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Dáil Éireann debate -
Wednesday, 19 Feb 1958

Vol. 165 No. 3

Committee on Finance. - Vote 10—Employment and Emergency Schemes.

I move:—

That a supplementary sum not exceeding £224,000 be granted to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1958, for Employment and Emergency Schemes (including Relief of Distress).

As indicated in my Budget Statement of May last, I decided to make an additional £250,000 available for the services provided in the Vote for Employment and Emergency Schemes, so as to allow the Special Employment Schemes Office greater flexibility in arranging for the short-term relief of unemployment in particular areas. The Supplementary Estimate is necessary to secure formal parliamentary approval for the Vote expenditure arising from this decision.

The additional £250,000 was allocated as follows:—Sub-head F: Urban Employment Schemes, £140,000, making the total allocation for the year £280,000. Sub-head I: Bog Development Schemes, £45,000, making the total allocation for the year £160,000. Sub-head J: Rural Improvements Scheme, £65,000, making the total allocation for the year £215,000. As regards the Rural Improvements Scheme, it is not anticipated that actual expenditure from the additional allocation of £65,000 up to 31st March next will exceed £50,000, the balance being expendable next year. On the other hand, expenditure on urban schemes is expected to exceed the total allocations by £7,000.

The gross amount of the Supplementary Estimate, £242,000, provides for the £235,000 to be expended from the additional allocations, plus the further sum of £7,000 for urban schemes to which I have already referred. After allowing for increased receipts of £10,000 from beneficiaries under the Rural Improvements Scheme, and savings of £8,000 on other items, mainly administrative charges, the net total to be voted, as shown by the Estimate, is £224,000.

When I look at this Estimate—to which we have no objection—my mind goes back a short period of 12 months, when really a considerable number of the Fianna Fáil Party believed, I think, that the Ministers they were supporting were in a position to wave their hands and effect the disappearance, or virtual disappearance, of unemployment in this country. I remember the placard which appeared upon the hoardings of this country: "Housewives, vote for Fianna Fáil, so that your husbands may get work." Are the members of the Fianna Fáil Party ashamed of that now? Are they ashamed at having gone out and plastered this country with unconditional promises to the wives of unemployed men, that if they voted for their Party, the unemployment—which I assume was then the concern of all—could be abolished overnight?

Deputy Booth shakes his head. Deputy Booth is a relatively sophisticated member of society and I know that if he saw that poster—as he did see it, because he put it up in his own constituency—he raised an eyebrow and said: "It reads well, but it certainly does not mean literally what it says." I ask him honestly: was it not put up in the hope of persuading a number of simple people, who would believe that it meant literally what it said, to accept it at its face value?

I think that is a dreadful thing to do. It is a dreadful thing, when people are suffering as the mother of a family suffers when her husband is unemployed and as her husband suffers under the obligation of coming home day after day to tell her he cannot get work, to trade on that domestic anguish in order to get votes, knowing that you do not mean it.

Is it any better to promise lower prices and lower taxes?

I think so, when you can demonstrate that, to the limit of your resources, you have provided them Many people may deride the predecessors of the present Government with imprudence in having appropriated £6,000,000 of the annual revenue to the effort to keep down the prices of bread and butter and may have said: "If that is the measure of your charity, more was expected of you." It was not by any means an insignificant performance, was it—£6,000,000 of the revenue of this country, 6 per cent. of the entire revenue, devoted to no other end than keeping down the prices of what appeared to us to be essentials of the general diet?

On top of that, there was an heroic effort to keep down the price of tea. It was not attended with the measure of success for which we had hoped— because of conditions in the world— but it was an effort. Some may say it was a misguided effort; some may say it was an effort that failed—though I do not think it altogether did—but it was an effort. I do not believe that our people are unreasonable and I think they would say to their Government: "The fact that you failed to do what you promised to attempt does not condemn you; we may make up our minds that you are not the people to choose again, because you should have seen that you would fail, but at least you tried; and we convict you of nothing worse than incompetence." That is a charge in respect of which no public man need hang his head in shame. He may not have succeeded, but at least he tried.

However, we all ought to hang our heads in shame if it is possible for vulnerable sections of our community to say to us: "You held yourselves out as being able to do something that you knew perfectly well you could not do and if that is the measure of your effort to achieve the undertaking on which you got us to give you our votes, you stand convicted by your own default."

Have we not got more men back to work?

That is a fair question. I do not think that, in fact, the Party has. I think emigration has carried away a very considerable number of people and thus materially relieved the unemployment situation. I do not want the Deputy to feel or believe that I want him to say or that I want the public to believe, that Fianna Fáil sits callously indifferent to the fate of the unemployed. I do not believe they do. I believe the unemployment figures concern the rank and file of the Fianna Fáil Party just as intimately as they do any Deputy. That is not the substance of my indictment. The substance of my indictment is that they published broadcast promises which they must have known were not true.

We promised we would try.

The implication in that promise was that those then charged with the responsibility of Government were not trying.

That they created it.

And that they were not trying to remedy it. Fianna Fáil said: "Here is somebody who cares and will remedy it." I do not believe Deputy Booth believed that. I believe he knew and that most of his colleagues understood the problem that had faced those charged with the responsibility of Government, that there was a danger of mass unemployment and that if the balance of payments situation became hopelessly disarranged, we might be faced with a situation involving mass unemployment, without the resources to meet that situation.

To avoid that catastrophe, very energetic measures had to be taken so that there would be restored to the hands of whatever Government the country had the minimum reserves with which to avert uncontrolled mass unemployment. What was grievously wrong there, and what I think hits at the institutions which we are in this House concerned to maintain, was the fund of promises to the electorate, particularly to the vulnerable elements of the electorate. They said they knew and undertook to perform the appropriate work for providing a remedy, when they knew it was not within their capacity to perform it. This Supplementary Estimate is the measure of Fianna Fáil's performance.

The unemployment figures are down.

I think Deputy Booth will agree with me that canvassing and challenging the suffering of our neighbours across the floor of the House availeth little. I think I can argue that a correct comparison between the figures for to-day and 12 months ago is impossible, without a satisfactory determination of the amount of emigration that has taken place. If it be true that approximately 50,000 people have left in the past 12 months, it is not suprising that the numbers of those enrolled in the employment exchanges have declined. They certainly have not declined by 10,000, 20,000 or 30,000.

We would not be looking for a Supplementary Estimate now, if they had all gone away.

If you reflect on these figures for a moment, you will agree that if 50,000 have left this country during the past 12 months, we have not made much progress in remedying unemployment. Is there a Deputy in the ranks of Fianna Fáil who feels the people believe that they have redeemed their undertakings in this regard during the past 12 months? That is the test.

Trade and employment figures have gone up.

They have not.

Is there a person in the country who feels Fianna Fáil have faithfully performed that which they appeared to promise with their iniquitous poster: "Housewives, vote Fianna Fáil so that your husbands may get work"? I think that was a shameful advertisement.

The Deputy must have failed to read some of the Fine Gael posters.

Acting-Chairman

It would be desirable if Deputies made their own speeches and desisted from this series of questions and answers.

I can assure the Chair that I have no complaint to make in that regard. That poster takes its place in our political history with another which had on it three golden balls and represented the Government of this country as having put the country in pawn. I think the Fianna Fáil Party, in the presence of this Supplementary Estimate, ought to examine their consciences and try to resolve that they will not denigrate their supporters and degrade themselves by purchasing votes from their neighbours with such undertakings which they knew they could not perform. We have no objection to this Supplementary Estimate, and we do not want to rub the nose of Fianna Fáil on its own discreditable performances more than is necessary for their spiritual improvement. They ought to remember the lesson I have sought to teach them to-day and resolve to sin no more.

I did not intend to speak at all, but, when I heard Deputy Dillon preach political honesty and give us a lecture on what we should have done prior to the general election, I thought I should make a short contribution to the debate. We have been trying to do our best to clean up the mess we inherited from the inter-Party Government last March. In beginning to face up to that problem, we had no idea things were so bad. Whether it be made by a business or a Government, an effort cannot succeed inside a few months. We are now ten months in office. Even in that short time, we have succeeded in clearing up some of the mess left to us. I am not trying to hide my head in the sand; I do not say that we have not got a serious problem of unemployment. All of us on this side of the House are anxious to see that, wherever possible, every man and woman in the country will be employed.

Deputy Dillon spoke about political honesty. The greatest blow that struck this country was in 1948 when the inter-Party Government first were elected. At that time, we were on the threshold of economic prosperity. Later on in 1951, and again in 1954, we had to listen to the greatest tirades ever delivered. Last year, we got back to office and, since then, we have taken all steps possible to clear up the mess. We floated a loan successfully and, though it was a small loan, it showed the people had some confidence in the present Government.

How much per cent. did you pay? Six per cent. does not indicate much confidence.

Acting-Chairman

It is time we dealt with the Estimate.

I remember Deputy McGilligan attending a meeting at the Catholic Commercial Club at the time the rate of interest had gone up. He claimed to be able to get money out of the hat. He was the Attorney-General in the last Government and he allowed one of the biggest industries we had in this country to decline.

