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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 8 May 1957

Vol. 161 No. 8

Financial Statement. - Budget, 1957.

1. CURRENT ACCOUNT, 1956-57

The financial year 1956-57 had less than a fortnight to run when the present Government assumed office on the 20th March. When the year's accounts, which are summarised in the first of the tables in the hands of Deputies, were made up, they showed a deficit on current account of £5.95 million. Of this deficit £4½ million arose because revenue failed to come up to expectations and £1½ million because expenditure exceeded the budgetary provision made by my predecessor. The allowance for Supplementary Estimates proved to be inadequate.

2. CAPITAL ACCOUNT, 1956-57

To the deficit of almost £6 million on current account must be added the new borrowing necessary to cover public capital expenditure.

As Table II shows, public capital outlay, including the expenditure of Dublin and Cork Corporations, the Electricity Supply Board and Córas Iompair Éireann, amounted to over £40 million. This was found as to £8½ million by re-issuing the capital repayments made to the Exchequer and Local Loans Fund and by using the moneys available in the Capital Fund. A further £2¾ million was borrowed by local authorities and other public bodies from non-Exchequer sources such as banks and insurance companies. The balance of £29 million had to be found as new borrowing by the Exchequer. When this sum is added to the deficit of £6 million on current account the total gap which had to be filled by direct Exchequer borrowing was £35 million.

It is important to realise how this money was raised. Contrary to what one might expect, the savings directly contributed by the public, through Savings Bank deposits, purchases of Savings Certificates, investments in National Loans and Prize Bonds, did not supply all or even most of the borrowed money. Their total contribution in the financial year amounted, in fact, to only £15.3 million, or considerably less than half the total. That low proportion is at the root of our financial problem. It is evident that direct public support in the form of savings has not been sufficient to enable national development to be continued on its recent scale. In these circumstances there can be no justification for allowing a deficit in the Current Budget to swallow up resources which are sorely needed for capital purposes, resources which, even if fully reserved for those purposes, would still be inadequate in relation to our development needs.

The deficiency in public savings last year was made up in two ways. Approximately £9.3 million was obtained from the banks and over £10 million from Departmental Funds, partly from investment income but mainly from sales of securities. The full picture is given in Table III.

The sale of external securities of Departmental Funds so that the proceeds could be lent to the Exchequer has made available £30 million for public capital purposes since 1951-52. The position has now been reached, however, that we can no longer draw on that source to any material extent since we must continue to keep an adequate reserve of readily available funds against our liabilities to small savers.

The banks provided over £9 million directly to meet State capital needs last year, apart from lending on overdraft for capital purposes to various local authorities and public utilities. Indeed, during the six years just ended, they have provided capital for public requirements to a total of the order of £40 million, mostly at the expense of their sterling assets.

I mentioned earlier that an important source of finance for the capital requirements of 1956-57 was the Capital Fund, to which is credited the revenue from the Special Import Levies. The levies serve the double purpose of restricting imports and diverting purchasing power towards meeting capital requirements. They yielded £4¼ million of revenue for capital purposes in 1956-57, an amount which otherwise would have had to be borrowed. Unfortunately, their efficacy in reducing the deficit on capital account was nullified by the deficit of nearly £6 million on current account. There has been a striking, and very welcome, improvement in the trade position in recent months but some further time must elapse before the continuance of that improvement can be regarded as assured. Even with the levies in full operation our external payments have been barely in balance for the financial year 1956-57. Our capital shortage is still acute and the levies are a reliable and necessary supplement to capital resources. These are two good reasons why it would be unwise to discard them as yet. That does not mean that the Government intend to insist rigidly on maintaining them. On the contrary, the substantial exemptions and concessions already granted, involving a net loss of about £1¾ million of revenue this year, are evidence that the Government are prepared to modify the incidence of the levies where, on balance, the production and employment position, or the public interest generally, is best served by so doing.

3. FINANCIAL YEAR, 1956-57—SUMMARY

To sum up as regards 1956-57, the picture we get from Tables I, II and III is that current revenue fell short of expenditure by £6 million. To cover this deficit and the requirements of the capital programme, a total of £35 million had to be borrowed by the Exchequer. In round terms, £15 million was contributed directly by the public and £10 million each by the banks and Departmental Funds.

4. FINANCIAL YEAR, 1957-58—INTRODUCTION

The budgetary problem of 1957-58, on both capital and current account, is one of exceeding difficulty. Since taking office the Government have had only a short time to review the national economic position. I would like to emphasise, therefore, that while the budgetary proposals I am now putting before the House are intended to deal with some of the immediate problems, the matter cannot rest there. Our economic situation as a whole must receive continuous and careful study. On the financial side, I have particularly in mind the examination of public expenditure with a view to achieving all possible economies and re-directing resources to more immediately productive purposes.

5. CURRENT ACCOUNT, 1957-58

With regard to the Current Budget for 1957-58, our starting-point is the deficit of nearly £6 million which emerged on current account in last year's budget. The estimates for noncapital Supply Services as prepared by the previous Government are almost £5 million higher than actual expenditure in 1956-57. This, of itself, would widen the deficit to £11 million. Nor is this all. The estimates for the Central Fund Services which must be met out of ordinary revenue show an increase of £1½ million over actual expenditure last year, an increase attributable to the growth in debt service charges. This growth is inevitable in view of the steady and substantial annual increase in the national debt.

Towards closing this gap of almost £12½ million we can expect a moderate increase in tax revenue—less than £2 million—at existing rates of tax. Customs duties are expected to show some buoyancy but income-tax, which depends on last year's profits, will be affected by the recession in trade and industry in 1956. Non-tax revenue is expected to increase by almost £1½ million.

As the White Paper published a few days ago disclosed, the estimated revenue, tax and non-tax, available for current purposes, other than the Road Fund, is £111.9 million, by comparison with an estimated current expenditure of £120.9 million. The deficit to be met, therefore, is no less a sum than £9 million.

6. CAPITAL ACCOUNT, 1957-58

The principle of balancing at the lowest possible level, which applies with full force to the Current Budget, is not applicable to the Capital Budget. Here other considerations apply, such as the desirability of making maximum headway with works of national development and of preserving a high level of employment in the creation of durable and productive assets. The fact must also be faced that at any given moment the scale of public capital outlay is largely predetermined by commitments. Contracts have been entered into; work is in progress; the withdrawal of funds at an intermediate point could be wasteful. In my view, the national interest requires the maximum of productive development, public and private, in the years immediately ahead. As regards the public capital programme, I believe that the aim should be not a reduction, unless that should be forced on us by the inadequacy of public support, but rather a reshaping of the programme so as to make it more directly productive.

The public capital programme for 1957-58 is set out in Table IV. The Exchequer borrowing which may be necessary to cover that programme is £31 million. Although this is less than the £35 million borrowed last year— £29 million for capital and £6 million for current account—it is still a very large sum. It calls for a much bigger contribution from the public, through small savings and loan subscriptions, because the special aid provided by Departmental Funds last year cannot be repeated.

Although the problem of financing capital outlay on the present scale is extremely difficult, I am not without hope that the difficulty may in time be lessened. I believe that an increase in private savings may be expected; there is no doubt that it is vitally needed. The great success of the Prize Bonds issue—an enterprise on which I congratulate my predecessor—and the recent upward trend in savings are most encouraging. No matter what the increase in savings, every penny will be needed to support capital development, private and public, and the employment it provides. Nothing can be wasted in the financing of a deficit in the Current Budget.

7. ECONOMIES

A glance at some of the major items responsible for the estimated increase in expenditure on the non-capital Supply Services is sufficient to show the difficulty of making significant economies. Many of the increases are inevitable, being the result of the rising level of loan charges and similar statutory commitments. In other cases economies can be effected only at the expense of employment. Industrial grants payable under the Undeveloped Areas Act, 1952, and the Industrial Grants Act, 1956, account for an estimated additional expenditure of over £400,000. There is an increased current charge of £1.4 million for Córas Iompair Éireann. Public works and buildings account for an increase of almost £¼ million.

I do not wish to be taken as advocating the maintenance of State expenditure at a high level simply to provide employment. On the contrary, the aim must constantly be to ensure to the utmost extent that the employment given is both necessary and productive. Until alternative employment of a productive character becomes available, however, there should be some hesitation to make economies which would have a widespread effect in reducing employment.

