Skip to main content
Normal View

Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 12 Feb 1958

Vol. 165 No. 1

Private Members' Business. - National Defence Expenditure—Motion for Select Committee (Resumed).

Debate resumed on the following motion:—
"That, since modern developments have greatly modified the usefulness of present expenditure on defence and rendered it wasteful in large measure, Dáil Éireann is of the opinion that a Select Committee consisting of 14 members to be nominated by the Committee of Selection, of whom six shall be a quorum, should be appointed with power to send for persons, papers and records to inquire into, consider and report upon the whole question of national defence expenditure."—(Deputies McQuillan and Dr. Browne.)

When this debate was adjourned, I was dealing with the question of the usefulness of the Defence Forces in rendering assistance to civil defence in the event of this country being subjected to nuclear attack. In that respect, I can assure the movers of the motion that I fully appreciate the importance of having the Army trained in the technique of civil defence. I cannot, however, agree with one of the movers when he says that the money at present being spent on the Defence Forces should be diverted to this other purpose of civil defence. Even if the Army were converted completely to the civil defence notion, it would not lessen the urgent need at the moment for a widespread civil defence organisation, and it is on such a voluntary organisation that our plans must be based.

I am fully in agreement with Deputy McQuillan when he speaks about the desirability of training our people as a whole in civil defence, but, unfortunately, we cannot train the people, if they will not volunteer for the civil defence services. I must admit that so far we have not succeeded in getting the people genuinely interested in that matter of civil defence. That is a problem which will have to be tackled. The only satisfactory way in which civil defence organisations can be got going is through the local authorities and, with one or two exceptions, the local authorities have been very apathetic in regard to civil defence. I hope that Deputies will do all they can to encourage greater enrolment in the voluntary civil defence organisations. I feel sure that if a catastrophe, such as would result from a nuclear attack took place, everybody would want to help, but if people were untrained, they would be practically useless in such an emergency.

I was dealing with some of the ways in which the Army could help in such an emergency, in the event of the country being attacked with nuclear weapons. I had mentioned that light aircraft and mobile units of the Army would be suitable for the reconnaissance of damaged radio-active centres. The infantry units of the Army and the engineers could be usefully employed in rescue operations and in the restoration of damaged communications. The Army medical units would be useful in rendering first aid and in assisting in the evacuation of the injured. The Army signal units would be useful when ordinary telephonic communications had been destroyed. I think these considerations, coupled with the undoubted fact that, in future, the conditions of warfare are unlikely to allow us any appreciable time for expanding our Defence Forces, only serve to lay emphasis on the necessity for maintaining the maximum force in peacetime, rather than on a reduction of our strength, as the movers of the motion seem to want. It should be realised that the existing force here is very far from excessive.

With regard to the question of economy, when I moved the Estimate here last year I expressed the view that it was necessary to achieve the utmost economy compatible with maintaining the efficiency of the Defence Forces but at the same time I did draw attention to the fact that there was a substantial reduction in comparison with the net Estimate for the previous year. I said that economy could be achieved only as a result of a determined effort to bring about the maximum saving on every service and activity covered by the Estimate. I can assure the House that in the meantime everything possible has been done, and is still being done, to achieve every possible economy.

With regard to the proportion of officers and N.C.O.s to the other ranks in the Army, to which Deputy McQuillan referred and has been accustomed to refer on every possible occasion in this House, it is not fair criticism merely to quote the numbers of officers and N.C.O.s and then quote the number of private soldiers in the Army and say this proportion is too high. It is not fair to forget the fact that there is also the Fórsa Cosanta Áitiúil and the First Line Reserve to be trained and that there must be available a sufficient number of regular officers and N.C.O.s to assist in the training and organisation of these reserve forces.

In addition, it should be remembered that the present Army is organised merely as a nucleus, capable of being expanded in the event of an emergency. While it is not necessary to have the full complement of officers and N.C.O.s that would be required for the ultimate Army we would hope to have in the event of an emergency, still it is necessary to have a sufficient number of trained officers and N.C.O.s to allow of expansion in such circumstances.

I can also assure the House that the general staff is keeping abreast, as far as possible, with modern developments in warfare and that our defence organisation and planning is under constant review in the light of these developments. I cannot, then, subscribe to the idea, as stated in this motion, that defence expenditure is wasteful in large measure. So far from that being so, I am convinced that the amount being spent on defence is the bare minimum if we are to make any pretence at all at defending ourselves. If the movers feel we should abandon all pretence at defending ourselves and let somebody else undertake our defence, I should be glad if they would say so and if they would indicate who they would wish to undertake our defence for us. The proportion of our Budget devoted to this essential form of insurance is very much smaller than in the case of almost any other country that could be mentioned.