Such as?

The building trade, No. 1.

It is thriving now.

It is not thriving but it was then dead. Deputy Corish was a member of the last Government that refused to honour their obligations to people who had made application for houses. I had 350 of them in County Dublin.

Acting-Chairman

The Deputy should come to the Estimate.

I am dealing with the unemployment problem and if I am left alone I shall keep to the point. We were left completely on the rocks when we took over from the inter-Party Government. Their wild promises put them out and their political dishonesty has our country as it is to-day. There did not seem to be anything they were not able to do. No taxation was necessary; people were told that money was to be got quite easily. Deputy McGilligan, although making the point that money was to be got very easily, could not get it in his time even at 6 per cent.

We got it at 3 per cent.

When did you get it?

The first loan we floated in 1948.

Acting-Chairman

I have appealed to Deputies to discuss the matter before the House. We cannot fight elections over and over again.

We are not fighting elections but we are concerned deeply with the unemployment position. We are trying to provide productive employment of a permanent or semi-permanent nature and not small schemes lasting only a few months to be carried out as a matter of expediency. I have sufficient confidence in our Government to express the view that that day is not far distant. I do feel, however, that the actions of the inter-Party Government during their term of office have retarded our progress, but I hope to see the day when we have rectified the blunders they made to the detriment of this nation during their six years of very poor government.

Last week the only things we seemed to have to discuss in this House were transatlantic aeroplanes and greyhounds. Therefore, it is about time we had a discussion such as has been initiated here to-day by Deputy Dillon, because one of the most important problems confronting the present Government and which confronted the last Government is growing unemployment and emigration figures.

I must confess a great deal of disappointment at the introductory speech of the Minister for Finance. Whether or not he intends to treat of unemployment in a fuller way when he winds up this debate, I do not know, but in view of the fact that unemployment is such a problem I do not think it fair to the House that the Minister should in about 30 seconds introduce an Estimate for practically £250,000 —that is not so important in itself— which deals directly with the problem of unemployment.

I do not want to follow the line of the last two speakers and twit any of the Fianna Fáil Deputies or Ministers with the promises, placards and postcards for which they were responsible in the last election. I appreciate, and everybody in the country appreciates, the tremendous task the relief of unemployment is and has been, but the House and the country should know this. As far as I know this £250,000 that is referred to in this Estimate has already been spent and I know that to-morrow morning a certain newspaper will have blazoned in some part of it something to the effect that £250,000 is now being given by the Government to relieve unemployment. Such is not the case at all. As far as I know, the bulk of it has been spent, so it will not be any relief to unemployment.

I do not think it is correct, nor do I think Deputy Booth believes, that there is an improvement in the unemployment position. There is an improvement inasmuch that the figure, when compared to the same time last year, is 8,000 or 9,000 better. I do not want to say that emigration has increased in the last 12 months, because I do not think any firm figures could be produced, but at least emigration has not abated and all those workers who cannot find employment in this country and who emigrated in the last 12 months or ten months must be added to the figure we now have of 85,000 odd unemployed.

There has been a remarkable change of front by certain politicians and by certain members of local authorities. We are now told that our prosperity depends on increased production. With that we would agree but they have, in my opinion, gone a little too far. Their call seems to be addressed to the workers, but the workers have no means wherewith to increase production. It is true that here and there new methods might be introduced which would increase production but, on the whole, we cannot get increased production unless we put our unemployed to work.

It should be said that our 85,000 unemployed represent a certain type of worker. No blame to this Government, to the last Government or any Government for this fact but Deputies must agree that it is a fact, that there was a certain problem to be faced in Ireland in 1922 when the Second Dáil was elected and when the Government was formed. There was expenditure on houses, roads, hospitals, schools, bridges, Garda barracks, and the type of expenditure that is now regarded as capital expenditure. There is no doubt in the world that a large number of the workers, because they had engaged in the building of roads, schools, and so on, began to consider themselves as building workers. They assumed, and we all assumed, that they would be engaged in that type of employment for years and years to come, but that position has now changed and, in my opinion, the change has been brought about too quickly. It should have been a gradual change.

There are many people in the country who are fond of saying, and who are trying to press the point, that we could do with less houses, less road works, and that we are building too many hospitals, too many schools and too many Garda barracks, and so on. The unfortunate thing is that we cannot make that change quickly. These people have to be provided for and we have not provided for them. Workers from Dublin, Cork, Wexford who got constant employment now find themselves out of work. I can appreciate that position to some extent, but I do not appreciate the attitude of a Government or a Department of State which is reluctant to build houses under any circumstances.

Deputy Browne, my colleague from Wexford, knows that it is very difficult to get sanction from the Department of Local Government to build a cottage which is needed, I will not say badly needed, but needed. A man must be living on the roadside or in a ragged tent before you can get permission from the Department of Local Government to have a house built for him. We will have to provide money to keep these people, even on the minimum employment, on the roads, on the building of houses that are still needed, on the building of schools that are still needed, and any of that type of work which is now described as capital work.

That attitude is quite prevalent amongst some of the local government officials and among some of the county councillors. I do not think that in the past ten or 15 years employment on the roads was at such a very low ebb, at a time when, I would venture to remark, the Road Fund was at the very highest point ever. Again, let me say we are going to lose those people who have been engaged in such work as road building, house building, school building and the building of Garda barracks, if we are not prepared to provide other work for them. Industry cannot do it for them. It cannot be geared up sufficiently to absorb them. Unfortunately those engaged in capital development work are not equipped to engage in the type of industrial production which the country badly needs at present.

There is, of course, the misconception common to many people that the 85,000 who are registered as unemployed are not genuinely unemployed.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Welfare added some strength to that misconception when he made certain statements some weeks ago. I do not intend going into that now. As far as my experience goes, there are the people who are not so fond of work and there are those who will register illegally at the employment exchange, but, by and large, and so far as the constituency which I represent is concerned, the vast majority of the registered unemployed are genuinely unemployed. As I say, something must be done in the meantime to try to keep them at home. The unfortunate thing is that when they get a taste of England, conditions being relatively so much better there in the matter of wages, they are lost to this country for ever.

One of the bad things I see about the present situation is this—and I do not say it is a situation that developed over the past 12 months, it developed over the past ten to 15 years—we are losing producers and we are also losing consumers. The fact that these thousands and thousands of workers are going to Great Britain, and some to America and Canada, means, I feel, that the home market for Irish industries is gradually being decreased, or rather depleted. Something will have to be done about that in conjunction with the provision of employment.

Again, there is that idea that relief work is no good. Relief work may not be good in that it does not produce real or direct wealth, but at least by it we are keeping people at home and people who are earning a weekly wage of £5, £6 or £7 are spending it at home. That money is being circulated and is buying, in the main, Irish manufactured goods. Over and above all that, we are keeping these Irish workers at home.

I want to conclude by repeating if I may, what I said in the first place, that I was vastly disappointed that the Minister in introducing this Estimate did not elaborate on the statements which the Taoiseach made from time to time on the alleviation of the unemployment situation. I do believe that all of us—and the Government, as they must be—are concerned about the figures of unemployment, but there is no real evidence that any impression is being made on them. There is no real evidence that the Government is scraping the barrel to provide employment. I do not know what the transatlantic airline is going to cost, or if it will cost anything, but if it will cost anything I think the money should be devoted to this Vote and if any money is to be spent on the Greyhound Industry Bill, it should be devoted to this Vote. Every single penny that can be got, should, in my opinion, be devoted to the provision of employment and let the Government or their experts work out how that money can best be employed.

One of the fatal mistakes of the Government in the past ten months— the reason for which I do not know— was the abolition of the Local Authorities (Works) Act scheme which was introduced in 1949. It was admitted by many members of the Fianna Fáil side of the House that this was a good scheme and rural Deputies, in particular, thought that it was a good scheme because it provided a great amount of employment, in conjunction with the agricultural industry, and linked up successfully with the land reclamation scheme introduced at that time and now continuing.

I would ask the Minister to consider with his colleague, the Minister for Local Government, between now and the final adoption of the Estimate, the reintroduction of that scheme. So far as some of the urban areas are concerned, and we have been talking about work that is not productive, a lot of the urban areas—and I am sure many of the members of the local authorities will agree with me—find it difficult to get schemes in which to engage what are termed relief workers. I know of examples where they have been trying to see where they can spend money to relieve unemployment and to get money back into the shops. The Minister should consider seriously reintroducing the Local Authorities (Works) Act scheme which is also very good from the point of view of unemployment, particularly in regard to the agricultural industry.

I should like to refer briefly to and to quote from the Report of O.E.E.C., Economic Conditions in Ireland, which was published in December last, in view of the criticisms which have been made from the Opposition side of the House. This publication is an unbiassed account by economic experts who are not, so far as we know, members or supporters of the Fianna Fáil Party. I quote from page six of the report, paragraph 5, as follows:—

"The decline in industrial output ...began in the second quarter of 1956; by the last quarter of the year production was about 12 per cent. lower than a year earlier. This decline was the result of the contraction of domestic purchasing power which was reinforced by official measures to restrain internal demand."