It is only too clear that we cannot carry through a public capital programme on the scale envisaged in Table IV and at the same time support the level of current expenditure contemplated in this year's published Estimates. Economies must, therefore, be sought and achieved.

In the short time available since the Government took office it would obviously have been impossible to examine critically and justly all the objects of expenditure of the taxpayer's money. The searching out of wasteful or unnecessary expenditure and its elimination will require keen and continuous attention. But the urgency and difficulty of our budgetary problem this year required that a start should be made at once. I shall mention a number of specific economies which have already been decided upon but which represent merely an instalment of what the Government hope in time to achieve.

It will be no surprise that I should begin with the administrative machine. The present annual cost of the Civil Service, Gárda Síochána and the Defence Forces amounts in round figures to £25 million—almost £17 million for the Civil Service, over £3½ million for the Gárda Síochána and nearly £5 million for the Army. I refer, of course, to remuneration only.

When the cost of administration is complained of, it is in particular the cost of the Civil Service which the critics have in mind. There are almost 32,000 Civil Servants, of whom about half are employed in the Department of Posts and Telegraphs. Numbers rather than scales of pay account for the high cost of the Civil Service. Roughly three-fourths of the Civil Servants are in receipt of salaries not exceeding £600 a year. An annual bill of £17 million for the pay of Civil Servants is, however, too much for a country of our size and resources.

The Civil Service itself has been concentrating for quite a while on organisation and methods studies. Useful results have been achieved but the total cost of administration none the less remains too high. The abolition of certain services would, of course, yield economies but specific proposals in this direction rarely commend themselves to the public, however much a general reduction in costs of administration may be desired. Work could, however, be expedited and expense reduced if delegation of duties were extended and the appropriate degree of responsibility were fully accepted and exercised at all levels of the Civil Service. The existing Civil Service structure seems too elaborate for our needs. The grading system is, to my mind, unduly complex. I intend that these matters will be examined and radical changes made which will, I believe, ultimately produce worthwhile economies.

To secure immediate savings, I have directed that recruitment be forthwith reduced to a minimum, that posts be suppressed at every available opportunity and that overtime be drastically curtailed. I am satisfied that action even on these lines will produce a saving of at least £250,000 in the current year and I am taking that saving into account in framing my Budget.

By the adoption of the most modern methods a reduction in Garda strength has been effected. Every opportunity of further advances in this direction will be availed of consistent with the maintenance of a fully effective force.

The position in regard to the Defence Forces is one which requires special consideration in the light of changing circumstances but an immediate small economy is possible which, with minor savings elsewhere, should yield £100,000 this year.

A fundamental re-examination of the activities of the Land Commission is being initiated. Such a review is clearly necessary. The social and economic changes revealed in the evidence presented to the Emigration Commission and in recent censuses and again in the Farm Survey strongly suggest that the policy originally devised in 1923, and revised in 1933, should now be reconsidered. Farming organisations and other groups interested in securing greater production have been making various proposals which will be examined in detail. Meanwhile, there will be no expansion of the operations of the Land Commission and I hope to save at least £80,000 of the provision made in this year's Estimate.

The Government have reached the conclusion that the benefit to the State from the operations of the Irish News Agency has not been commensurate with the cost of the Agency to public funds. As soon, therefore, as arrangements can be completed, the Irish News Agency will be wound up and payments from the Vote terminated. In view of existing contractual commitments, however, there may be no net saving for some time.

At a time when national production is not increasing and when ordinary revenue is not keeping pace with current expenditure the rising deficits in voluntary hospitals and the growing cost of health services are a cause of concern. The Minister for Health proposes to introduce legislation which will enable him to make economies in the cost of the health services by moderate increases in certain charges and the imposition of some new charges. It is proposed to increase from 6/– to 10/– a day the maximum charge for institutional treatment and also to introduce small charges for specialist and for X-ray services. None of these charges will apply to persons in the lower income group. By these modifications it is hoped to save about £90,000 in a full year. A similar saving will accrue to local authorities.

The various specific economies I have mentioned will produce a saving of at least £½ million in the current year.

8. OVER-ESTIMATION

It is customary each year to take account at Budget time of the "automatic" savings which usually accrue in addition to specific economies, however closely the Vote provisions are estimated. The allowance made at Budget time last year was £3 million; the actual saving by reference to the total sum voted amounted to £3.16 million. Looking back over the past seven or eight years. I find that the average saving has been of this order. I am, therefore, counting this year on a general overestimation, as distinct from specific economies, of £3 million. I might add that I intend to make as great a contribution as I can to the realisation of this estimate by securing further specific reductions in current outlay during the year.

9. SUPPLEMENTARY PROVISIONS

Certain supplementary provisions must, however, be made if the budget is to be realistic. For example, the former Government, though they agreed to implement the Liston Award, made no provision in the Estimates for this payment to secondary teachers. The present Government have decided to give full effect to the arbitration award and this will necessitate a supplementary provision of almost £½ million.

The Estimates prepared by the previous Government showed a reduction in the amount provided for Employment and Emergency Schemes. It was not possible to regard this as a justifiable or feasible reduction in view of the degree of unemployment which still persists and, despite the height at which public capital expenditure is being maintained, I have agreed to supplement the Vote provision by £250,000 so as to allow the Special Employment Schemes Office greater flexibility in arranging for the shortterm relief of unemployment in particular areas.

As Deputies are aware, the 1956 wheat crop was harvested under very unfavourable conditions with the result that in some areas the grain was of poor quality. It became necessary to make special arrangements to take the wheat from the farmers to prevent a large part of it becoming a total loss. The then Minister for Industry and Commerce urged millers to accept all potentially millable wheat, even though partially sprouted, and gave them an assurance that appropriate quantities of imported wheat would be made available to provide a suitable grist. The present grist consists of two parts native wheat and one part imported. Even increasing the proportion of native wheat at this stage may still leave a surplus of native wheat to be brought forward to the new cereal year starting on 1st September next. In view of the expected large acreage of wheat coming forward this year, it would be impracticable to carry over the existing surplus for conversion into flour during the next cereal year. The Government have decided to authorise the disposal of a large part of this surplus as animal feed. The receipts from sales of animal feed will involve a loss of about £150,000 which will have to be met from the Exchequer.

Another item for which provision was not made in the original Estimates arises from the following circumstances. In accordance with a Labour Court award, bakery wages were increased by 10% as from 12th September, 1955. Relief for this extra expenditure was allowed later to master bakers but with effect only from 30th July, 1956. The Flour and Bread Committee have recommended in their final report that retrospective relief should also be given to the master bakers in respect of the period from 12th September, 1955, to 30th July, 1956. Public faith was pledged in persuading the master bakers to pay the extra wages and the Government have decided that the master bakers are in equity entitled to retrospective relief for the period mentioned. The amount involved is about £230,000 and arrangements will be made to pay this sum from the Exchequer.

The Flour and Bread Committee made a further recommendation for the granting of retrospective relief to bakers in respect of deficiency in profits but in the existing state of the Exchequer the Government are unable to accept this recommendation.

With a view to promoting the expansion of production and exports I propose to make three further provisions not covered by the published Estimates.

I propose to make available for the benefit of the sea and inland fisheries an additional sum of approximately £50,000. Of this sum, £45,000 will be used to erect an ice plant at Dunmore East and to provide additional fishing boats. The balance of £5,000 is being made available to the Inland Fisheries Trust in the form of a grant to meet the cost of improvements to inland fisheries and additional expenditure on the Trust's fish farm.

The future of our cattle trade is so important that I am including provision for increased expenditure on the elimination of tubercular cattle under the Bovine Tuberculosis Order, 1926, in those parts of the country to which the new intensive scheme does not yet apply. By this means, it is hoped to remove major sources of infection in advance of the extension throughout the country of intensive measures. Increased compensation will be payable in respect of animals slaughtered under the 1926 Order and additional outlay in this respect is estimated at £100,000 in the present year.

The non-tax revenue for the current year includes a substantial nonrecurrent receipt, on the basis of which I am setting aside £250,000 for the general purpose of improving the marketing of agricultural produce. I have in mind not only a thorough investigation of possible openings in foreign markets but a careful study of such changes as may be necessary to suit consumer requirements in those markets and the making of domestic arrangements which will best ensure increased production at an economic cost. The Minister for Agriculture will have early consultation with appropriate bodies so that effect may be given to these intentions.