The motion goes on to propose that:

"A Select Committee consisting of 14 members to be nominated by the Committee of Selection, of whom six shall be a quorum, should be appointed, with power to send for persons, papers and records to inquire into, consider and report upon the whole question of national defence expenditure."

On that proposal I can only repeat that the Defence Forces are the State's insurance policy against internal disorder and external aggression. It is the responsibility of the Government to decide to what extent they should hold this insurance, and, in my opinion, no Government worthy of the name would be prepared to hand over that responsibility to a committee, as suggested in this motion. No Government would be prepared to allow themselves to be circumscribed by such a committee in such important matters. I find it hard to believe that the proposers of the motion expected that suggestion to be taken seriously.

The only effect that the setting up of such a committee would have would be to obscure the real functions of the Government, the Minister and the general staff. The effect of that would be to render more difficult the proper fulfilment of these different responsibilities. If these were to be done in the case of the Department of Defence, I cannot see why there should not also be a demand for it to be done in the case of other Departments. If a system like that were to develop, the result would be chaos.

In concluding, it might be no harm to quote some remarks of Deputy McQuillan when dealing with the Defence Estimate in 1955. At that time, as reported in column 105 of the Dáil Debates of the 5th July, 1955, Deputy McQuillan said:—

"There is little, perhaps, that we can do in the line of defence against atomic or nuclear warfare."

He went on:—

"It is, therefore, essential that we scrutinise the policy of the present Government in connection with the defence of the country and, in connection with it, the amount of money it is proposed to expend on an army and the type of army on which this money will be expended. My personal belief is that we should have a small army composed of personnel on a permanent basis and that this small army should consist of the cream of our soldiers, officers, N.C.O.s and men; that it would be highly trained and mobile and at the same time capable of very rapid expansion and able to take in, in times of emergencies, larger groups who would be trained on a basis of three or six months a year. The actual size of this standing army is something on which we can agree to differ—there may be differences of opinion as to whether it should be 12,000 or 8,000, and I do not propose to enter into the lists to discuss that particular aspect of the matter- I think it should be left to people who are more expert on that than we are to make recommendations as to what the actual size of that small, but well trained, force should be."

I think that that is, to a certain extent, a description of the type of Army we have at the moment. I note that at that time, just two years ago, Deputy McQuillan was prepared to leave to people more expert the responsibility of making recommendations as to the type of Army we should have. I do not know if in the meantime Deputy McQuillan thinks he has become an expert on the subject——

On a point of order, if the Minister even had the decency to read or listen to my remarks, he would find that I made it clear I did not want to be a member of this committee. I am afraid he has not even read them. However, I shall deal with him. In all my life I never heard such misrepresentation from a Minister. It is a tragedy, too, from a young Minister.

Deputy McQuillan said: "To people who are more expert than we are." I presume he was including all the members of the House as well as himself. Apparently, he has altered his opinion now, and thinks that the people whom successive Governments have considered suitable experts to make recommendations are no longer suitable for this purpose. If that is Deputy McQuillan's idea of the matter, it is not mine and I do not intend to recommend to the Government the acceptance of this motion.

I am sorry Deputy McQuillan saw fit to move this motion, and in such terms. In his remarks he referred to the Army as being capable of "Stone Age defence", and used similar phrases. A speech like that can have been made for one reason only and that is a policy of denigration, a policy of trying to lower the Army in the estimation of the people of this country. The Army is part of the Defence Forces of the State. It is organised on what is considered the best lines for our defence. Deputy McQuillan was a member of it. It has rendered valuable service to the country in the past and shall do so again. In sneering at the large number of officers compared with the number of soldiers, again he is trying to smear the Army. For years, when it was necessary to defend the country, there were always sufficient soldiers but a lack of officers. Even in the Fenian days, the lack of officers led to failure. When they were required, there was never a shortage of men.

As the Minister very properly said, with the First Line Reserve, the Defence Forces and the voluntary defence forces, we have ample manpower to make it expensive at least for any invader who attempts to interfere with our neutrality or our independence. This country owes a great deal to the Army. I agree with the Minister that motions of this kind are not of any help to him, the Government or the nation, and when he says that he could not accept the proposal to have a commission inquire into the matter, he is perfectly right because he would be transferring from the Government the responsibility they have and handing it over to somebody else. That is what no Government and no Minister can ever do, in this or any other country.