That criticism of our situation appears to me to highlight the fact that we were at our lowest ebb during the concluding periods of the last Administration.

I would quote further from paragraph 6 on page 6:—

"The effect on unemployment of the contraction in activity in 1956 became particularly marked in the second half of the year and in the early months of 1957. The decline in industrial employment, which reversed the trend of the previous years, persisted up to March, 1957, but appears to have slowed down considerably by June, 1957. The peak unemployment level, accounting for 12.1 per cent. of the number of insured persons, was reached in January, 1957; this compared with a level of 8.1 per cent. a year earlier. The rise in unemployment was particularly marked among construction workers. But by June, 1957, the overall unemployment rate, at 7.9 per cent., was not markedly above the level of June, 1956."

I quote those figures and comments to counter the assertions of Deputy Dillon, earlier in this discussion, wherein he berated the present Government for its inability, and its carelessness, to deal with unemployment. Granted that unemployment has not been abolished, I should like to point out we have made, in Deputy Dillon's own words, "an heroic effort", and, just as he claimed the Government of which he was a Minister could be cleared of any criticism simply by claiming to have made an heroic effort, it is not unreasonable that we should be given a certain amount of credit for what we have done also.

Would you indicate some of the things you have done?

We have reduced the level of unemployment from a peak of 12.1 per cent. to 7.9 per cent. That is not dealing completely with the situation, but to say that nothing has been done is a gross exaggeration.

I would quote further from paragraph 11, page 8:—

"This sharp rise in Government borrowing in the fiscal year 1956-57 was made necessary by the unsatisfactory out-turn of both revenues and expenditures. The ordinary Budget closed with a deficit of £5.9 million and, including capital expenditure met by the State, the total to be financed amounted to £43.4 million. Since the State loan of October, 1956 was not fully taken up by public subscription and the level of small savings was not satisfactory, the Government was obliged to realise departmental security holdings to the value of £7.8 million and to call on the banks for accommodation (by way of subscriptions to the national loans and discounting of Exchequer bills) to the extent of £9.3 million.

It was thus necessary to adopt a much stricter budgetary policy for the 1957-58 fiscal year, and the Government has planned to eliminate a prospective deficit in the ordinary Budget of some £9,000,000 by increases in taxation and reduction in expenditures."

I quote that to show how severe the crisis was in which the Government found itself on the assumption of office. If money had been available for further work schemes, it would obviously have been spent, but here we have an unbiassed, unprejudiced international organisation putting down the facts, cold-bloodedly in black and white, that under the last Government, there was a Budget deficit of £5.9 million.

The Deputy has widened the debate very considerably by going into the financial side. It may be quite relevant when the main Estimate is being considered, but the only matters that call for consideration here are matters in the White Paper, urban employment schemes, development works in bogs, rural improvement schemes and appropriations-in-aid. I am sure the Deputy does not wish to widen the debate.

I wished only to meet some of the criticisms made against the Government by Deputy Dillon. I bow to your ruling on this matter, Sir.

I should like to make a last quotation from this leaflet under the heading "Conclusions" on page 11, paragraph 19:—

"It would not, under existing circumstances in Ireland, seem appropriate to try and take up this slack by expanding State investment. What is needed at present is more activity in the private sector, an objective which may require less pre-emption by the Government of the financial resources available for investment at home."

That is, I submit, precisely what we have been trying to do—encouraging private employment rather than providing large amounts for Government expenditure. That is what has been done and that has been recommended by O.E.E.C. as sound, economic planning. It is a matter of regret for all of us on this side of the House that greater progress has not been made, but I would commend this report to all Deputies for their earnest consideration. It will show we have done possibly all we could have done, and have done considerably better than our predecessors. To have done better than them is not a guarantee of the highest efficiency, but, at least, we have done our best. It is a matter of great regret that we had to introduce this Supplementary Estimate at all, but I would ask Deputies on the other side of the House to read and digest this report. I think it would make their criticisms less copious.

In his introductory remarks, the Minister stated that one of the reasons for the introduction of this Estimate was the relief of distress. That statement clearly indicates that the Minister is well aware that distress exists among some sections of our people at present. The Minister did not elaborate to any extent on how this miserable pittance—most of it expended, as Deputy Corish has said—will help in any appreciable manner to relieve this distress.

This debate has ranged over a reasonably wide field. References have been made to the activities of the two systems of Government we have had over the past years. In view of the fact that other Deputies made such references, I will crave your indulgence, Sir, to do likewise, but to a much more limited extent. I wonder what the composition of this House would be to-day if the Minister had said 12 months ago during the election campaign: "If you elect Fianna Fáil as the Government of this country to-day, in 12 months' time, on 19th February, 1958, I will have to move a Supplementary Estimate in the Dáil to relieve distress"? I feel sure that if the Minister made that statement, it would be very easy indeed to count the number of Fianna Fáil Deputies here at present.

Instead of telling the people that, the Minister told them the opposite. As already pointed out, he told them that if Fianna Fáil were returned to power, this unemployment question would cease to exist. As one previous speaker mentioned, Fianna Fáil particularly addressed themselves to the wives of workers from one end of the State to the other with the statement: "Wives, vote Fianna Fáil into power to provide work for your husbands." What did they get when Fianna Fáil were returned to power with the overall majority they now enjoy and which, it cannot be denied, was got under most false pretences? What did these people to whom they specifically addressed their remarks succeed in getting from Fianna Fáil? First and foremost, within a few months of their advent to office, the food subsidies were wiped out, thus relieving the Government of several million pounds.

The Deputy knows that that matter does not fall for discussion on this Estimate.

Before making these references, I did crave your indulgence, Sir. These matters have already been discussed. Without in any way disobeying your ruling, I want to point out that the Minister in his introductory remarks mentioned that one of the reasons for this Estimate was the relief of distress.

The Deputy referred to the removal of the food subsidies. I am sure the Minister did not refer to that.

I am developing an argument, Sir.

I suggest the Deputy confine himself to what is in the White Paper and he will have plenty of opportunity.

Unfortunately, there is very little in the White Paper.

I think it is quite sufficient.

We know that money cannot be on the White Paper, unless it is collected from the people. We are making the case that Fianna Fáil withdrew these subsidies and have imposed hardships on the people. Surely the withdrawal should result in much more money being available for productive employment at present? That is the reason I mention the abolition of the food subsidies at all. Everyone knows that in the past 12 months the cost of living has increased very much. Consequently, greater hardships are imposed on the lower income group and many of them now find it hard to exist. The Minister appreciates they are living in distress.

Coming from an area at the very end of this country where comment has been made of late by people in all walks of life regarding the rapid depopulation going on there, I would be failing in my duty if I did not refer to these matters. In possibly no other constituency have the activities of the Special Employment Schemes Office a greater bearing than in the constituency I represent, West Cork.

Unfortunately, the position there was never worse than it is to-day. The term "never worse" is not my own phrase; it is a phrase used by one of our senior county council officials at a meeting of that body on Monday last, when he described the employment position, as far as the county council is concerned, as being never worse during his period as engineer with the council. The manager gave us to understand that the position in the month of March will be much worse than in the months of January and February. We got no supplementary grants, good, bad or indifferent, such as obtained in other years. That being the position, we expected to get much more reasonable grants from the Special Employment Schemes Office.

The conclusion that has been drawn in my area is that Fianna Fáil are wilfully creating a slump to get rid of some of our people whom they believe to be surplus to our requirements here. I cannot see any other reason for it. People are leaving for England and other countries to earn their livelihood. We had Deputy Booth from Dublin telling us about the reduction in unemployment figures brought about by Fianna Fáil since returning to power, even though he was unable to give us an instance of any extra employment provided by them.

References I made in the Dáil recently would, to some extent, indicate to Deputy Booth the reason for these reductions in unemployment figures. During the past 12 months, not only have the Government failed to provide money for employment, but they are endeavouring to reduce unemployment figures by other methods. What are these other methods? My information is that we have one man, a senior official, down from Store Street, Dublin——

That matter certainly does not arise on this.

It is an explanation of the unemployment figures. They were referred to very strongly by Deputy Booth.

Unemployment figures may be referred to, but activities of a Department in administration do not arise on this Estimate.

People do not want unemployment benefit or unemployment assistance. What they require is work, but, unfortunately, when work is not available in parts of West Cork, they have no alternative but to apply for either benefit or assistance. They have no alternative because of the conditions obtaining there. These people are being intimidated at the present time.

I have told the Deputy that does not arise on this Estimate.

The reduction in the unemployment figures in that part of West Cork, so far as I am aware, is entirely due——

The Deputy is charging the Department with certain matters. The Minister is not responsible for administration in the Department of Social Welfare. The Deputy may raise it when that Department's Estimate is before the House.