The Government are resolved to resist any further additions to the year's commitments. It would, however, be unwise to ignore the possibility of unforeseen contingencies arising. The allowance made for such contingencies in each of the last four years has been £750,000 but it has never been adequate. I am allotting a somewhat larger sum this year— £950,000—which, with the items I have already specified, entails a total supplementary provision for current services of £2½ million approximately.

10. DEFICIT ON CURRENT ACCOUNT

These adjustments of the White Paper figures, namely, the deduction of £3½ million for specific and general economies, offset by an allowance of £2½ million for supplementary provisions, reduce the opening deficit on current account of £9 million to £8 million.

I have already made it clear that the country cannot afford any deficit on current account. The need for productive development to raise our living standards, to provide a livelihood for a larger population and to stem the steady flow of emigration is too great and too urgent for a policy of drift to be tolerated in our public finances. The principle of the balanced Budget has been fully accepted by every Minister for Finance who has sat in these benches. This year I am resolved that it will be put fully into practice. That is the minimum requirement of the situation and on it this year's Budget is based.

11. TAXABLE CAPACITY

Faced with the necessity of eliminating a prospective deficit of £8 million on current account, I had the alternatives of increasing taxation or reducing expenditure. The main supports of the revenue cannot bear much greater weight without sagging under the strain. Last year revenue fell short of the budgetary estimates under virtually every head. We have almost reached the point of diminishing returns and, even in the case of those dutiable commodities which have been most buoyant in the past, we must now go cautiously for fear of exhausting their capacity. Having carefully surveyed the possibilities, I was forced to the conclusion that the most I could raise this year by way of increased taxation was something in the region of £3 million.

12. CAPITAL INVESTMENT ADVISORY COMMITTEE REPORT

Further economies in current expenditure must, therefore, be secured so that we may live within our income.

In this context the advice offered to the previous Government by the Capital Investment Advisory Committee is of great relevance and importance. The Committee envisaged not merely that current outgoings should be balanced by current revenue but also that current revenue should be used on a large scale to meet public capital expenditure. The Committee, in particular, recommended the abolition of the food subsidies and the diversion of the Agricultural Grant to a system of specific aids to increased agricultural production, such as the provision of vouchers for lime and fertilisers.

The Committee's report was published as soon as the members of the present Government had read it. The Committee is to be commended for the speed with which it rendered its advice and for its clear and comprehensive recommendations.

13. AGRICULTURAL GRANT

The Government have not yet considered all the implications of the recommendations regarding the Agricultural Grant. The report raises questions of fundamental importance to agriculturists and it will take time to examine them fully. In any case, the finances of local authorities for 1957-58 have already been settled on the basis of the continuance of the present statutory grants.

14. FOOD SUBSIDIES

After the most careful consideration of the economic and financial position the Government had no alternative but to take the unwelcome decision to with-draw the food subsidies. Based on average consumption per head these subsidies over the past year have been worth approximately 1/1 a week to each individual in the community but the provision of this benefit indiscriminately now costs over £9 million a year.

As from to-morrow, 9th May, payment of subsidy to reduce the price of butter to the consumer will cease. Control over wholesale and retail prices of butter will be moved. The price to creameries for butter will, however, be supported by the Butter Marketing Committee at a level sufficient to continue the existing price position for milk supplied to creameries and to meet the cost of cold-storing butter for winter requirements. The appropriate subsidy paid on butter not yet sold to consumers will be recovered, as far as possible, by a levy on existing stocks. On that account, it may be expected that the retail price of creamery butter will shortly reflect the withdrawal of the subsidy.

As from Monday next, 13th May, all flour delivered from the mills, whether bakers' flour or shop flour, will be charged at its economic cost. Steps have already been taken to restrict deliveries of subsidised flour from the mills to the amounts delivered in the corresponding period of last year. As from the same date, there will be complete decontrol of the wholesale and retail prices of flour and bread. The stocks of subsidised flour held by bakers should, however, result in postponing for some time the necessity for any increase in bread prices. The Government are satisfied that the conditions now prevailing in the milling and bakery trades are such as to ensure effective competition for the available business and it is the intention of the Government to see that this competition will not be artificially restricted.

15. INCREASE IN SOCIAL ASSISTANCE

We are well aware of the effect of the withdrawal of the subsidies for many in the community but we earnestly hope that those who are themselves at work, drawing wages, salaries or profits, will realise that this is a sacrifice which is necessary to overcome a national difficulty and to support the highest possible level of employment and development.

If this sacrifice is not generally accepted and if, on the contrary, particular sections of the community secure compensation for themselves by an increase in money incomes for the same work, the result may be a revival of inflation and the recurrence of deficits in the balance of payments. A renewed drain on our external reserves for consumption purposes would bring in its train a reduction in the capital available for public and private development, a restriction of credit for industry and trade and, inevitably, a widespread increase in unemployment and emigration. This can be avoided if the sacrifice is made. A balanced current budget will ensure that savings and reserves are used only for productive capital development providing a prospect of permanent employment for increasing numbers.

The Government recognise that there are certain sections of the community whom it would be unfair to expect to bear the full impact of the ending of the food subsidies, namely, those who are in receipt of Unemployment Assistance, blind pensioners, old age pensioners, widows and others in the Social Assistance categories. Accordingly, the Government have decided that there should be a general increase of 1s. a week in social assistance payments, extending to adult dependants and one dependent child. This will require legislation but will be made effective retrospectively to the middle of May.

16. INCREASE IN CHILDREN'S ALLOWANCES

Consideration must also be given to the position of families whose weekly expenditure on bread and butter is high because of the presence of growing children. Their position will be eased by the payment of an additional 4s. 6d. a month, with effect from 1st June next, for the second and each subsequent child eligible for Children's Allowances. For May, an additional payment of 2s. 6d. for each such child will be made as an offset to the rise in prices in that month. The May and June payments will have to be made in arrear. Thus, nearly the whole of the extra food bill for all the members of the family of a social assistance recipient will be covered by additional payments from public funds. Apart from social assistance recipients, the head of every family with more than one child will be relieved, in respect of the second and younger children, of almost the whole of the extra weekly outlay entailed by the ending of the subsidies. This is as far as the State can go in the present difficult economic circumstances.

The result of deducting these reliefs from the saving due to the withdrawal of the subsidies is a reduction of £5.15 million in current expenditure in the present financial year.

There still remains a gap of £2.9 million which must be bridged and can be bridged only by increased taxation on a few major heads.

17. TOBACCO

Tobacco must once again be called upon for a contribution. I propose to increase the main rate of duty applicable to leaf to £2 5s. 11d., an increase of 3/2 per lb.; the other rates of tobacco duty will be correspondingly increased. Allowing a margin for the trade, the effect will be to increase to 3/– the retail price of the popular packet of cigarettes now selling at 2/10. The increase in the duty would have the effect of increasing the retail prices of pipe tobaccos generally by about 2½d. per ounce, but the existing rebate on hard-pressed pipe tobaccos will be adjusted so as to restrict the price increases for these varieties to an average of 2d. per ounce.

I propose also to levy a special excise duty of 3/2 per lb. on all duty-paid stocks of manufactured and unmanufactured tobacco held by the manufacturers at 5 p.m. this evening.

Deducting £40,000 as the cost of the increased rebate on hard-pressed tobaccos, I expect to gain £1.01 million from these measures this year.

18. BEER

I propose to increase the beer duty by £1 1s. per standard barrel of 36 gallons, bringing the excise duty to £10 5s. 6d. Allowing a reasonable margin for the trade this will have the effect of increasing the retail price by 1d. per pint. The gain to the revenue in the present year is expected to be about £620,000.

19. PETROL

I propose to raise the customs duty on petrol by 6d. per gallon, with a similar increase in the excise duty. The additional yield should amount to £1.15 million this year.

20. HYDROCARBON OILS OTHER THAN PETROL

Oils other than petrol included in the hydrocarbon group are at present liable to a customs duty of 1s. 8d. per gallon if used for combustion in road vehicles. The oils so used are commonly known as diesel. I propose to increase this duty by 6d. per gallon also, with a similar increase in the excise duty but, through the operation of a repayment provision, the increases will not be effective in the case of diesel oil used in road passenger services licensed under the Road Transport Acts.