I would, therefore, ask Deputy McQuillan not to persist in pushing this motion. It serves no useful purpose. It helps nobody and it does not elevate our standard of citizenship to have cheap sneers directed at the armed forces of the State.

Does the Minister or Deputy MacEoin suggest that no country in the world inquires into its defence policy by having a report sent to the Government or some high authority?

There is an inquiry in this House every year on the Defence Estimate into the whole policy of defence. If at any time a question of defence policy arises, there is no better authority in the world to decide that issue than the elected Parliament of the country. If Deputy McQuillan and the other Deputies fail in that, they fail because they did not take steps to put their case to the Minister at the time the Estimate is going through.

I should like to express my view in a way different from Deputy McQuillan. I should like to know precisely what is the purpose of the Army. The Minister gave the impression that it was only for the purpose of rescue or work of that nature. I cannot visualise the Army being used for defence. I therefore, question the form in which the Army is constituted. The average armed force is constituted in such a way as to put up some form of open defence or offensive, but we are not in a position to carry out any such operation. Let us be sensible about the matter.

We are an island on the fringe of Europe and if we have any enemies at all, they can only be Britain or Britain's enemies. In either case, our enemy would be a world Power. To put up any form of frontal defence against those great Powers would be absolutely useless. We would leave ourselves open to immediate destruction. The country, in my opinion, would be left absolutely defenceless during the first stage of any form of attack. I rule out altogether that the Army is there for the purpose of defending the country against any outsider.

If the Army is constituted solely for internal purposes, I do not see any great threat. There might be, if it was some form of social revolution, but so long as we have emigration, we will never have that. As far as other people are concerned, there may be some differences over what they should be able to do in the North, but I am not aware of any threat. I do not foresee any great threat.

The Army is expensive. We hear of warlike stores, heavy guns and weapons of every description. These things are costly and perhaps we could economise if we could make up our minds as to what way the Army will be used. If we made up our minds that there would be some form of guerilla defence, we could economise a good deal and perhaps the Army would ask for £4,000,000, and not £6,000,000.

That would be £2,000,000 too many then.

Let us be sensible about the matter. Either the Army exists only for rescue purposes or we envisage an actual attack. What defence have we against an actual attack? I am not aware what warlike stores are housed in underground shelters. From what we know, the very first stages of an attack would be destructive of these costly things and we would be left without any defence at all. There is no defence in Dublin. If someone made a threat, we would have to surrender like the Japanese because there is no place for the people to go to. There are no underground shelters to go to. What have we civil defence for? If there is an attack with nuclear weapons, we know the number of people that would be killed and injured. The few hundred that would be there for rescue work would be in a panic themselves. There would be no communications and no form of underground shelters. I do not know what the Minister's policy is in regard to that.

We have costly aeroplanes and if there was an attack contemplated, it would be made without any notice at all and these aeroplanes would be smashed to smithereens. Our form of defence ought to be of the guerilla type. If a potential enemy thought we were going to put up some form of frontal defence, he would be quite satisfied as he would be able to annihilate us. If we had some form of light mobile brigade defence that could be brought into some kind of regular army, an enemy might think twice of moving in.

I do not want to enlarge on this subject, except to say that many economies could be made. There is no need for many of the stores we purchase; they can serve no useful purpose, and I do not see how they could be used for any effective defence. As we know, in the case of Suez and other such incidents, the attack comes first and the questions are asked afterwards. Where are the warlike stores then? I think a different view should be taken about the form of defence we should have and if we did take a different view, we might not have to spend so much.

The speech we have just had is the greatest possible argument against the motion proposed by Deputy McQuillan, I would agree with everything Deputy MacEoin said and he is perhaps a person who is able to offer very useful opinions on matters of this kind.

We are asked what purpose does the Army serve. Any school-going child could answer that question. On the question of cutting down expenditure on the maintenance of a highly efficient army, I would say that what would be saved would be small and the loss would be greater than many people in the country can imagine. I have a distinct recollection of reading of the time about 180 years ago when the Army was cut down or disbanded— I think, at Dungannon. So far as I can judge, it was the greatest mistake ever made. If it is Deputy Sherwin's suggestion that we should consider reducing or abandoning the Army——

Did I suggest that?

——I do not think he would have the people behind him in any move of that kind. The people of the country are very proud of the Army. The officers, as far as we can see, are highly efficient and the men, generally speaking, are a credit to the country. It is the proper thing that they should be highly trained, and that the most up-to-date equipment should be supplied to them, even if it is only sufficient to train them in the use of particular weapons.