I naturally obey the Chair's ruling, as I feel sure that, with the Chair's knowledge and experience of procedure in the House, the Chair is undoubtedly correct. So far as the minor employment schemes, the bog development schemes and the rural improvements schemes are concerned, much good work has been carried out in West Cork down the years. I would not agree that the work carried out by the Special Employment Schemes Office could be deemed to be work of a non-productive nature. With the exception of isolated schemes here and there, most of the work is useful and very helpful to the local people, apart from the fact that it provides necessary employment.

We in West Cork have always had a great regard for the rural improvement scheme because we have many works of improvement carried out under that scheme and there are many yet to be carried out under it. The improvement of drainage conditions and the improvement of roadways leading to groups of houses were very essential works, but since the Minister resumed office, subsequent to the election, he has increased the local contribution towards the cost of these works.

I believe the increase is actually 100 per cent. I do not know what reasons prompted the Minister to change the contribution rates. The rates previously extended from 5 per cent. or 6 per cent. to 25 per cent. which, I think, was a reasonable contribution, particularly from farmers of £14, £15 and £16 valuation, and even less, which is the valuation of the majority of the people in the areas affected by these schemes. The situation now is that the Minister, before making a grant, ensures that a contribution of up to 50 per cent. of the cost of the work must be made by the local beneficiaries.

The outcome of that new regulation is bound to be a reduction in the number of schemes carried out and that has been stated by the Minister in his introductory remarks when he said he expects that £15,000 of the rather small sum allocated for rural improvements schemes will not be expended during the year. I wonder would the Minister give us the reason why that £15,000 will not be expended? I feel it is due to the fact that the contributions demanded from the applicants are altogether too high and beyond the resources of many of them to pay.

I do not want to go further into these matters. I feel sure that we will have no change in the position until the main Estimate arrives, but, at the same time, I would not like to let this opportunity pass without again referring to a matter to which I have made special reference on various occasions in this House for some years past. I feel sure that there could be much more co-ordination between Government Departments. What I have in mind is that we have one Department of State, the Social Welfare Department, making allowances for people unable to find employment and we have other employing Departments of State, such as the Special Employment Schemes Office in the Minister's own Department, the Forestry Department and the Department of Local Government.

I think it is a pity and regrettable that some scheme could not be worked out, whereby, instead of having to pay £3 1s. to an unemployed man with a wife and family, some few pounds more could be provided so that a week's productive work could be got from that man. At the moment, you are paying to people who would much prefer to work half a week's wages with no return for it. If the other half of the week's wages could be found, instead of the money going down the drain, so far as the State is concerned, you would provide a full week's work and many useful schemes throughout the country. In making that statement, I want to make it plain that I believe it is essential and necessary that unemployment benefit and unemployment assistance should be paid to people when there is no work available for them.

Ninety-nine per cent. of the people in West Cork are anxious to obtain employment, and I fail to see why we have not some co-ordination between the Departments, and thus ensure that some of the money which is paid out in benefits could be handed to some employing Department and so cut out the need for paying unemployment benefit or unemployment assistance in particular districts. When the State pays out money for productive work you not only get the productive work but, to a very big extent, through direct taxation, the State gets back a big portion of that money again. The man who takes a drink, buys a packet of cigarettes or buys a pint contributes directly to the State coffers.

I do not want to go further afield in this debate in case I may find myself in conflict with the rulings of the Chair. My main reason for intervening was to protest on behalf of the many applicants in West Cork against the increase in the local contributions sought for the rural improvements schemes and to express the indignation of the many unemployed people in my constituency with the attitude of the present Government in dealing with their plight. If I were allowed, without transgressing the Chair's rulings, to continue regarding the activities of the Department of Social Welfare at the present time, it would be the answer to the question posed by Deputy Booth earlier in this debate.

The presentation of this Supplementary Estimate by the Minister for Finance is a clear admission that the supposed policy on which he and his Party assumed office has very little to show at the end of 12 months in office, with the substantial majority they obtained. We can all recall the posters so evident, not alone in the towns and cities but also in rural parts, blatantly conveying the impression that the Party seeking office had a solution for the country's problems at the time. We know the country had then suffered in consequence of problems arising from the imbalance of payments; we know that the action taken by the Government at that time was necessary and no alternative action was suggested by the then Opposition, but nevertheless it was a useful weapon for them when presented with the opportunity of a general election. Now, within 12 months, we have the spectacle of the Minister for Finance coming here for £224,000 to relieve distress. It would not be necessary to introduce this Supplementary Estimate for £224,000 if the Minister had not given away £180,000 to the master bakers——

These matters do not arise on this Estimate.

My submission is that a sum of £44,000 would meet the Minister's needs at the moment if he had not gratuitously presented the master bakers with £180,000.

This money is to be spent on emergency schemes to relieve distress. What a profound change in 12 months. I represent a constituency which has no record in emigration. The constituency of North Cork, comprised mainly of farming folk, with few industries and only one town of any consequence, the town of Mallow, down through the years had no serious unemployment or emigration as other parts of the country unfortunately had. But in the course of the last six months we have known enough of these evils, and, for the first time in the history of this State, whole families have emigrated from this constituency. The town of Mallow, unfortunately, has severe unemployment at this moment. Twelve months ago a housing scheme was awaiting introduction to provide employment but it is now only surmise whether we are any nearer the date of commencement of that work.

May I point out that the Minister for Finance wiped out an excellent scheme, having regard to its labour content and the relatively low amount of money required for administration? I am referring to the Local Authorities (Works) Act——

I must ask the Deputy to relate his remarks to the various sub-heads in this Supplementary Estimate.

I agree that it does not come directly within the scope of this Department, but I submit that much of the unemployment this is intended to relieve has been created by the cessation of works under that scheme and that the Act provided an opportunity of maintaining people in employment and providing employment for those needing it.

We have this inflated Estimate for the relief of distress now before us and surely Deputies who sit behind the Minister and support his Party must feel they have let the people down, the people who, a mere 12 months ago, were attracted by the various promises made on posters throughout the country in front of every polling booth designed to convey to the people that they would fare much better if they had Fianna Fáil in office. No doubt many wives were influenced by the hope of their husbands getting work, but it did not say where they would work, whether here or in England. The sad experience in my constituency is that they are now working in England. I am afraid the passing of this Estimate will not do much to reduce the impact of to-day's conditions in the part of the country I represent.

This simple Estimate has led to a very protracted discussion. Great play has been made of the posters produced by Fianna Fáil in the last general election, but I would say that hell itself must be paved with the posters produced by Fine Gael over the years. The chief spokesman of the Fine Gael Party has referred to the political dishonesty of Fianna Fáil but he has changed course so often and switched direction on so many occasions that he has earned the title of "arch high-priest of political dishonesty" in this country. Fine Gael's record in regard to unemployment is a very sorry one. Was it not a member of the Fine Gael Party, then a Minister in the Fine Gael Government and now a Deputy of this House, who said that the Government had no responsibility for unemployment? Housing has been referred to by Deputy Corish——

Housing does not arise on this Estimate. The Deputy must relate his remarks to what is contained in this Supplementary Estimate.

I wish only to make a passing reference to what Deputy Corish said. As a member of a public body I can recall that midway in 1956 there was not one penny available from the Coalition Government for housing and we had a circular to the effect that we should close down on all housing. Admittedly unemployment figures are high although they are something like 10,000 below the figures of last year. It is agreed also that the emigration figure is high but generally I think things have improved in the country.

The Road Fund was mentioned in regard to its potential employment content. The Deputy who referred to it should have been very slow to do so as should any member of the Coalition Cabinet. Was it not that Cabinet that raided the Road Fund to the extent of——

The Deputy may not discuss the Road Fund on this Estimate.

I am doing so only in regard to its potential employment content. When the present Government took over it made a contribution of £900,000 to the Road Fund. I agree, as every Deputy agrees, that there is a serious unemployment problem and a serious emigration problem; nobody will try to minimise these problems. It will require the all-out effort of the Government and every Deputy in this House and of our local bodies to deal with these problems but I am sure the Government will deal with them to the best of its ability.

The Local Authorities (Works) Act was mentioned——

And the Chair pointed out that it did not arise on this Estimate.

I agree. If it were possible to restore the Local Authorities (Works) Act and carry out works under it I think every Deputy would agree to that course, but it is a matter for the taxpayers and the ratepayers concerned and they are important considerations in the matter.

The matter of relief grants as they affect urban bodies was also mentioned and one such grant is included in this Estimate. I am sure the Deputy who spoke on this subject was referring to the emergency schemes when he said that urban bodies were finding it rather difficult to provide schemes under this heading. I hope when the Minister comes to frame his Budget he will not take his cue from that statement because I can assure him that urban bodies can and will provide sufficient useful schemes to absorb the moneys available under the Emergency Schemes Vote.

About 12 months ago the then Government and the Parties comprising it were severely criticised throughout the country for the extent of unemployment at that time. A good deal of blame was thrown upon them, and in particular upon the Labour Party, for their adherence to the Government. I do not say that we did not deserve some of the blame but so great was the blame thrown upon us that it was used by one Party to force the Government to go out of office.