But the farmers' tractors can bear it.

Diesel oil is used in the great majority of buses and consequently the present proposals will leave bus passenger fares almost entirely unaffected. Allowing £0.11 million as the cost of the concession for road passenger services, I expect the net yield from the duty increases to be about £0.12 million this year. The present position as regards the liability to duty of oils other than those used in road vehicles is not altered by these proposals.

21. EFFECT OF INCREASED DUTIES

These four taxes—on tobacco, beer, petrol and diesel oil—are estimated to yield £2.9 million this year, just enough to eliminate the remaining deficit on current account and give a budgetary balance.

22. ENTERTAINMENTS DUTY

I have had representations from cinema proprietors generally both for relief from the weight of entertainments duty and for revision of the structure of the existing scale of duty. In present circumstances, I am unable to agree to any concession which would involve loss to the Exchequer. I propose, however, to include in the Finance Bill a new scale of duty which, though unlikely to have any effect on the yield of revenue, will remove some unnecessarily burdensome features of the present scale. The new scale will operate from the 1st August next.

23. RELIEFS OPERATING FROM 1958-59—INCOME-TAX AND CORPORATION PROFITS TAX

While I can do nothing which would upset this year's balance, I recognise the urgent need for economic expansion and in order to provide manufactures with an added incentive to increase exports of home-manufactured goods, I propose to raise from 50 per cent. to 100 per cent. the relief for profits on increases in exports which was granted under Part III of the Finance (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 1956.

The 1956 Act gives no consideration or assistance to those who have already pioneered in the export market without the help of any tax concession and whose exports in the future, through no lack of initiative or industry on their part, may not materially exceed those for either of the datum years prescribed. I propose, therefore, to provide an alternative relief which will be based upon profits from exports and not upon profits from increased exports. This alternative relief to manufacturers will be to the extent of 25 per cent. of the tax referable to the profits attributable to their exports of manufactured goods.

The 100 per cent. relief on profits from increased exports and the alternative 25 per cent. relief on profits from exports will take effect as from the tax year 1958-59. No cost to the Exchequer will arise in the current year but the alternative relief may cost £125,000 next year.

Again, as an encouragement to increased production and modernisation, I propose to lessen the tax burden upon trading profits by providing an accelerated depreciation allowance for plant and machinery (other than vehicles). This will take the form of a 25 per cent. increase in the present rates of wear and tear allowable and will have effect as from the year 1958-59, so that there will be no cost to the Exchequer in the current year. It will be recalled that, in its report, the Industrial Taxation Committee favoured an acceleration in wear and tear allowances and recommended that those allowances, calculated on basic rates, should be increased by 25 per cent. I am, therefore, providing that effect will be given to this recommendation as from next year, when the cost will be close on £400,000.

Section 7 of the Finance Act, 1932, enacted, subject to conditions, a 20 per cent. tax remission on dividends from investments by Irish residents in Irish industry. A company's issues carrying the relief had to be so described as to be readily distinguishable from any other issues of the company that did not comply with the requirements of the legislation. The consequent sub-division of shares has, it is represented, adversely affected marketability. The changes made in the law last year went some way towards removing this difficulty. The Industrial Credit Company had, however, suggested that, as a bold step in these matters, the tax abatement provided by the section should be extended to all securities issued to the public by Irish manufacturing concerns since 1932. I propose to implement this suggestion, with effect as from the 6th April, 1958.

The shipping industry is one which, I am satisfied, merits particular consideration at the present time and, in order to encourage and facilitate its expansion, I am proposing a special "investment" allowance from profits for tax purposes in respect of expenditure on the provision of ships. This allowance, which will be to the extent of 40 per cent. of such expenditure, will replace, in relation to ships, the initial allowance of 20 per cent. available under existing law. I propose that the new 40 per cent. allowance will not be deductible from the capital expenditure in ascertaining the amounts of annual wear and tear allowances. There will be no cost to the Exchequer in the current year, as the special allowance will first apply to expenditure in the current year and will thus first affect liability for the tax year 1958-59.

Scientific research is a necessary adjunct to the development of industry and the export drive and I propose, accordingly, to introduce a provision affording tax relief where any person contracts to make annual payments to a University in the State, for a minimum period of three years, for the purpose of enabling the University to carry on research. The cost to the Exchequer of this relief will naturally depend upon the amount of subscriptions covenanted for, but it probably will not exceed £15,000 in a full year.

24. STAMP DUTY

Finally, it has been represented to me that, in the case of certain large companies which issue chargeable receipts running into hundreds of thousands each year, the affixing of stamps manually to cover the 2d. receipt duty involves an undue amount of staff time and causes a considerable hold-up in mechanical accounting processes. I propose, therefore, to provide for arrangements for the composition of duty in such cases. The companies may then be authorised to deliver periodical accounts and pay duty on the aggregate number of chargeable receipts issued during the period. Adequate safeguards will, of course, be provided for the revenue.

25. IMPOSSIBILITY OF GENERAL TAX RELIEFS THIS YEAR

While the foregoing reliefs in aid of industrial and export expansion will not operate until next year, I would remind Deputies that the reliefs recently afforded both by way of exemptions from special import levies and duty-free licensing are estimated to involve a net loss of revenue in the present financial year of about £1¾ million. This is no insignificant concession to have made in a difficult year in order to secure increased industrial production and employment. The serious situation with which the Government was confronted precluded any possibility of further reliefs this year. There was an urgent repair job to be done in this Budget to stop vital resources being drained away to meet ordinary expenditure. It would have been pointless to juggle with budgetary possibilities—giving reliefs with the one hand and then being forced with the other to place even heavier charges on the community.

The reliefs I have announced for next year—estimated to cost nearly £600,000—indicate the Government's belief that taxation of incomes and profits is too high. I hope that, according as we build up our prosperity, some general reductions may be possible within the framework of a balanced budget. I recognise that reductions in direct taxation would help to release bigger sums for productive investment, both private and public. I believe, with my predecessor, that it is a good principle in the circumstances of this country to place whatever taxation may be necessary on expenditure rather than on income.

I am aware that there are still some recommendations of the Industrial Taxation Committee to be decided upon and, no doubt, the recently appointed Commission will produce well-considered proposals on the whole question of the taxation of incomes and profits. I do not propose to make the fact that such a commission is sitting an excuse for doing nothing on the income-tax front if the circumstances of next year or the year after happen to be propitious.

26. CURRENT ECONOMIC CONDITIONS

In the circumstances of this year particular attention had to be given to alleviating unemployment and getting production going again. There was a drop in industrial production in 1956 and a rise in unemployment. National income fell—mainly because of a fall in farmers' incomes, itself the result of lower prices for exports. There has recently been a marked increase in agricultural exports at a higher price level. Farmers' incomes, both from livestock and from crops, should be higher this year. The substantial relaxations which the Government have made in the import levies and the lifting of hire purchase restrictions will operate to revive trade and industry and to alleviate unemployment. Generally, therefore, there should be a rise in national income in 1957-58. The unemployment figures have in recent weeks shown a decline not attributable solely to the operation of Employment Period Orders. Production has been resumed in many factories and workers taken back.

The main statistics relevant to recent economic trends are shown, for the convenience of Deputies, in Table XI.

27. SOME CONSTITUENTS OF THE CAPITAL BUDGET, 1957-58

Because of their consideration for employment the Government have decided to settle the public capital programme for the current financial year at a level which otherwise might seem insupportable.

Included in that programme is a provision of £500,000 for the Industrial Credit Company which, with the Vote provision of £550,000 for Foras Tionscal and industrial grants, makes over £1 million for new industrial development.

In the winter of 1955-56 a supplementary grant was allocated from the Road Fund but income was insufficient to meet the additional liability. There was no compensating buoyancy in the following year, 1956-57, when, indeed, the income of the Fund fell much below the budget estimate and £½ million was diverted to the Capital Fund. As a result, the resources of the Road Fund became exceptionally straitened during the past financial year and payments from the Fund to local authorities are now heavily in arrear. Provision must be made towards discharging these arrears, as well as covering normal expenditure in the present year, as otherwise a satisfactory volume of road works and employment could not be maintained. Provision for this purpose has been included in the capital allocation for local authorities shown in Table IV and also in Table VIII dealing with the Road Fund.