It is deplorable that a speech such as the one we have just heard should be made in an Irish Parliament. When the time comes that the Irish Parliament thinks we should degrade the Army by reducing it or cutting off supplies or contemplate instead, as Deputy Sherwin said, some hidden guerilla force to use in an emergency, we shall have travelled back very far. I believe the setting-up of a committee to consider these questions would simply be a waste of energy and, further, it would be a motion of no confidence in the Army officers and personnel. Deputy McQuillan would be well advised to withdraw the motion, especially in view of the speech we have just heard and for which the motion is responsible.

I certainly have great respect for Deputy MacEoin and for his point of view on a matter such as this, but we put down this motion for a very simple purpose, a purpose common to the peoples of many nations, as Deputy McQuillan said. We are not now living in the time of the Fenians, which is very far gone: we are living in the nuclear age, the sputnik age, at a time when one has to review the desirability of maintaining a standing army of any size.

It is possible that a commission such as is suggested, having considered all the points made by the various Deputies and by others, might decide that the existing Army is the correct size for our country; but we feel it is quite impossible to move into the nuclear age without accepting the fact that radical changes have been taking place in the whole conception of defence forces. Most of the great nations now accept the general principle that the conventional defence forces have become relatively unimportant and that their place is being taken by the nuclear weapons. As for the rest of us, the small nations, I am afraid it looks as if we have little alter native, poor as that prospect may be, but to look for shelter to one of the great nations and can only hope it does not decide to go to war. I think that is the realistic view of the situation today, and there is no good in talking of our great heritage or great soldiers. The fact is that all one needs now is a standing Army which might take on police functions, but questions of defending the country or of going into the attack simply do not arise.

Our main point is that we want an investigation into the whole question, in the light of the very radically altered circumstances. I do not think Deputy McQuillan, in talking about the Stone Age, wanted to denigrate the Defence Forces and anybody who has listened to him speaking here on the Estimates would agree that nobody had a more staunch and consistent defender in this House than the Army, officers and all ranks, had in Deputy McQuillan. Deputy MacEoin must have misunderstood what he had in mind when he said Deputy McQuillan was attempting to denigrate these soldiers. I believe nobody has greater respect for these men than Deputy McQuillan, and he has shown that over the years. I am sure that when he spoke of Stone Age methods—and it is probably true—he was thinking of the facilities here in contrast to what science has now made available elsewhere. If they are little better than Stone Age methods, it is not the fault of the Army, because we should provide them with proper means of defence, and if the Stone Age methods of defence exist here, it is the fault of this House, and what Deputy McQuillan said did not imply any reflection on the Army.

If this motion were considered on the merits, it would be seen that it is a serious attempt on the part of two Deputies to get a serious matter considered in an intelligent way. The attitude taken by the Minister surprises me, as does the suggestion or imputation that we wished to hand over consideration of these matters to some outside commission, without any regard to what the powers of that commission should be. We clearly state in the terms of the motion that the commission will report upon the whole question. They have absolutely no powers or functions other than to report back to us here, the sovereign power in this country. It is wrong and unfair for the Minister for Defence to suggest that we in any way wish to hand over the powers of this House to any outside body. I am particularly surprised by his very extraordinary, sneering reference to the suggestion of the establishment of a commission as if it were an outrageous, unheard-of, unthought-of, new or novel thing. There have been commissions on education, emigration, milk costings.

And all very effective.

Some of them more than others. The Taoiseach has recently broken out in a regular rash of commissions in regard to the language revival, trying to resuscitate that unfortunate thing, a commission on the desirability of abolishing the Seanad, and so on. In our suggestion that a commission should be established to try to discover the wisest move to adopt in the years ahead, we are not tracking any new paths or making any novel suggestions. The Minister has no need to be frightened of this sort of thing because the suggestion has been made by all Governments in every country in the world, and particularly in our own country, over the centuries.

There is one other point arising out of the question; do we wish to let somebody else take over our defence? Again, of course, if the Minister had read the motion he would not have made such a silly imputation. We made no such suggestion. We asked that a commission be established to investigate and report back. There was no suggestion that we should vacate the powers of control or the defence of our country and hand them over to anybody else. The imputation there is that we would allow Britain to do this for us.