Certainly, unemployment was serious then. Certainly, the Labour Party had to use every effort possible to see how far they could remedy the position. If they could not provide productive employment it was their job at least to see that some type of relief was provided. We introduced a Supplementary Estimate on lines similar to this Estimate but with this difference, that at least £500,000 was provided in January, 1957, expressly for the relief of unemployment.

I remember the abuse and criticism levelled at us by the then Opposition Party, Fianna Fáil, for our inadequate efforts, our "hopeless bungling", and I remember the screaming headlines in every edition of the Irish Press and Sunday Press, which carried pictures of people lined at the port for the emigrant ship, pictures of people standing outside offices and factories that had discontinued operations and descriptions of more workers going to England, the United States and elsewhere. All these things may have been true then, but they are more true at the present day and, no matter what any member from the other side of the House may say about things improving, I know that he knows very well that he is saying something that is not true.

Where now is Deputy Lemass's plan for full employment? Everybody needs time to develop plans, but we suggest that by this time there should have been some indication of that drive for full employment that we were told by the Irish Press was ready and waiting to be put into operation.

What have we in this Estimate? A pittance that is practically all spent, with a gloomy two or three months to go before the local authorities will receive any fresh money in the form of grants or local rates. In County Waterford, in fact, in the whole of the Waterford constituency, there has never been so much emigration as there is now. Over 60 per cent. of the road workers of County Waterford have been laid off since as early as last September. These workers in particular depended on special employment grants. They hoped that they would continue them in employment at least up to Christmas or early in the new year. Waterford County Council dropped some £26,000 in grants. I know that that has nothing to do with this Estimate but the cut last year made a bigger Estimate all the more essential this year.

In Waterford City the labour exchange is crowded out. Workers are fleeing twice a week on the Waterford boat, and every other night on the Rosslare boat. We take all this against the promises made by the Taoiseach even as late as last December on the Adjournment debate. I wonder what the effect of all this unemployment will be on local ratepayers. It must be pretty clear to everybody that, to give the unemployed some form of sustenance, local authorities must provide additional home assistance. They must add to the pittance that the unemployed receive by way of unemployment benefit or, as they are more likely receiving because of the duration of the period of unemployment, unemployment assistance. All that is thrown upon the local authorities and then the question rings throughout the country: "What is happening to the rates?"

It must be clear that because of the inadequacy of this Estimate the position in the country will disimprove. I am afraid the outlook for the next 12 months is not very good. The Minister for Lands during the past three or four weeks has endeavoured to prepare the country, not for one, two or three years of hard living but I believe he expressed the view in his latest statement that we might prepare to tighten our belt for the next 20 years. If that is the position, the workers should have learned their lesson and in future will know whether or not they should believe the promises of Fianna Fáil as they have done in the past.

One of the most disconcerting things that strike us from day to day is the apparent absence of any positive policy so far as the Government is concerned towards the relief of unemployment. Before the House adjourned in December last, I endeavoured to get from the Government some indication as to the steps they proposed to take for the purpose of grappling with the very serious unemployment problem which then existed. When the House adjourned on 5th December last the number of unemployed was 67,300. The number registered in the last return issued by the Central Statistics Office is 86,000. The figure has risen by almost 19,000 since the Government was asked on 5th December last to indicate what they proposed to do to deal with the serious unemployment problem.

I rise this evening for the purpose of making another effort to extract from the Government some information as to what positive and concrete steps they intend to take to deal with the serious unemployment problem which surrounds us and the existence of which has to be acknowledged by Deputies from all parts of the House. The present figure of unemployed is returned at 86,000.

I am looking at the figure on the 6th February—86,847; the figure for 13th February is 85,935; for the weeks ended 25th January and 1st February the figures were, respectively, 86,817, 86,847. I am quoting from a document issued by the Central Statistics Office each week. Therefore, I take it, the Minister accepts these figures.

There is no doubt about it, is there?

If the Deputy is quoting from official figures, that is all right.

The Minister was not aware that they were so high.

I was well aware but I do not claim always to be infallible.

No Government can pretend to be unconcerned with that situation. I do not expect that the Government can perform miracles but we should at least have some indication of its policy and some evidence that it recognises the seriousness of the whole situation. These figures would be bad enough if they represented a correct assessment of the economic situation of the country but they do not. Every Deputy knows that last year there was a flood-tide of emigration. People who were in jobs this time last year in this country are in England to-day. A very considerable additional number are contemplating the taking of the emigrant ship at an early date because, particularly in rural areas, the picture is one of unrelieved bleakness.

Last week I asked a question in order to ascertain the unemployment figures in four employment exchange branch offices in Kildare and the answer indicated that the unemployment figures were higher than they had been for a long number of years. In my view, these high unemployment figures will continue to rise as there is a complete sag in employment in various activities which previously offered employment.

In examining this serious unemployment problem, as represented by approximately 86,000 unemployed persons, we must view it against the background that, last year and for the portion of this year which has so far run, we have had unprecedented unemployment. Some of the building trade unions in this country will tell you that they now have more members in England than in Ireland because there has been such a fall in possible employment so far as those building trade operatives are concerned.

Let us bear in mind also that the number of persons employed to-day on forestry operations, on electrical development, on housing and on drainage is substantially lower than it was last year. Because of that fact, you have—in rural areas, in particular— a very serious unemployment problem which is carrying with it—and this is worse than anything else—a conviction in the minds of those unfortunate victims of unemployment that there is no hope for them in this country and that to get out of it as soon as possible is the best means of relieving their plight. The development of that mentality is to be deplored. You can get people to brace themselves for a short period of unemployment. You can get people to withstand hardship for a period in the hope that, in the end, they will see a bright horizon before them. However, when people become convinced that there is nothing here for them, when the picture is one of unrelieved bleakness, they look for the remedy of going to a country where, in the existing organisation of that country, they can get full-time employment.

I was in a part of my constituency yesterday and I called on a shopkeeper on business. I asked him how business was going at present. The shopkeeper in question has been in business for more than 30 years, and he said that business has never been as bad as in the past six months. He said that, from originally being a shopkeeper, he was now being converted into a moneylender. Because his customers have virtually no source of income, he is being compelled to give them goods on credit in the hope that, later on, they can get some kind of a job. He added: "I am getting into difficulties now with my bank because I am giving too much credit. What can I do with people I have lived with all my life except to give them the goods they want in the hope that they will be able to pay for them later?" He then made this extraordinary statement: "I saw the days when people would come into this shop and pass £1 or £5 notes over the counter to pay for goods and take their change away. If you will look at my till you will find that the main currency used in this job now is home assistance vouchers and social welfare drafts." In other words, the community in that particular area were, in the main, living on one or other of two sources of income—home assistance vouchers or unemployment benefit or sickness benefit, but unemployment benefit in the main.

In that area there is a vast amount of work which could be done—afforestation, land division, drainage, turf development, and so on. All that is work of a national character. It would be far more beneficial to employ the people on such work than to give 61/- at the employment exchange to a man with a wife and two children. I make allowances for the Government's difficulties. I do not expect them to perform miracles in our state of economic backwardness but the present situation is extremely serious and immediate steps must be taken to deal with it.

I think, therefore, the Minister might tell us what the Government proposes to do during the next few months to relieve the chronic unemployment situation. What ray of hope will be held out to those people who are now unemployed in the rural areas and who see no prospect whatever of getting employment until the local authorities enter on a new financial year and road schemes are prepared to absorb some of them or, on the other hand, until Bord na Móna is in a position to resume its turf-cutting activities in various areas? Except for these two items of potential employment, the picture in the rural areas is dark and bleak. As the Minister, in particular, is the Minister for Finance, he ought to give the House some indication of what the Government proposes to do to bring down the unemployment figure.

The vital seriousness of the present unemployment problem is the fact that the unemployment figure does not represent a complete appraisal of our economic infirmity due to the fact that a large number of people who would otherwise be unemployed have got off the unemployment register by seeking employment in England. What would we do if these people insisted on staying here and demanded their right to work in their own country? Let it be said that in the past, all Parties, apparently, felt that so long as the emigrant ship was available the unemployment problem could be kept to manageable proportions. How long that situation will continue is another matter.

The number of unemployed is obvious evidence that there is a deep-seated economic malaise and that only the Government can take steps to solve the problem. Therefore, on this occasion, the Minister might avail of the opportunity to say, at least in broad outline, what the Government propose to do. We are entitled to ask him this question: does he intend to allow things to drift as they are drifting or does he propose to make any announcement which will hold out for the 86,000 persons now unemployed a prospect that they will soon be absorbed into productive employment if possible but, at all events, into some employment so as to prevent a continuance of the present demoralising atmosphere which surrounds the whole present unemployment problem?