I have been informed by the Minister for Local Government that the global amount which is being provided for local authority borrowing will be sufficient to initiate at successive stages in the present financial year the whole of the housing and sanitary services schemes which were held up at the end of the last financial year as well as some schemes maturing this year. It will also enable local authorities to continue operations under the Small Dwellings Acquisition Acts and to meet commitments already entered into under those Acts and in respect of Supplementary Grants.

28. SOURCES OF FINANCE FOR CAPITAL BUDGET, 1957-58

Allowing for the assistance which various public bodies expect to derive either from internal reserves or from outside lenders, the public capital programme will be of the order of £44 million. Of this, some £38 million will have to be financed by the State. Towards that £38 million it is expected that £18 million or so will be available from capital repayments to the Exchequer and the Local Loans Fund, the Capital Fund, small savings (including further issues of Prize Bonds) and the investment income of Departmental Funds. The balance of £20 million at most will have to be found by borrowing.

As I said before, we have to rely on public support to a greater extent this year for the financing of the capital programme since, unlike last year, we will not be able to make any appreciable draw on the sterling resources of Departmental Funds. If direct public support should be insufficient, recourse may be necessary to the banking system. In either event, the aim will be to absorb, for public capital purposes, genuine savings of the community, whether contributed directly to the Government or lodged with the banking system in the form of deposits. There has been a significant increase in bank deposits since the middle of 1956—sufficient, it would seem, to permit of help being afforded this year both for productive private needs and for public capital purposes.

29. ECONOMIC OBJECTIVES

Our national objective is an expanding economy paying its way in its transactions with other countries. In the financial year 1956/57 there was a balance on external account but this was achieved mainly by a reduction in imports. The recent trade figures, which show a welcome buoyancy in exports, chiefly cattle and meat, hold out hope that in the current year it may be possible to bring our external payments into line at a higher level. There is, however, little margin for safety. Imports are almost certain to cost more this year and we are also likely to need a greater volume, partly because of expanding activity and partly because of the extent to which stocks were run down last year. It is more than ever essential to ensure the achievement of a balance, or near-balance, in our external payments. The Government will endeavour to protect the economy from any undue loss of external resources, particularly from their wasteful use merely to support consumption in excess of current production.

This year, in the short time available, I had to concentrate on the immediate task of stopping the drain on current account. With this drain stopped, no time can be lost in turning attention to more fundamental economic and financial problems. These problems must be tackled vigorously and wisely over the next five years if economic progress is to be assured.

I should like to refer to the specific problem of internal transport. It is clear that, for financial and general economic reasons, urgent consideration will have to be given to the future of the railways. The economies yielded by dieselisation are, unfortunately, being negatived by rising costs and by the growing popularity of other modes of transport. The former Minister for Industry and Commerce established a committee to study the whole problem of internal transport. Important decisions will have to be taken when the report of that committee has been examined. Meanwhile, if C.I.E. is to continue operations on the present scale, financial provision will be needed in addition to that made in the Estimates Volume. As was proposed by my predecessor, an amount of £2.11 million including provision for interest on Transport Stock, has been entered for this purpose in the Capital Budget (Table IV). It cannot yet be determined what actual amount will be required or the extent to which borrowing may be appropriate.

It is clear that we have come to a critical stage in our economic affairs. The policies of the past, though successful in some directions, have not so far given us what we want. We are not satisfied with the rate at which living standards are being raised and productive and self-sustaining employment provided. Further progress on a worthwhile scale calls for a comprehensive review of our economic policy. The examination of our affairs which we have been pursuing in connection with the European Free Trade Area proposals will undoubtedly show up defects in our economy and should guide us in making the improvements so urgently needed. The direction and rate of our future advance will depend on the decisions we take now. There are no easy expedients by which our difficulties can be solved.

A considerable increase in total output and an improvement in production and marketing methods are of the greatest importance to our future security and advancement. Both industry and agriculture must be efficient and competitive or they will not provide acceptable living standards. If they fail in this respect, it is to be feared that emigration will continue almost unabated.

It is to agriculture we must continue to look as the chief source of exports and the mainstay of our economy. The raising of agricultural production in volume and in value is, therefore, of vital importance. In broad terms, increased agricultural production depends primarily on the provision on a wider scale of expert technical advice and assistance, on increased use of fertilisers, improved management of grasslands, more intensive production of home-grown feeding-stuffs for conversion into export products, the reduction of costs and, not least, better marketing arrangements. The Government are fully conscious of the vital necessity for increased production and, in spite of the present difficult financial position, are providing £250,000 to help farmers to dispose of a larger output at a remunerative price. With an increase in agricultural production the purchasing power of the farming community will be substantially raised.

An increase in production and lasting employment depends also on the simultaneous development of manufacturing industry, mainly for export, and of other industries, such as tourism, which supplement our external earnings. For this development more capital from home or external sources and greater enterprise and technical competence will be required.

Our main hope of further progress in the industrial field lies in the development of competitive export industries which will have the whole world and not a mere three million people as their potential market. The Government believe—and I have already given testimony of their belief—that if we are to increase exports we shall have to direct our policy towards lightening the taxation on profits. This will encourage the import of foreign capital and skill and provide generally for greater access for industry to new capital. Lower transport costs would be very helpful. Restrictive practices should be abandoned. All of these have a direct bearing on the country's ability to maintain and extend its export business. It must be obvious that those who increase their contribution to the national pool by greater production thereby raise the general standard of living. They benefit the whole community as well as themselves.

Another problem of critical importance for the future is the proper composition and direction of the public capital programme which absorbs so much of the available savings. There can be no doubt that the programme needs to be reshaped and redirected so as to make a better contribution towards the objective of an expanding economy yielding a rising standard of living. The remedy for the related problems of emigration and unemployment is through the provision of productive occupations. To absorb the unemployed on public works is to treat the symptoms without regard to the cause. When capital resources are scarce it would be fatal not to concentrate particularly on productive development. Higher taxation becomes inevitable to finance the net debt charges on public works and so the real income at the disposal of a wide section of the community is diminished. This aggravates the unsettling influence of unfavourable comparisons with conditions elsewhere. At the same time, I want to stress that the Government's aim is to promote economic expansion and, by developing the nation's resources to the utmost, to reduce the present high level of unemployment and provide productive and lasting work for an increasing number of our people.

We can no longer afford to incur a balance of payments deficit of any appreciable size because of the already serious depletion of our available external reserves. It is for this reason in particular that I have emphasised the need for stability in money incomes. An increase in money incomes not based on increased production would give rise to higher expenditure on imports and at the same time, by raising costs, make it more difficult for our exporters to find markets. The resulting dislocation of our balance of payments would necessitate the taking once more of remedial measures to curtail consumption. These measures could not but have serious repercussions on employment.

The basic cause of the recurring crises in our balance of payments in recent years has been the disparity between average production per head in this country and elsewhere, coupled with the general pressure for comparable standards in money incomes and in health and social services. The fact is that it is only by greater output per worker, increased saving and the application of capital to productive investment that a higher standard of living can be reached and maintained.

It is desirable that more and more of our people should realise that better living standards for a larger population depend primarily on our own efforts and efficiency as producers and on the resources we contribute out of income towards capital development. We need to conserve and, so far as possible, expand the resources available for capital development by keeping within due bounds the growth both of private consumption of luxury or semi-luxury goods and of public consumption in the form of non-essential services. We need to apply the available capital resources along lines to be settled after considering the best objective advice available, both from home and extern sources.

In the latter connection, I may mention that the Government intend to seek legislative authority to join the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Assistance from the Bank would then be available, initially in the form of expert technical advice and later, perhaps, in the form of loans for approved development projects. I intend paying our subscriptions to these institutions out of dollars held in the Foreign Exchange Account. We shall no longer earn interest but we shall have, instead, access to the valuable facilities of both Fund and Bank and, of course, our capital will remain intact.