The Minister gave us a homily on civil defence. I hope he will not waste any money on civil defence, to be quite frank. It is quite clear that, as civil defence is at the moment and as attack is likely to be in the future, there is no real use in civil defence. As most countries have decided and as most thinking people in different countries in the world have accepted, there is very little or no defence against any nuclear attack.

Name a country.

Great Britain. Of course, the Civil Service nominee will try to get civil defence going but every scientist and physicist knows that there is no defence against nuclear attack.

That is nonsense.

What is? The only people required after the next war will be the grave diggers and it is absurd to talk about civil defence.

Nonsense!

None of us will be here to decide who is right. That is the only tragedy.

Major de Valera

What about the hereafter?

We will not hear from the Deputy, the expert. There is one other point. In the last few years we have been asked in this House to economise on all the really essential services under Government Departments. We were asked to economise on food subsidies, health services, care of the aged, old age pensions, education. All these economies have been entered into in a high-spirited way. We feel that it is possible to make a useful economy as the result of cogent, intelligent, well-thought investigation into the Army, which, with all its merits in the past, with all its ambitions for the future, in the reality of the present situation and in an assessment of the present situation, has little or no function, certainly as a defence force and more than likely as an offensive force. It would help the Minister to find one economy which would hurt nobody instead of inventing ones that hurt many.

One of the very few opportunities this House has of speaking about the Army is on the Estimate for the Army. One of the justifications for the acceptance of this motion is the fact that there have been so many different speeches and so many different impressions about the Army. I do not mean the deliberately wrong impression that certain people here got with regard to the personnel of the Army because—I do not think there is any exception to this—nobody, I think, attempted in this debate or attempted during my time in the Dáil to run down the Army in any way, either generally or individually. If anybody attributes to any member of this House a statement to the effect that he ran down the Army, that is merely to make a case against this motion and nothing else.

I suppose one of the justifications for the acceptance of the motion is the impression that was got by Deputy Loughman of the speech that was made by the Independent Deputy, Deputy Sherwin. If there is such divergence of opinion about defence and the methods of defence, the size of the Army and the efficiency of the Army, is it unreasonable to ask that 14 members of this House and of the Seanad should conduct merely a fact-finding commission, to get a general view, an agreed view or a majority view, to be presented to the Minister or to this House so that there will not be any wrong thinking about the efficiency of the Army or the size of the Army?

Deputies from all sides of the House might be astounded by what Deputy Dr. Browne, Deputy McQuillan or I might say, but these are views, not necessarily our views, but the views of people to whom we listen. From that point of view, therefore, in a very important matter such as defence, it would be a good thing that 14 members should present a report either to the Minister or to this House and that all of us should be on the right foot as regards defence because that is something that should not be the subject of Party politics. Everybody will agree that defence is a national matter. Like foreign policy, it is a matter on which all of us should be agreed. Therefore we who in some respects are supposed to be the leaders of public opinion— more often we are pushed—should be on the one foot and on the right foot as far as civil defence or general defence is concerned.

I do not think it would be unusual for a committee of the House of the Oireachtas to inquire into the matters that this motion asks should be inquired into. The Army is not sacrosanct. The Army has not a tremendous number of highly important secrets that ought not to be divulged to members of the House. Certain questions can be asked by the Committee on Public Accounts with regard to expenditure on the Army and expenditure by other Departments. If I interpret the mind of the movers of the motion, the proposed Select Committee is merely to conduct an inquiry such as would be conducted by the Committee on Public Accounts, only in a more detailed way, without trying to pry from top Army staff secrets or information that might be regarded as absolutely confidential. There is the impression abroad—again I say this does not reflect on the Army generally or the personnel of the Army —there is a widespread impression, even among supporters of the Government Party, that there is waste in the Army. Especially there is the impression that we are spending money on things that are obsolete or that become obsolete in a very short time.

That is not an absolute criticism of the Army economy. This proposed committee merely wants to ensure that the best type of defence possible— having regard to our circumstances, our geographical position, the amount of money we can spend on the Army— will be available to ensure that our Army will be the best we can make it, bearing all these circumstances in mind.

It is a pity that, on a motion such as this, as on many motions, we should have to vote, because it deters, in particular, members of a Government Party—I do not say this particular Government Party—from speaking their minds honestly. However, this motion has done good if only from the point of view of getting a discussion on the subject. The proposed committee does not want to usurp the functions of the Minister, the Government or the Army staff. It merely wants to satisfy itself about conditions in the Army. I do not think that anybody who spoke in favour of the motion suggested that we should hand over the defence of our country to, say, Russia, Great Britain or the United States, and anybody who says to the contrary is, I suggest, merely trying to make a case against the motion.