I do not want to add to what has been said already, but I should like to indicate the position in Limerick. We have over 3,000 unemployed there and as far as I know that is the highest number ever reached in unemployment there. The sum which the Minister proposes to allocate to these schemes amounts to £224,000 in all. That is less than £3 per head of the number unemployed now. I am sure the Minister appreciates that unemployment at present is very distressful indeed. I did not think any Deputy who has spoken here to-day, either on behalf of his own constituents or on behalf of the country as a whole, has exaggerated one iota. In my experience in public life, I do not remember the unemployment position or the distress due to unemployment in my native city being as bad as it is now.

Limerick is essentially a distributing area, a seaport town where raw materials are brought in. Due to the necessity now to restrict imports, largely of wheat and feeding grains, the docks in Limerick are almost shut down. One of the largest factories there will be going out of production for all time. By and large, we in Limerick are faced with a critical problem. Other Deputies have spoken about emigrants going away by sea, but we have the unfortunate experience in Limerick of seeing them go away by sea and by air from Shannon Airport.

I know that the funds at the Minister's disposal are very limited, but I would appeal to him on this occasion to make a greater effort in regard to those who are unemployed—particularly those who are drawing unemployment assistance of 41/- a week for a man, his wife and five or more children—in order to give them at least an opportunity to keep themselves in employable condition, so that if and when work is resumed on any scale, particularly in the building and allied trades, these men will have an opportunity to take up employment. We owe it to this section of the community, from whom £6,000,000 was largely taken in the recent withdrawal of the subsidies on bread and other foodstuffs, at least to repay them something more than £3 per head of the unemployed.

As other Deputies mentioned, every local authority is paying out possibly double last year's figures. I know the figure in Limerick is double the amount of home assistance paid out last year, and this is largely to assist people to pay their rents on housing schemes. It does not need any graphic picture to illustrate the desperate condition of a man with a wife and family, living in a corporation house and called on to pay 11/- and upwards in rent, on a meagre income of a little over £2 a week.

I should like to join other Deputies in asking the Minister—and if he is not the proper Minister, in asking the Government—to indicate, having regard to the very critical position of the country, what are not alone their long-term plans but—more important at the moment—their short-term plans for dealing with the unemployment position throughout the country.

This Vote ought to be taken in its proper perspective and some effort should be made to get it into the proper setting, in order that the country may see how far the Government is facing up to its responsibility in connection with what they themselves have always described as the test of capacity to govern in this country, namely, the attitude towards unemployment and towards emigration.

With regard to the adequacy of this amount, or getting it into proper perspective, the sum now requested, £224,000, is less than the money which was given by the Government as a free gift to the bakers—based as it was, first of all, on a falsehood in the Dáil, and the justification for which has never been admitted since. We were told it was a guarantee which was given by the predecessor of the present Government. That was immediately denied by Deputy Norton.

The question of any relief to the bakers does not arise on this Supplementary Estimate.

The question has been made the basis of comparison. I am merely making this slight reference to it and do not propose to develop it at length, but the question of the bakers' emolument has already been pointed out in this debate.

The Chair has already pointed out that it was not relevant.

There is the comparison of £250,000 to one group and no case for its justification made in the Dáil; and £224,000 now to some part of the 80,000 people signing on the unemployment register. With regard to the setting, this is much more important than the other matter. Deputy Booth, speaking in this debate, accepted a phrase which was used by Deputy Dillon when he talked about the "heroic effort" of the present Government to meet unemployment and its being relieved by emigration. He quoted from an O.E.E.C., Report based entirely on emigration and unemployment figures and paid no attention whatever to the further drift away from the country by reason of increased emigration. Calculations were made in one of the papers recently, that speak of a new peak being reached in 1957, that speak of a very big number extra, something in the nature of 9,000 to 10,000 people extra going out of the country, over what went in a previous peak year. If that be added to those who are unemployed as revealed by the official figures, it will be seen there is no improvement, in what Deputy Booth called the "heroic effort" to reduce the unemployment figure from 12 per cent. to something approaching 9 per cent. That boast is shown to be a false and hollow one. Deputy Booth, however, as a business man, has his mind attracted by another phrase in the O.E.E.C. Report and speaks of what he called "the stern budgetary policy" that the present Government inaugurated. It is in that field I think this Vote ought to be set.

Deputy Kyne said that he understood that the Minister for Lands had explained that the period in which we might suffer by way of lower prices and a lowered standard of living, and so on, was a period of about 20 years. I have not heard it extended as far as that, but the Minister for Lands is certainly on record, speaking at a Fianna Fáil meeting at Castleblakeney in County Westmeath, reported on the 6th of this month, as saying that ten years would be required before this country would be brought to a proper situation. The Minister for Lands and the Minister for Education are the two people who are sent out as a try-out on the community. I suppose the Minister for Lands and the Minister for Education have jangled more skeletons of their own imagining than in any dining-out period of the year round about autumn and winter.

What is the theme of their address at all these meetings? "This country requires more hard work." The theme "hard work" has been played up and down this country—as if this community had the reputation for being either idle or lazy. One of the things certainly attributed to our people, when they leave this country and go to work elsewhere, is their industry, the fact that they work long and laborious hours and the fact that they can bend themselves to all sorts of employment, from even the lowest menial work to the highest skilled work. One thing never alleged against them is that they have any disaffection against work. We have no reputation of being either idlers or lazy people. Of course, the phrase "work harder" does not really mean what these gentlemen mean when they use this phrase. The phrase "work harder" means, as it is understood as a result of the stiff budgetary policy of last year, that people must work at least the same hours and give the same products, for less wages; because right through the whole of the Fianna Fáil policy from 1947 there has been the recurring theme of reducing the purchasing power of the community. It was feared by them— and that is their economic philosophy —that a purchasing power left free in the hands of the spenders of the community——

That matter does not seem to be relevant to any of the sub-heads of this Estimate.

Again I am countering things Deputy Booth spoke of. One of the things he mentioned, from the O.E.E.C. Report, was "the stern budgetary policy". I feel I should be allowed to say what that "stern budgetary policy" is. All this talk of the Minister for Lands about wages and salaries must mean only one thing. He talked about reducing costs. The costs spoken of by the Minister for Lands meant only one thing—wages and salaries. At the Wicklow Chamber of Commerce the Minister for Lands told us that for the next 20 years this country would have to accept a more modest standard of living. He said that wages, profits and salaries would have to be kept at a proper level. He also spoke of the various means by which a more modest standard of living would be imposed on the country.

I must ask the Deputy to relate his remarks to the Supplementary Estimate. What the Minister for Lands said has no relevance to this debate.

I was relating my remarks to what Deputy Booth said about the budgetary policy of O.E.E.C. I relate my remarks to the Supplementary Estimate for £224,000 which is designed to give some little assistance and provide some little money to relieve unemployment. When the Minister for Finance introduced his Budget last May and when gloom was gathering around the House, the Minister for Education said it was a back to work Budget. That was the slogan taken up by Fianna Fáil. If the exactions of the Budget appeared to be very serious, in any event it was going to put people back to work, to increase production and employment, to decrease unemployment. We see now how the Government are facing up to the test, coming in here with a Vote of £224,000 in order to make some little gesture to the figure of unemployment which is growing steadily.

Deputy Norton spoke about 86,000 people being unemployed and he was interrupted by the Minister when he said that was a record figure. I was inclined to agree with the Minister because, of course, it was not a record for Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil reached their record in 1936 when at least 10,000 more than the figure mentioned by Deputy Norton were unemployed. The Fianna Fáil average figure over the years has been nearer to 110,000 than 100,000. In any event we are in the position now where unemployment is rising week by week. This £224,000 has already been spent. I suppose it has had its effect in keeping the unemployment figures from rising to a still higher point. Whatever effect they have had, it is now exhausted and we will now resume the upward march of these figures. We are trying to help the 86,000 unemployed with this little bit of assistance while at the same time emigration has reached a new peak. In addition to that, business is depressed and there is no way in which industrial activity can be given new life. All the forecasts for the next Budget are getting gloomier and gloomier; there will be no reliefs given; nothing more is being promised; there will be more stern taxes and bigger impositions.

The question of taxation does not arise on this Supplementary Estimate.

Except when I relate my remarks to the statement of Deputy Booth who so approved of the O.E.E.C. budgetary policy. That policy meant further increased taxation. I think it was Deputy Norton who said that the people should be allowed some recompense for the removal of the subsidies. We can take it that the subsidies will not be put back. There is no promise of a reduction in emigration, no hope of smaller unemployment figures.

Of course there is no money. If any money had been available it would have been spent, as Deputy Booth said, on the relief of unemployment; it would have been disbursed by way of the Local Authorities (Works) Act and such schemes. Of course there is no money. There is not money even to meet the ordinary expenditure of the State from week to week. There is no money, Deputy Booth said. And Deputy Booth sits behind the Minister for Industry and Commerce who two years ago had a plan for the provision of £100,000,000 without any increased taxation, without resorting to foreign capital.

The Minister's plan may not be discussed on this Vote for employment and emergency schemes.