This Government have full confidence in the inherent soundness of the economy and in its ability to provide higher living standards for an expanding population on the firm basis of an increase in production and exports. The relaxation of restrictions and the assurance of new reliefs, together with the maintenance of the State capital programme at a high level and the prospects of a continuing improvement in exports, should strengthen business confidence and stimulate production. The resultant growth of opportunities for work should effect a marked improvement in the unemployment situation and check the outflow of our people. We cannot hope to solve all our problems at once but, with the co-operation of every section of the community, they can be reduced in scale and urgency and the way prepared for the achievement of what will always be the objective of this Party—permanently higher living standards for all.

I do not think it needs anything from me to remind the House that the country, as the House, will be severely shocked when it reads the proposals of the Minister to-morrow morning. I wonder what would have been the impact on the country on the 5th March if those proposals had been disclosed by Deputy Dr. Ryan on the day before the general election?

Last year, and in considering the outturn of this year, as the Minister has indicated, there were certain factors with which we as a country were then faced. There were undoubtedly two factors which had to be considered by us as a Government in relation to the framework of our economic policy. The first was our external balance and the second was our internal balance. The external deficit with which the last Government was faced was one that arose from 1955 as a result partly of a worsening in the terms of trade, in which respect I note the Minister has suggested to-day that he is in a happier position. We had also in 1956 to consider the potential additional trend that might arise out of the full impact in that year of the 1955 fifth round of wage increases. However, it seemed to us clear, and I think it must be clear to anyone looking at the economic position of that time, that the essential thing to do in the year 1956-57 was to achieve stability all round as well as to get our external deficit under control.

That stability was achieved by the previous Government and I trust that the Minister has not jeopardised it to-day. Unless we had secured the stability that we did secure, the Minister would not have been able to introduce his Budget in the knowledge that in the year ended 31st March last, we were in a surplus position on our external account. It was a trifling surplus, admittedly—£59½ million of a trade excess balanced by some £61 million of invisible income—but it was a situation which had not been achieved for many years before and a situation in which the Minister was able to take his own line in relation to his internal budgetary problems for the current year. It is beyond question that it was the fact that we had got our external problem into proper proportions that this Government, when they acceded to office last March, were able themselves to choose and to frame the financial policy they wished to introduce.

In his review of last year in relation to the deficit on current account, the Minister did not bring one serious and obvious factor into the picture. Whatever was going to be the situation in respect of our financial position for the year ending 1956-57, it was one which was aggravated very substantially by the international events in regard to Suez and the Middle East. There was no mention whatever of that in the Budget speech which we have just heard. The fact that we were able to survive that and the fact that we were able to end the financial year which has just passed with a net borrowing by the State of some £2,000,000 less than the amount that I indicated in my Budget speech of last year, shows the efficacy of the measures that were taken by the Government to achieve that position.

So far as I can trace in the very short time that has been available to me—and the Minister will agree that he certainly broke the normal speed in reading out his Budget speech—the capital programme which he has suggested for the current year is on the lines previously determined by me. The discussions that will take place both in this House and throughout the country during the next few weeks will prove beyond question the wisdom of the course I had hoped to adopt, segregating and introducing at separate periods in this House the capital and current budgetary proposals.

It seems to me, as far as I can read the figures in that short time, that, for example, in respect of Table IV, which includes the Capital Budget, the amount the Minister proposes to give local authorities to spend, which he adumbrated at some length in his Budget speech, is almost the exact figure that I had indicated last February was going to be spent in that respect. The issues from the Local Loans Fund appear to include issues, again copying my proposals, from the Local Loans Fund to Dublin Corporation and to Cork Corporation. Therefore, it seems there is practically no difference between his figure of £14.88 million and the just under £14 million proposals which he found in the pigeon-hole in his drawer when he assumed office—that, in spite of the fact that we were castigated in this House and up and down the country by many of the Deputies sitting over on that side of the House now, on the ground that the amount we were proposing to provide for housing and other services by local authorities was grossly inadequate and unjustifiably low. Now that the Minister is sitting on that side of the House, I wonder will we hear the same criticism from the Deputies over there.

On the occasion of the debate on the Vote on Account, I referred to a decision of the previous Government in relation to current services. There was also on 24th January a decision of that Government in relation to the Capital Budget for this year, a decision that it was to be not less than £38,200,000 and not more than £40,000,000. This Capital Budget for capital services, which the Minister has just announced will, according to Table IV, amount to £40,999,000, showing a variation, therefore, of merely £999,000, despite all the abuse and vituperation hurled by the Deputies behind the Minister and his supporters generally, who lost no opportunity during the election campaign, and despite the campaign that was conducted too for purely Party interests, last year in an endeavour to suggest that the action we were taking and the actions we proposed to take were not in the best national interest.

The proposals in the current Budget, which the Minister has just introduced, will be received by the people with the greatest possible dismay. I wonder how the Taoiseach and his colleague sitting next to him, the Tanaiste and Minister for Industry and Commerce, are able to reconcile the proposals they have just introduced with the speeches they delivered on the last day of February of this year.

Hear, hear!

The Taoiseach spoke in Belmullet and the Tánaiste spoke in Waterford, both on the same day, both taking the same line and both presumably taking that line because it was the line they both intended to follow. Mr. de Valera, as he then was, speaking in Belmullet, is reported in the Irish Press——

With all the commas in.

——on 1st March as saying:—

"The Coalition parties were changing their tactics in this election, said Mr. de Valera at Belmullet last night.... The opponents of Fianna Fáil were wondering what new dodge they could try to prevent the people from seeing...the real issue in the election....

You know the record of Fianna Fáil in the past, said Mr. de Valera. You know that we have never done the things they said we would do...

They have also told you that you would be paying more for your bread."

And Mr. Lemass, as he then was, went down to Waterford. He was there, as he usually is, rather more emphatic, rather more positive——

And rather more brazen.

——and here is what he said:—

"Some Coalition leaders are threatening the country with all sorts of unpleasant things if Fianna Fáil becomes the Government— compulsory tillage, wage control, cuts in Civil Service salaries, higher food prices, and a lot more besides.

This was what Mr. Seán Lemass said at Waterford last night.

A Fianna Fáil Government does not intend to do any of these things, because we do not believe in them."

Deputies

Oh!

He continued:—

"How definite can we make our denial of these stupid allegations? They are all falsehoods."

The Minister for Industry and Commerce will find that it is rather difficult——

Oh, not a bit for him!

——to expect the people to believe in the pious preaching of his leader about honour in public life taken in juxtaposition with these categorical statements there on record.

Now, the outturn of last year shows, in relation to taxation, that we must have reached very nearly the point of "no return" in relation to tobacco Yet, the tobacco smoker is again attacked this year, notwithstanding that I remember the present Minister for Health, when he was Deputy MacEntee, saying violently last year to me that in no circumstances, no matter what the position was, would a Fianna Fáil Government ever add any increases in taxation.

Would the Deputy quote now?

We will have these quotations on the general discussion. I remember, too, a considerable barrage of criticism on the subject of hard-pressed plug, but I note that in these Budget proposals to-day the old age pensioner, who smokes his hardpressed plug, will not get the full benefit of any relief. I do not think I need say anything in relation to the additional taxation that is being put on the pint.

Deputies

Oh!

The people in the country as a whole will themselves pass judgment on that and I have no doubt whatsoever as to the effect of that judgment. I remember only too well in this House last year the rampaging that there was upon these benches on the part of those who are now Ministers on the subject of an increased duty on petrol. We were told then that it would adversely affect the cost of distribution, that it would slow down trade and industry, that it would have most deleterious and dire effects all over every aspect of our economy. Yet, though they purported then to suggest that taxation would affect production, they have not provided in these budgetary proposals to-day the one essential relief. If we are ever to achieve an improvement in our economic position it is upon the basis of our agricultural production we shall have to build. According to the Minister's Budget statement to-day, farmers who use petrol in their tractors will have to bear the full increase, the full impact of the new 6d. per gallon. Will that be an aid to production on the land? Will that be a method by which we can build an expanding agricultural economy?

In relation to diesel oil, it seems to me, judging by the very careful phrase the Minister used, that we shall have to face some increase in bus passenger fares. The Minister's phrase was: "The present proposals will leave bus passenger fares almost entirely unaffected."