Over the past few years, the Government have been prepared to accept the advice of organisations such as O.E.E.C. Therefore, it would be for the benefit of the country as a whole if this motion were accepted. It does not commit the Government to anything. The motion may prove as abortive as the Commission on Youth Unemployment and the Commission on Emigration and some other commissions which we set up. The Minister has nothing to lose, unless it is that he objects to the expense that might be incurred in relation to the meetings they might hold.

I am not too conversant with Army matters in this or in any other country. Everybody knows, however, that a special committee is sitting in the United States which advises the Government and the Army. That committee is composed of members of the two Parties in the United States. They make public many things which we would regard as top secrets. Surely, then, we in this small country should be prepared to permit the elected representatives to carry out an inquiry on the lines indicated in this motion.

I cannot say much about civil defence. Deputy Haughey takes exception to what Deputy Browne had to say. It shows a big difference of opinion between the two Deputies——

He is wrong.

Deputy Browne gave a very good answer when he said that if a nuclear war touched this country, then neither of the two of them would be there to say who had been right or wrong. I have no suggestions to offer in respect of the Army because I have not been in it, and neither do I know much about detailed Army work. I have no idea what amount of money is spent on the F.C.A. Lest anybody should misinterpret me, I want to say that those who volunteer for the F.C.A. are making a tremendous sacrifice and are doing a good job, as far as they are allowed.

I wonder if the money spent on the F.C.A. would not be more usefully employed in training young men of a certain age for about a fortnight each year in a military training camp. I do not know whether or not the Minister is satisfied with the result of the F.C.A., but I often think that, from the point of view of discipline, morale and general physical well-being, I would be in favour of action by the Government requiring young men of a certain age to undergo military and physical training for about a fortnight each year for a certain number of years. Some people might describe that as conscription, but I would not. To my mind, conscription is the yanking of a fellow into an association, body or army, and making him do something he does not want to do. I think it would be of tremendous advantage, physically and morally, for young lads in the age group, say, 16 to 21 years. Then, if the Minister wants it, he can have his Irish classes there; I think they would be accepted more readily there rather than by the method of ramming Irish down the throats of people in schools and different places.

That does not arise on this motion.

It has arisen very much in the Department of Defence recently. I agree with this motion. I do not think it should be opposed as vehemently as it was opposed by the two sides of the House.

Read the last part of the motion.

The motion reads:—

"That, since modern developments have greatly modified the usefulness of present expenditure on defence and rendered it wasteful in large measure, Dáil Éireann is of the opinion that a Select Committee consisting of 14 members to be nominated by the Committee of Selection, of whom six shall be a quorum, should be appointed with power to send for persons, papers and records to inquire into, consider and report upon the whole question of national defence expenditure."

The time to refer to that is when the Estimate is before the House.

I do not think it can be done adequately.

That is our own fault. We are slipping up.

Can the Leas-Cheann Comhairle inform the House how much longer the debate will be allowed to continue?

At 10.30 p.m., there will still be 28 minutes left on this motion.

I was a little confused by some of the speeches in this debate because it appears to me quite clearly that if this motion were carried and if the Select Committee were set up, the Minister for Defence would virtually be out of a job. I cannot think what he would be doing while the Select Committee would be in operation because the terms of reference seem to me to be precisely the same terms of reference as those given to the Minister himself by the Government. Surely it is the Minister's job to acquaint himself with modern developments, to see whether present expenditure on defence is rendered wasteful in large measure in view of modern developments and to consider and discuss with his advisers the whole question of national defence expenditure. That, I regard as the Minister's job and I gather from him that that is also the way in which he regards it.

I feel that there is a certain amount of confusion in people's minds as to the actual purpose of the Army, and that there always has been. I think that that is because a number of people have never tried to understand and do not want to understand the matter. I have always regarded it—I think, rightly—as having a two-fold role in peace-time. In the first place, it is a training cadre for home defence. The emphasis is on the training end, rather than on the building-up of a force which, in itself, is a striking force. Anyone who studies the establishment will have that clearly brought home to him. The peace-time establishment of an infantry battalion, or any other unit, is far too small to render it an effective fighting unit on its own. All the infantry men we have in the Army at the moment would not, probably, form more than two full war-strength infantry battalions. The privates are expected to be training as potential N.C.O.s and the junior officers are expected to be training as senior officers, so that, in the event of a national emergency, we have the basis on which a national army can be built up.

