. I know the case of a widow who was left, unfortunately, with a number of children to rear. She got into debt with the bank, and some wiseacre said that the Fine Gael Party were making war on the children. She is dead now, and the children are all working, trying to pay the bank. They are like a lot of hounds after a fox in a field. To take 20 acres from the children of this woman is most unfair and uncalled for. The children were well entitled to go into that holding when they got on their feet. If ever anything made for Communism that kind of thing makes for it.
In my career as a public representative, I know of nothing where we can be more unfair and unjust than in this question of land division. Go into any political meeting of any political organisation. You can talk about social welfare, or about any other matter relative to this State. You will get fair and, maybe, hard criticism at times, but eventually you will smooth things out. But when land division is mentioned the lid is off, there is "meela murder", and anything can be said. If people take advantage of the political Party they are in to make war on the person taking land, the Land Commission should not lend themselves to that kind of action.
There is another matter with which I would like to deal. The only person, whether he is a migrant or not, who should get consideration in the allocation of land, is the man bringing up a family. If he is a successful farmer, the political Party to which he belongs should not enter into the matter, whether it be Fine Gael, Fianna Fáil, Labour, Clann na Poblachta or Sinn Féin. This should not be taken into consideration. Any Deputy who uses his influence—and I know of something that happened four years ago—and says: "Do not give that man a farm", is doing a disservice to the nation. There will be repercussions later. That man may be a family man with 12 children, maybe with seven acres of land. If he is put into another holding, no Deputy should say: "Do not give land to that fellow because he is a rabid Fianna Fáil man."