So far as the other items the Minister mentioned are concerned, I think the general debate will prove a more appropriate occasion upon which to discuss them. The Budget the Minister has introduced is one that will be greeted by the country at large, this evening and again to-morrow morning, with a gasp of dismay. It is one in which the Minister himself has increased in some respects the Estimates that were framed, as he says himself, by the previous Government.

Hear, hear!

It is one which he has introduced after he had been given Supply on the Vote on Account for four months, sufficient to enable him to carry on to 31st July next, thereby affording him ample time to form his own judgment and make his own measurements. I acknowledge gratefully his tribute to the success of the prize bonds, but as a result of that prize bond issue which I had arranged, he is not in the situation in which I was in June, 1954, when the first thing I had to do was to go to the banks and get money for the immediate carrying on of the working of the State. He had the proceeds of the bonds in addition to the balance in the Exchequer; he had funds available to meet immediate commitments; and he was able himself, in his own way, with our external trading in balance, to choose the methods by which he would carry out the policy of the Government.

We must remember that the policy, adumbrated and formulated in this Budget, must be considered side by side with the decision the Government have already taken that, while restricting consumption in this way, motor cars over £1,200 in value are now to come in duty free—the economics of a madhouse!

I just want to make a few observations on this Budget, reserving my main comment on it until we come to the General Resolution. I think this is a brazen Budget and it is entitled to take its place with its equally brazen relation, the Fianna Fáil Budget of 1952. They are both a product of the same mind. They are both the product of a mind that thinks there is still something to squeeze out of the ordinary working people. They are eating too much butter. They are eating too much bread and flour is too cheap for them. They have got to be squeezed. Whatever advantages they have by way of food subsidies have to be withdrawn from them.

During the last election I said I believed that Fianna Fáil, if returned to power, would abolish the food subsidies. I asked the Fianna Fáil Party during the election to deny they intended to abolish the food subsidies. While a lot of frothy nonsense was talked by Fianna Fáil speakers on many subjects which had no relevance and were of no importance to the people, they could not be drawn specifically so far as the food subsidies were concerned. They did, as Deputy Sweetman said, make reference on two occasions, I think, to the fact that what we said in respect of the food subsidies was not true and could be proved untrue. Who is telling the truth now?

Surely the nation are entitled to an apology on account of the way they were misled by the Taoiseach speaking at Belmullet and by the Tánaiste speaking at Waterford. On the day the Taoiseach was nominated here, I asked, before we cast our votes, whether we could get from the Taoiseach an assurance that they did not propose to abolish the food subsidies. The Taoiseach should get a copy of the Dáil Report of that date and read what he then said. He said that I had been proved to be wrong in other prophecies I made and that Fianna Fáil, in fact, did not intend to do any such thing.

He said he wanted to see what was in the cupboard.

The cupboard was full.

We know who is in the cupboard now and who is in the handcuffs now.

The people knew you were in them.

Listen to the Minister for Agriculture that was to be.

You can laugh at the people now. You will sit there four or five years mocking in derision the people's foolishness in electing you for four or five years. This Budget is an order for more railway tickets for Britain.

Could the members be constrained to conduct themselves and allow the Deputy to speak?

Deputy Norton ought to be allowed to speak without interruption.

This is a back to work Budget.

The Minister for the Gaeltacht interrupts in English.

Deputy Norton is not speaking Irish as far as I know.

The Minister ought to be careful now. Some people might hurt their reputations.

I am going to tell the people what their sufferings will be like in English and it will be no less pleasant for them.

I am not a damn bit sorry for a lot of them. They have Fianna Fáil now.

That may be so but I do not believe anybody deserves treatment as brutal as the people are now getting.

They got it before. What else can they expect?

I wonder whether any folk on the Fianna Fáil Front Bench suffer even remotely from introspection or whether any of them now remember what they said in the middle of February and in the opening days of March? Is not this Budget a rather striking contrast to the way in which they sought to woo the electorate in February and March? Is not this a clear departure from the assurances they gave the people and from the way in which they endeavoured to woo the people into voting for Fianna Fáil in the last general election? The mood of the Fianna Fáil Party then was that they could do the job better and should be put back into office.

It takes a team to do it.

Just give us the blank cheque; sign your name on it and we will fill it in for you. It has been filled in with tears and bitterness here today in a way the people never thought their cheque would be used.

It took a team to do the job.

It took a united team to do this job.

Strong government.

Deputy Norton ought to be allowed to make his speech.

All this has been done by a Government which promised the people they could do things better. Look at what this Government, which made so many promises, has to offer the people within two months of taking office. This is the thanks to the people. This is the gratitude to the people. Flour is to go up substantially in price. Bread is to go up by 3d. or 3½d. per 2 lb. loaf and butter is to go up by 5d. per lb. Sugar has been increased only recently and jam and biscuits will now follow on these increases so that the Government which purported to stand as the barrier between the people and the last Government in fact comes out to-day to show that it is going not only to abolish the food subsidies but to do it in one fell swoop and all these decisions are to be made operative almost immediately. But that is not all. Tobacco is to go up in price and beer is to go up in price and 6d. per gallon is to go on petrol and insurance on motor cars recently went up by 20 per cent. Then we are told that in this Budget there will be some compensations. Look at the compensations. The people who were drawing social assistance are to get an increase of 1/– per week—1/– for seven days.

2d. per day.

They would not give 2d. a day.

What about the 1/– which Blythe took off in 1930? There is damn little difference between either of you here to-day.

They reduced the old age pension by 1/– a week.

There were a few bridges and barracks to be built then.

That is the kind of Budget you would put into operation but you had not the courage to do it.

This 1/– per week is to be given to social assistance cases, and only to those cases. There is to be no increase whatever for the person drawing unemployment insurance benefit. There is to be no increase in those benefits. There is to be no increase for the sick man depending on sickness benefit or disability benefit— not even 1/–—under this Budget. The widows and orphans drawing insurance benefit will get no increase in benefit under this Budget. Therefore, that large mass of people—over 40,000—who are drawing unemployment benefit to-day will get no increase in that benefit under this Budget. Thousands of people living on sickness benefit and disability benefit get no increase in their benefit under the Budget. A large number of contributory widow and orphan recipients will get no increase whatever under this Budget.

There is to be an increase of 4/6 per month in the case of children's allowances. Let us have a look at that. A man and a wife will get nothing of it. A man with a wife and child will get none of it—there is nothing payable to them. If they have two children they will get 4/6 per month for four people. They will get 54 pence which is distributed among four people over 30 days. That is their compensation for the increase in flour, bread, butter, tobacco, beer and petrol. The four persons will have the privilege of sharing between them less than 2d. per day—and that is the benefit that is supposed to be provided under this Budget. That is the compensation. The Budget does not stop there.

Let us examine the health services. Even the health services available to the ordinary working man and woman are being assailed in this Budget. Before the Health Act was introduced, an insured person, if he were insured for social insurance purposes for three years, could get all kinds of hospital and medical services free of charge. The Health Act came along and he was told: "Although you had these rights to free treatment previously, you will have to pay 6/– per day for your treatment in hospital under the Health Act, a maximum of 42/– per week."

The amendment now proposed in the health services will make that ordinary worker who, four years ago, had free health services, pay £3 10s. a week for the health services which he is getting to-day at £2 2s. a week and which—let me say it again—three or four years ago he got at no charge whatever to himself. Therefore, even the ordinary working man when ill in hospital and when he is depending on social welfare benefits is made a target for a raid by the Government in order to balance this Budget. I do not believe the economic condition of the country requires that these people should be treated in such a cruel and heartless way as it is proposed to treat them in respect both of the health services and of the food subsidies.

The effect of this Budget is clear. It will start off a new round of wage increases. Is it any wonder that that will happen when you see food prices increased in this fashion? There will be consequential increases in prices because of the abolition of the food subsidies to-day. I have no doubt that the trade unions will now move out and look for further wage increases. It is quite clear that they are entitled to get them under this Budget. It may very well be—though he did not say so—that the Minister for Finance recognises that this Budget will involve another round of wage increases. Talk about stability!

During our period of office, we endeavoured to hold food prices as low as we could. No Government in Europe was able to hold the prices of bread, butter, sugar and flour as steadily as we held them for almost three years. There was no increase in the price of bread when we were there.

That is not true.

There was no increase in the price of flour; there was no increase in the price of sugar; and we reduced the price of butter by 5d. per lb.