Some speakers have assumed that the next emergency—if we can call it so—will inevitably be a nuclear war. However, they overlook the fact that the defence forces of other countries, both small and great powers, are still largely equipped with what are now known as conventional weapons. There are small units armed with artillery, formed as tactical nuclear fighting units. In some armies there are infantry units which are trained with or experiment with small-scale tactical nuclear weapons. But in spite of all that, we still get masses of infantry, tanks, armoured cars and artillery. We get quite an amount of what Deputy McQuillan would call stone-age aircraft, even piston-driven, propeller-driven aircraft, for spotting, army co-operation, and so on.

Here we come to another misconception, of course, of which Deputy McQuillan is always guilty—that is, our famous three "Jets".

Tell us about those.

I should be only too glad to try to explain this extremely difficult point. If the Deputy looks into the question of the three "Jets", he will find that they are three training aircraft only; they are designed and built as training aircraft only. If Deputy McQuillan could just get that into his head, everything else would become clear but he insists on regarding them as first-rate fighting aircraft, on whose defence the whole nation relies. That, of course, is fantastic. It is quite impossible for us to build up an air force on our own which in itself is a real defence. We never have had it, but we have always employed pilots in the Army Air Corps to train in the flying and operation of the most up-to-date aircraft which are available and which are within our means. With those three aircraft, we are able to train all our Air Corps pilots in the operation of jet aircraft, and without them we would be miles behind everyone The fact that you can have much faster ones, the fact that you can have guided missiles which can go for 3,000 miles without a pilot, and all that sort of thing, does not necessarily render these completely useless.

The only thing which appears to be generally regarded as completely useless now is the ordinary anti-aircraft artillery. We had at one stage costly defence artillery, but that has long been abandoned also. Anti-aircraft artillery is going out to some extent with the greater Powers but, curiously enough, it is not going out with the less powerful nations.

We must regard this whole position in its general aspect and realise that it is not half as simple as Deputy McQuillan or Deputy Dr. Browne makes out. It is not as if the main military Powers, either of Europe or of the world, had all decided that they would rely now solely on nuclear weapons. It is becoming increasingly clear that all Powers are becoming increasingly nervous of the use of nuclear weapons, even by their own Forces, because they know that, with the spread of knowledge of nuclear warfare, retaliation will be inevitable and will be very very drastic indeed— so that whoever starts a nuclear war may wipe out his opponent but will certainly lead to his own destruction as well.

Tell that to Deputy Haughey.

I shall certainly discuss it with Deputy Haughey afterwards.

That is where the grave-diggers come in. One of us destroys the other.

Do I gather what Deputy Browne means is that the situation is now so hopeless that we should not have an army at all, or civil defence, or anything else?

That is exactly the situation you outline.

That is on the assumption that the next war must be a nuclear war, which no great Power and no small Power has yet decided. Nobody knows. All we know is that nuclear war has become so utterly terrible that everyone is scared to start it. They are equally scared that somebody else may start it, so they feel—I think, quite wrongly—that the only defence is to say: "If you have got a H-bomb, we have one, too; if you let yours go, you will not be able to find where ours is until it arrives on you; then both of us will be wiped out—and we are both damn fools." I think there is much more danger of having wars with conventional weapons again.

Bows and arrows.

I think the confusion which has been shown here is a confusion which is shown in all other countries, too.

That is why we want the commission.

A committee.

A rose by any other name——

If the Select Committee could solve that problem it would be a relief to U.N.O., not to mention N.A.T.O. It is a magnificent gesture on the part of Deputy Browne to put himself forward possibly as one who is willing and able to solve the problem which has defied so many more experienced people than himself.

The Deputy should stop the silly sneers. We did not put ourselves forward.

I withdraw that. I thought the proposers of this motion were asking to get in on this themselves.

Be serious.

If that is wrong, I am delighted.

If the Deputy read the opening statement, he would not be walking into it as he is.

Deputy McQuillan and Deputy Browne have spoken already.

You would agree, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle, that the Deputy is asking for interruptions. He is not making a speech. He is just abusing the people who put forward the motion.

If the impression is——

That is the impression on me—and I am neutral.

You are not even a bow and arrow man. That is awful.

It is interesting to find a neutral. The only question is: "Whom are you neutral against, or whom are you neutral for?"

Does the Deputy not understand the meaning of "neutral"? When you are against, it is not neutral.

Well, the Deputy should withdraw that.

I think I understand.

That is all right, as long as the Deputy knows.

Deputy Kyne will get an opportunity.

That is all right.