If £1,000,000 were available at the moment, it would relieve unemployment. Surely my remarks are relevant to the thousands of unemployed people whose disastrous condition could be relieved. Deputy Booth thinks there is no money. What happened to the £100,000,000 which the Minister for Industry and Commerce said he could get within two years? Not merely is it the case that we can afford only £224,000 at this stage to try and relieve the very heavy unemployment now disclosed, but one of these days we shall be discussing Deputy Lemass's new plan to get capital from abroad which, for many years, he frowned upon.

The Deputy is getting far away from the Supplementary Estimate.

I may be, but I am within the ambit in which Deputy Booth and other Deputies were allowed to travel.

In other words, the Chair does not know what it is doing.

Who is the Deputy?

This is one of the Deputies elected to relieve unemployment.

I am glad to know the Deputy who was elected to get "cracking".

I should like to see the Deputy obeying the Chair. He has been called to order several times.

If the Deputy rose to speak on unemployment, he would be glad to be called to order within three minutes. The only Deputy on that side to speak at any length on the Vote was Deputy Burke and he left immediately so that his statements would not be challenged. Deputy Booth was the only other Deputy from that side of the House to speak besides the Minister with his brief introduction. The Minister gave no explanation as to why such an insufficient sum was asked for at this time nor did he tell us of the other means the Government propose to adopt to lessen the unemployment figures. Perhaps Deputy Loughman would oblige us by telling us.

I know as much as the Deputy knows about it.

And I know the plans are not there.

The Deputy is quick on the tongue.

Deputy McGilligan on the Supplementary Estimate.

That is the setting in which I am getting this matter. We have discarded the £100,000,000 plan of the Minister for Industry and Commerce and we are now to draw on foreign resources. We are to get capital in here from American and English sources. We have asked the people to submit to a more moderate standard of living for the next 20 years; we are not bothering about emigration which tends to keep down the unemployment figures. People have got to live according to more moderate standards; they have to live on less money and on money of a debased coinage as the months go on.

The general economic situation is not under review.

Hear, hear.

The Deputy said that with some relief.

May I point out that on a Supplementary Estimate remarks must be related to the sub-headings?

I am relating my remarks to what other people were allowed to say in a wider field than that. I have my notes in regard to what Deputy Booth said and I have not moved outside that widened area. I think it was Deputy Burke who spoke of the success of the last loan, a loan which was very nearly a short term loan. It was at 6 per cent. There had been three loans floated in England——

The Deputy is certainly getting far away from the Estimate in discussing the question of loans.

I am again relating my remarks to what was said by another Deputy. Deputy Burke spoke of the financial wizard the Minister for Finance was because he got £10,000,000 last year. I am concerned with what Deputy Burke said. If Deputy Burke is allowed to traverse that field, I am entitled to answer him. Of course, he ran away from that when it was pointed out that the rate of interest was 6 per cent. That is the kind of confluence people are showing when a ten-year loan has to be floated at 6 per cent. Confidence that has to be bought in that way is very nearly an insult.

That has nothing to do with the Supplementary Estimate.

It has to do with the speeches that were made by Deputy Burke and Deputy Booth. I am as much in order as they were.

The Leas-Cheann Comhairle says the Deputy is not.

The Chair thinks otherwise.

Then I shall deal with that at another time. We are discussing a sum of £224,000, and that is the sole resort the present Government has to the mounting unemployment figures. Even those are not made full and true by the addition of the increased emigration there has been during the past six or seven months. All this unemployment and emigration can be related back to the policy behind the last Budget. This policy was that people were living too well under the previous Government, that they had to be brought down to another level and that their purchasing power must be reduced because if it was not reduced, then the Government had no resort against what they thought was going to be inflation. The measures which we took did prove successful and they will be successful as long as the blundering hands of the Fianna Fáil Government are not put upon them.

We have before us a very small Estimate of £224,000, a Supplementary for the purpose of financing work which, in the main, has already been carried out. On the day on which we are considering this Estimate, we had a reply to a parliamentary question that unemployment is in the region of 86,000. If we refer back again to the attitude taken by members of the present Government and even to the discussions here on the formation of the Government and on the introduction of the Budget last year, we will possibly see on the records an indication that the Government proposed to take some kind of steps to deal with this question of unemployment.

I myself contributed briefly to one of those discussions and, as I recollect, the words I used were that with the new Government, even one that had had some 16 years of experience in office, neither the House nor the country would be expect that unemployment would be cured in a day, or even that it would be cured in a month, but that the House and the country would in the months that followed the setting up of that Government, follow very carefully any steps taken for the purpose of achieving a substantial reduction in the figure of men, women, boys and girls unemployed.

There is no purpose in dwelling too long on the type of propaganda that was issued throughout the country, on the type of posters that were published in my own and other constituencies: "Vote Fianna Fáil and let us get cracking." Hallow'een has come and gone and we do not see any sign of anybody getting cracking. The only way that word can be related to the present situation is the crack of the economic whip on the back of the ordinary citizen and the workers. Certainly in the last few months, there is hardly a working-class family that has not felt the crack of that economic whip.

The man, youth or girl who is compelled to sign at the local labour exchange, either for benefit or assistance, must be thinking very bitterly about the developments of the past 12 months. Instead of observing around them the results of the efforts of a Government that was very proud to use the word "strong," to reduce unemployment or to create, in the words of some of their spokesmen, "conditions which will achieve that end," they find very little comfort in the figures.

I will not attempt to refer to the situation in the rural areas. Deputies familiar with the situation in their own districts have already spoken and have very clearly demonstrated, not the emptiness of promises, but certainly the complete lack of purpose. Within the City of Dublin, the unemployment figures are equally as high, if not higher than, they were when this Government came into office. At the present day, we can record, with a very serious expression of regret, that there are fewer workers employed in the building industry, whether for local authorities or for private interests, than at any time since building recommenced after the emergency. There is no doubt that there has been a greater degree of emigration of building workers, skilled craftsmen and unskilled workers from the City of Dublin during the past year than indeed for many years, and certainly there does not appear to be very much hope in the future. It is not too many years since appeals went out from this House to bring back building workers from England.

A debate on the building industry would not be relevant on this Estimate.

The relevancy to unememployment in the building industry surely arises from the fact that this Supplementary Estimate is for the purpose of providing relief. Amongst other things, urban unemployment——

The Deputy must relate his remarks to the four sub-heads.

That is one of them.

As usual, I will accept your direction. Sir, but nevertheless I am sure you will permit me to remark that a time of serious unemployment in our city is a time at which consideration of an Estimate like this can include reference to the extent of unemployment and reference to the need for moneys such as those referred to under this sub-head.

There are fewer employed in Dublin this year than for many years and far more workers, of any and every kind, have left the city during the past 12 months than for many years. During the course of the debate on the Budget, in May, 1957, I referred in my contribution at that time, to the fact that a Minister of the present Government and a Deputy, who unfortunately passed away some months later, and myself, received a deputation of working-class women who were concerned with the effect of certain actions of the Government. A spokesman of Fianna Fáil indicated that in their view what was urgently needed was employment and he indicated in this House that these working-class women had stated that if their husbands or sons had regular employment in their own city, they would not be so concerned with the increases arising from the withdrawal of the food subsidies.

Those words were uttered here in this House. They surely indicated, as far as the Government and their supporters were concerned, that they were concerned with the existing heavy unemployment at that time and that they were concerned to an extent with the effects of the withdrawal of the food subsidies.

The question of food subsidies is not relevant.

They indicated that they were satisfied that if work was provided, if the ordinary families in our cities were assured that the breadwinners had reasonable employment, their complaints under the other heading would be minimised to a great extent. Nine months have passed. This Government were returned to power because of the belief of the ordinary people in the constituencies of Dublin, and throughout the country, that they had some plans and, given power and authority, would utilise those plans for the purpose of solving the economic difficulties of the country and so resolve the economic difficulties facing each and every family in the country. This was noted nine months ago and nine months later, we have 86,000 unemployed.

The present Estimate, of course, will be passed. There is no doubt about that. Practically all the money is spent. Perhaps the Minister for Finance, in replying to this discussion, will indicate whether, in his view, it was not possible to come before the House this time with a much larger Estimate, with some proposals that would have effect on the existing situation. As I understand it, the moneys provided in the present Supplementary Estimate are to a great extent already spent. Whatever value they had in providing some employment in urban and rural areas has in a large measure disappeared. The Minister might indicate in his reply whether he has anything else in view, because it should be very plain to the general public that this £224,000 is not an additional £224,000 for the future, and no group of citizens, either in urban or rural areas, will obtain any significant assistance from the proceeds of this Estimate.

It has already assisted a number of citizens and one of the criticisms we would make from this bench is that the sum mentioned to-day is a very miserable one, in view of the present situation in our country. We realise, of course, that this is supplementary to an amount already provided but, even when we add it to the original Estimate, it will give no indication to the families who are actually suffering hardship, as a result of unemployment, that there is any vestige left in existence of the dynamic plan which was going to provide for a new era almost overnight.