You cut the loaf by 12½ per cent.

Interruptions.

You will have to give a smaller pint.

What about the poor man's pint?

Order! Deputy Norton is entitled to speak without interruption.

I think we should call this: "The Motor Car Budget."

I have no hesitation in saying that this Budget will irritate the people in a way in which they have not been irritated since 1952.

I will tell the people the truth and I will make no apology for doing it to any Fianna Fáil Minister or Deputy. We have not yet arrived—much as some people might desire it—at a condition of tyranny in which the people's tongues are bought. Mine will not be bought.

Just tell the truth.

People who aspire to the rank of Minister should conduct themselves. The Minister for Posts and Telegraphs is not now entitled to act as he would if he were at the crossroads.

If they do not know how to conduct themselves, they cannot do so.

I must say—apparently, much to the discomfiture of some members of the Fianna Fáil Party— that we held the prices of bread, flour and sugar steady over three years and that we reduced the price of butter by 5d. a lb. That is what the people had up to the 5th March. Since they unfortunately made a mistake on that date, they now know what the mistake will cost them. They will have the privilege of suffering for their error for the next four or five years.

So far as the people are concerned, this Budget will be bitterly resented. It represents a conjuring trick on the people. The Fianna Fáil Party promised the people they would see things through and do things better. This is the first piece of their artistry that they have put in the show window. They ought to be thoroughly ashamed of having spoofed the people in such a deliberate way and of having done it so soon after they had, through their political misrepresentations, ensnared the people into voting for them at the recent general election.

I want to refer to a point briefly now, as I shall dwell at length on it later. The Minister said that public faith was pledged to the master bakers. It was not pledged by me to the master bakers. They paid the increase in wages awarded by the Labour Court in order to avoid a trade dispute and they wanted to get a guarantee that they would be compensated for it. I gave them no guarantee in that respect and public faith was in no way pledged. I challenge the Minister to produce the slightest evidence, orally or in writing, that public faith was pledged, so far as the master bakers are concerned. In my view, the arrangement made with a number of master bakers was such that they could carry the wage increase awarded by the Labour Court, but certainly they were being well dealt with when they got flour at a cheaper rate and when certain adjustments were made in overweighting. I regarded that as having fully met any reasonable demand they had, but certainly there was no question of breaking public faith with the master bakers.

I think that is all I want to say on the Budget at this stage. There will obviously be no room for joy at the cross roads over this Budget. Instead there will be a feeling of despair and frustration. The Budget does one thing. It is a high price to have to pay, I admit, but the Budget does expose the insincerity, the hollowness and the hypocrisy of the Government which led the people to believe that there was something much better than this, certainly not this, that they would get by voting for Fianna Fáil candidates in the recent election. It has now been clearly demonstrated that the people have been grossly misled. Their eyes will be opened to-night; they will be opened wider still to-morrow, but unfortunately that will be too late and they will have to bear these burdens now for many a day because they were unwittingly ensnared into voting for the Fianna Fáil Party on the promises which were made by that Party in the recent election.

This is the second occasion inside a period of five years in which the Fianna Fáil Party has deliberately got into power by a trick, by false promises, by what could be practically described as fraudulent promises. During the last election campaign, every Minister, including the Taoiseach in the present Government, promised the people that there would be no increased taxation in one form or another. The Taoiseach himself went down to Belmullet on the last day of February, a few days before voting day, and almost with tears in his eyes, denounced some of the prophecies then made by the members now in Opposition. We had warned the people—and rightly so; I warned them myself— that the prices of bread, flour, butter and petrol would surely go up because that was the Fianna Fáil method of finding money.

He denied these things and I now hear in the House a quotation from the present Tánaiste, then Deputy Lemass, speaking in Waterford on the same occasion and making the same promises. It all fits into the same pattern which was also followed by the previous Minister for Finance, Deputy MacEntee, when, just before the 1951 election, he promised solemnly in Rathmines Town Hall, two nights before the voting, that if Fianna Fáil got back into power there would be no increase in the prices of tobacco or drink.

On other occasions when budgetary matters were less serious than they are to-day—it happened many a time —the less serious aspects of the Budget could be laughed off. It was a joke around the House, but on this occasion the matter is so serious it cannot be treated lightly because I say this Budget is one calculated to drive more young people from the country than ever before.

I want to ask the Government: What young person at the present time in rural Ireland should stay in the country when the full impact of this Budget hits them? Flour will go up from 25/– to 30/– a bag as sold in the shops to the country people—that is household flour. The ordinary loaf of bread will probably be in the region of 1/1 or 1/2; the lb. of butter goes up from below 3/9 to 4/3. Petrol goes up by 6d. and even diesel oil goes up.

I see that the Minister for Finance includes diesel oil in the tax list even though it is one of the principal commodities required for the increased production about which the Government prates so much. The price is being increased by 6d. The only provision made specifically in his speech to exempt from that tax is in regard to the transport companies. The Minister does not mention that farmers using diesel oil in either taxed or untaxed tractors will benefit by the rebate.

Tobacco goes up by 2d. or 2½d.; the "pint" by 1d. All the promises the members of the Fianna Fáil Government made, and not alone which they made but which every single candidate in the election made—those elected to this House and those not elected who are still down the country—are now thrown overboard as shamelessly as in 1951.

In 1951 I blamed the then Minister for Finance, Deputy MacEntee, for the Budget of that year. I see now this Budget is a product of the Fianna Fáil Government and that this is their policy—to get in by any possible trick, by any misstatement or untruth at the time of an election, in any way you can fool the people, and then squeeze them dry. I say this is a scandalous Budget. A little over 100 years ago we had a calamitous year which was known as Black '47; this year will be remembered by the working people of the country as Black '57.

I see that special mention is given to the Land Commission, or the closing down of the Land Commission which was put into operation on the pretext of the war, in the month of April, 1941. I see that that is now to be put ruthlessly into effect. I must tell the Minister for Finance that after his Budget goes into effect there will be no need to close down the Land Commission because there will be nobody in rural Ireland. Who could stay on the land here after this Budget? This Budget is framed deliberately as a rich man's Budget——

A motor car director's Budget. We know who they are, too.

——and any reliefs that are given will be given out of the Exchequer, or lost to the Exchequer, and handed out to the big private companies so that they can make better profits.

We know who they are.

Of course we know who they are. We also know who got the hints before the election on what to do and how to do it. We know now that what I regarded then perhaps as political gossip were simply hints. I now see the full truth of what I heard at that time.

There is no need whatever to close down the Land Commission because, when this Budget takes effect, the work of the Land Commission will finish automatically inside six months. I see now why Deputy Childers, Minister for Lands, was given the Fisheries Section—as soon as the Land Commission dies he can go fishing, I suppose.

Coupled with the removal of the agricultural grant, attention was directed by the Minister for Finance to the recommendations in the report of the committee which advised in regard to doing away with the agricultural grant and the possible diversion of it into some other channels. Of course, anything that hits the farmer hits the worker in rural Ireland and anything that promises to hit them and bring in money to the Exchequer is certainly something which should be examined carefully according to the present Minister for Finance and the present Government.

A relief of 1/– is being given to certain sections. As Deputy Norton said it does not amount to even 2d. a day and this is given to recipients of social assistance to compensate them for the other increases. I wonder does the Taoiseach and his Ministers think that a time still exists in Ireland when you can go out and rob a poor man of 5/– and pretend that by throwing him back 1/– he will not notice the difference? That is what the present Government is doing—taking 5/– out of the poor man's pocket in bread, butter, flour, tobacco and drink and giving him back 1/–, rubbing salt into the wound instead of rubbing balm into it. You are trying to pull the wool over the people's eyes.

I want to assure the present Government that will not work. The people are too well-informed nowadays. They know the mistake they made at the last election. They know that, whatever our faults and shortcomings were, at the very least, we told them the truth. From our position in Government, we told them the truth as to what Fianna Fáil would do, if elected. I am sure they see it now and will be wiser the next time.

I disagree with one thing that Deputy Norton said. He said to Deputy Corry that Deputy Corry can sit back and gibe at the people for five years. I do not think so; I think that there will be such a revolution as a result of the manner in which the people have been double-crossed that the Government will not last much more than five months, let alone five years.

That will be long enough.

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