Another speaker expressed a grave doubt or grave anxiety that there was the impression of waste in the Army and he stated that there had always been an impression of wasteful expenditure. That, I think, applies only to those who have not been in the Army because anyone, including Deputy McQuillan, who has served in the Army will know it is, and always has been, the most cut-price outfit that has ever existed, that its expenditure is cut to the minimum that it has never been allowed to buy half the stuff regarded as essential, that successive Ministers for Finance have always cut the Army Estimate and that in actual fact the Defence Estimate has never been fully expended or anything like it.

There were numerous instances of that during the last war and immediately before it. There was the question of the adoption of the Bren gun. It was adopted by our forces considerably before it was adopted by the British Army but, due to cuts in expenditure, we went into the war without Bren guns because the expenditure had not been approved. In actual fact we went into the war with little modern equipment. The position at the moment is that we have extremely little modern equipment. All we have is basically what one might call training tools.

Our Army is not a striking force at all. It is an effort to supply our Forces with examples of modern artillery, modern signalling equipment, modern infantry weapons so that the maximum training can be given and that our Forces can be kept as up to date as possible with the minimum of expenditure. No one who has seen the efforts made to get approval for defence expenditure could ever say that there is any wastage of expenditure as far as the Army is concerned. Perhaps it could be said there is waste as far as the civil side is concerned, but in so far as warlike stores come into the reckoning, as far as transport and fuel are concerned, either on motors or aircraft, every possible economy is effected.

As far as its role as a training unit for a larger scale Army for national defence goes, there is no waste of expenditure. But the Army also has the rôle of aiding the civil power. That is the most distasteful rôle and the most difficult one, but events have shown that under certain circumstances it is necessary to have a small force available to aid the Garda in the maintenance of law and order. I would regard that as a very minor rôle, however. I think the main attitude to our Defence Forces has always been correct— namely, that it should be a small force, as highly trained as possible, capable of rapid expansion at short notice and capable of using the most modern weapons which might become available.

We cannot hope to maintain big armies like other countries. It would be wasteful if we re-armed all our Army personnel with most modern weapons as they became developed. All we can do is to get examples of modern weapons and train our men in the use of them in the hope that if and when the time comes we may be able to lay our hands on these weapons in greater numbers. There was no question ever of using the Army as it stands for frontal defence, making a sort of thin green line across the centre of the country.

What defence would the Deputy envisage?

It is interesting to see what our defence plans are. Having been a junior grade officer in the Army, I am not fully conversant with our plans.

There are only two defence plans—break-through or guerilla methods.

I think that errs slightly on the side of oversimplification, but at the same time it is difficult to train purely guerilla fighters. We must have some sort of organisation. During one part of the emergency towards the end of the war in Europe the brigade in which I was serving was broken up into flying columns. We were divided into infantry companies with detachments of artillery, engineers, ambulances and so forth. We acted purely as independent flying columns. The idea was to strike, retire, outflank and get around the enemy, fight, run, dodge and annoy the enemy generally.

What is the need for heavy equipment in that case?

Deputy Sherwin has already made his contribution.

I am a little doubtful as to what Deputy Sherwin knows about our so-called heavy equipment. I get the impression that he feels we have large-scale armoured forces held in reserve, possibly in the Curragh. In actual fact, we have a few tanks which possibly Deputy McQuillan would say were stone-age tanks. The few we have are used for training men in the operation and maintenance of armoured fighting vehicles. Apart from that we have very little heavy equipment. The only equipment, apart from weapons, with which men serving in the type of flying columns I have mentioned would need to be supplied would be sturdy boots. At the same time, these men must be taken to their positions by motor vehicles and dropped at the posts from which they are to start operations. After that the transport would have no further significance.

I cannot imagine anybody dropping nuclear weapons on this country. It would be entirely wasteful. Millions of pounds' worth of nuclear weapons would be dropped on a big city but I do not think it would be an economic proposition to use such weapons here. Any army invading this country would be more likely to do so by the use of conventional weapons. Therefore, I cannot see any good reason for the appointment of a Select Committee. It would be wasting its time. It would be getting very much in the way of the Minister and the general staff. On those grounds I would urge Deputy McQuillan to desist from pressing this motion which, I think, is aimed at discouraging our Army and amounts to a vote of no confidence in the Minister, whether Deputy McQuillan looks on it in that way or not.

Debate adjourned.
The Dáil adjourned at 10.30 p.m. until 10.30 a.m. on Thursday, 13th February, 1958.
Top
Share