It is never a pleasant thing at any time, or under any circumstances, to use the words "I told you so", but the most bitter occasion on which words of that nature can be used is an occasion such as this, when, after a period such as has elapsed since the formation of the present Government, the picture is beginning to become very clear. The Government, which through the Minister for Finance, comes before this House seeking this Supplementary Estimate, appears in recent months to have taken up its classic position, that they will let private enterprise, private initiative or private anything you like, deal with the problems which are basically problems of government—the problems of the economic situation of the country. The Estimate will be supported and I trust that the Minister for Finance will not feel that the Deputies who have contributed to this debate have been unduly harsh. It is very difficult to speak nicely, and to use words of praise, when each day in this capital city one sees the numbers of unemployed growing, the numbers of those leaving our city growing, and the economic position of those remaining with us becoming more difficult all the time.

The Government have a responsibility. They accepted that responsibility and, if they have not done it in the past, at least let us hope that in the future they will endeavour to forget the publicity slogans they used in the last election campaign. They should endeavour not to talk so glibly about the housekeeping budget and, at the same time, forget completely about the ordinary housekeeping budget of the citizen and his family. A good national Budget that rests on a budget of the ordinary citizen which is depreciating constantly and imposes increasing hardship on the citizen's family, is of no value to this or any other nation.

Deputy Larkin referred to the fact that the Government had a responsibility in relation to unemployment. He went on to say that the Government accepted that responsibility. I think he might have put it rather stronger by saying that the Government sought that responsibility, and did so in a very definite manner, just 11 months ago. It is right that the occasion of this Supplementary Estimate should be availed of by Deputies to inquire from the Government what progress they have made in discharging the responsibility they so avidly sought this time 12 months ago. I should like to remind those Deputies on the Government side, who owe their seats to the fact that last February and March they convinced the people of this country they had a plan for ending unemployment, that here on this side of the House there is an Opposition that intends to keep the Government alive to its responsibilities.

Last February and March, in every part of the country, Fianna Fáil speakers used the phrase "Unemployment is the test." In the last general election, on every hoarding throughout the country, there was the clarion call "Women, get your men to work. Vote Fianna Fáil." In every part of this country 12 months ago those out of work were told by Fianna Fáil "Change the Government and you can vote yourself into a job."

Did the Minister for Finance think, in introducing the Supplementary Estimate, that it would be a formality? Did he think that this Dáil consisted of so many dummies who would not be prepared to remind him and his colleagues of their responsibilities in this matter? I do not like to estimate numbers but I do estimate that there are some 15 or 16 Deputies sitting in this House who were sent here because they were pledged to implement a policy immediately to end unemployment. How many an unfortunate man 12 months ago was eager to get the pencil in his hand and mark a ballot paper in favour of Fianna Fáil when he heard the present Tánaiste say, as he did on the eve of the last election, "Beginning next month a Fianna Fáil Government will work relentlessly for the ending of unemployment"?

That was 11 months ago. What result has been achieved by a Fianna Fáil Government pledged to work relentlessly for the ending of unemployment? To-day there are over 80,000 people out of work, hopeless, disillusioned Irish citizens who cannot find employment in their own country. In the 11 months that have passed since this Government was sent in to end unemployment there has been a steady stream of emigration of hopeless persons sent out from our shores and forced to seek employment elsewhere. Has that been the result of a Government seriously committed to work relentlessly for the ending of unemployment?

It is indeed unfortunate for the public life of this country that 11 months after an election deliberately fought by the present Government on unemployment, they should come to the Dáil with their hands out for more money to spend in the relief of distress. A sum of £224,000 as a supplementary item is needed now, 11 months later, because unemployment is increasing and because this Government has not a plan to solve it.

I do not know whether the members of the present Government are complacent as regards this matter. I do not know whether they think they can shrug off the responsibility they sought 11 months ago. It is a matter entirely for their individual or collective consciences. Certainly, in the interests of public integrity, I should have expected that, at some stage in the last 11 months, some spokesman of the Government would have given some indication of a policy which would end or seek to reduce unemployment. If this Government is working at all, why can they not tell the people what they are doing? If they have any plans or any policy, why can they not tell the Dáil what those plans are and what the policy is? Are the unemployed to be given no hope now that their votes do not count? Surely some member of the Government, after 11 months' consideration, should be in a position to tell the people of this country what the plan is for unemployment?

The Deputy ought to come now to the Estimate.

I am referring to the fact that money is sought in this Vote for urban employment schemes as a distress measure and if money is sought in that way, we would expect that there would be some statement of policy by the Government which would show what proposals they have to provide permanent employment both in urban and rural areas. Apparently that is not forthcoming and the unemployed must just hope on for the day in which, perhaps, better times may come.

It has been pointed out that the money we are asked to vote now, £224,000, is money already spent, money which, in relation to its expenditure, has had its effect in presumably curbing in some way the unemployment figures. Is it not, therefore, disturbing that, after a total expenditure of over £800,000 on unemployment and emergency schemes which may be put under the collective term of distress measures, there are still 86,000 people unemployed?

I feel that, while the money sought will not be refused by the Dáil, it is right that the opportunity presented should be availed of to seek from the Government some declaration of their policy with regard to the future. Are we to expect that henceforth from time to time Supplementary Estimates of this kind will be sought—stopgap measures to curb temporarily the rise in unemployment? Can we expect now after sufficient time has been given to the Government to see some evidence of a long-term policy and proper planning?

Certainly, so far as we in the Fine Gael Party are concerned, we shall continue to seek such a disclosure of policy from the Government and we shall continue to remind the Government that they sought themselves this responsibility 11 months ago and, having got it, must live up to it.

In a debate of this nature, there is a danger of repetition, but, like my colleagues, I feel that the unemployment situation at the moment is of such dimensions that too much cannot, be said about it. The time of this House, far from being wasted, can be very wisely spent in bringing to the notice of the Minister and the Government the feeling not alone of concern but of frustration that pervades the different constituencies at the moment, so far as the unemployment situation is concerned.

I do not know if any of my colleagues from Cork City have spoken on this already. I think not, but, no doubt, later, they will give us the benefit of their observations on the matter; but I am quite sure that they cannot but agree with me that the unemployment situation in Cork City at the moment is the worst we have known for very many years. As a matter of fact, it is the worst that I can remember since I came into public life.

One aspect of the situation which strikes me very forcibly is the type of person who is now forced to sign on at the local employment exchange. You have people signing on there who were never idle in Cork City before. I met a friend of mine the other day—a man of about 40 years of age, a good, industrious, family man. He told me that he originally went to work at the age of 16; he is now something over 40, and had never been unemployed in his life before. We have experience of people who were in reasonably good, sound, employment a short while ago who are now joining the ranks of the unemployed, people who were creditworthy enough to get loans from the Cork Corporation and the Cork County Council to build their own houses, people who appeared at that time, some few short years ago, to be in reasonably good employment. We can take up the local newspapers in Cork every day now and see that their interests in their bungalows and houses which they set up for themselves and their families are available for anybody who wishes to invest. These houses are being closed up and the man, his wife and family are taking the emigrant ship.

Of course, when the adult population and those already employed are faced with that problem, one is struck forcibly by the lack of opportunities available to boys and girls in their teens about to leave school and for whom the normal course would be to go into jobs of one sort or another.

It has been said here—and I concur —that the Government have difficulties. They are bound to have difficulties and I personally would not expect any Government to be able to work wonders, but I feel that there have been sources left untapped by the Government which would give proper employment. My colleagues from Cork City will confirm me when I say that the unemployment situation amongst the building trade is chronic at the moment and it is not that there is no work to be done.

We have already pointed out on other occasions in the House that, in the City of Cork alone, we require at the moment something like 2,000 houses. The people living in slums and hovels need these houses and the building operatives are there to get cracking on the job, but no progress is being made because no lead is being given by the Government to tackle that problem and absorb these people into useful employment.

It may be asked: what can the Government do about it? I have here in my possession a pamphlet, a news sheet, issued at the by-election immediately preceding the last general election in Cork City and in that by-election we got what might be regarded as a preview of the Fianna Fáil policy for the electors in the general election that followed shortly afterwards. It is interesting now to reflect upon and study some of the statements made there enticing the electors of Cork Borough to return Alderman Galvin to this House, which of course in their simplicity at the time, they duly did.

I am glad that Deputy Galvin is here because no doubt he will be interested to explain to us what has happened between his election and now to make him so silent on this unemployment question. Deputy Galvin in his own personal address to the electors of Cork on that occasion said this:—

"In Fianna Fáil we have set a state of full employment as our goal. We believe it can be achieved. We are working out the details of a dynamic programme of investment which in an expanding economy will bring the nation to that goal."

They were working out the details of it over a year ago—a dynamic policy. No doubt, Deputy Galvin will give us the details later on. He goes on to say:—

"We eagerly await the opportunity of putting that programme before the people."

I can assure Deputy Galvin and the Government that the electors of Cork and all others are eagerly awaiting the implementation of that programme. We are eagerly awaiting an announcement as to what it contains and I seriously suggest to the Government that this humbug must stop, that they have a responsibility to the people they duped on that occasion and that they should make a statement of policy. I move to report progress.

Progress reported; Committee to sit again.
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